The German Revolution As Party Politics GDR, Frmly in His Grip; "The Real Threat to Him David Childs May Not Have Been "Present at Came from Moscow" (P

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The German Revolution As Party Politics GDR, Frmly in His Grip; David Childs. The Fall of the GDR: Germany's Road to Unity. London: Longman, 2001. xvii + 188 pp. $17.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-582-31569-3. Reviewed by William G. Gray Published on H-Diplo (December, 2002) The German Revolution as Party Politics GDR, frmly in his grip; "the real threat to him David Childs may not have been "present at came from Moscow" (p. 9). The twenty-two mem‐ the creation," but he has spent the better part of a bers of the Politburo in 1988 were "men of limited lifetime observing and reporting on developments experience and limited intellectual horizons" (p. in Germany. His frst book-length analysis of con‐ 9). This represents a fair judgment, no doubt, yet ditions in East Germany appeared in 1969; his is a sad commentary on a group that included six 1983 work The GDR: Moscow's German Ally, re‐ survivors of Nazi prison camps and three veter‐ vised in 1988, remains useful as a guide to the ans of the Spanish Civil War (alongside six veter‐ pageantry and party congresses of the ruling So‐ ans of Hitler's Wehrmacht). cialist Unity Party (SED). In 1996 he co-authored a The following chapter provides background volume on East Germany's security organ, the on "The GDR's Flawed Development." Here, with Stasi.[1] Now professor emeritus of German poli‐ precision, Childs runs through the standard list of tics at the University of Nottingham, Childs offers social and economic difficulties faced by the us his account of the precipitous demise of the regime: the strains caused by higher oil prices, the regime he studied for so long. misplaced effort to develop a microchip industry, The result is a densely packed narrative of the the inadequacy and poor quality of housing, and events of 1989-90. Childs assumes familiarity with popular resentment over travel restrictions. He the European scene since 1945 on the part of his observes that in the eyes of East German citizens, readers, opening with a chapter entitled "The GDR "virtually every aspect of the GDR and its allies in 1988--A Stable State?" He offers capsule biogra‐ seemed drab, dreary and provincial compared phies of the country's geriatric leaders and de‐ with the Federal Republic" (p. 32) Even the GDR's scribes how the SED had secured a "leading role" currency, with its lightweight coins, looked and in all facets of East Germany's bureaucratic exis‐ felt shabby in comparison with Western curren‐ tence. Erich Honecker held the party, and thus the cies. That will probably do as an evocation of the H-Net Reviews ghastly ordinariness of everyday life in East Ger‐ Leipzig," when party officials, security forces, and many, but historians may wish their students to civic representatives agreed on the principle of have a deeper exposure to the concepts (such as non-violence. How did there suddenly come to be niche society and Eigen-Sinn) that scholars have 70,000 marchers circling Leipzig on October 9, used in the past decade in exploring how East 1989? Childs' rapid-fire coverage of events does Germans came to terms with their fate.[2] not stop to reflect on broader explanations. As might be expected, Childs has much of in‐ Tellingly, none of the chapters in this book have terest to report on "The Stasi and Internal Securi‐ concluding sections. ty in the GDR." He reminds us that Erich Mielke's Childs returns to his metier, party politics, in Stasi wielded not only an "army of informers," but the next chapter. With near-encyclopedic atten‐ also more traditional means of frepower. "Those tion, he follows the emergence of oppositional in charge of dismantling the MfS in 1990 found groupings: New Forum, Democracy Now, the So‐ 124,593 revolvers, 76,592 sub-machineguns, 3,611 cial Democratic Party, Democratic Awakening, sniper rifles, 449 light machine guns, 766 heavy and more. All save one "seemed to be vaguely eco‐ machine guns, 3,357 anti-tank weapons, 342 anti- logical and vaguely social democratic. Abolition of aircraft machine guns, and 3,303 fare pistols" the GDR did not seem to be part of their aims" (p. (pp. 37-8). Here, as in many other passages, Childs 81). Childs's unromantic attitude toward these presents lists that charm with their exaggerated groups allows him to stay focused on another, level of detail. Several well-chosen examples perhaps more dramatic development, the reform demonstrate the extent of the Stasi's penetration of the ruling SED itself. Party membership plum‐ of the schools, academia, and the literary world. meted in October and November, but those who The agency's success in stage-managing crowds-- remained insisted on a thorough purge of the cor‐ the "Potemkin village" effect--is illustrated with rupt Politburo and later the Central Committee as two significant cases: the 1973 World Festival of well. In the midst of all this upheaval, the party Youth and Students in East Berlin, and the 1981 leadership dropped the ball on travel reform, un‐ visit by Honecker and Helmut Schmidt to Gn‐ intentionally prompting a dramatic breach in the strow. Finally, Childs makes plain how grim life Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989. could become for dissidents and those who fled After a quick survey of international respons‐ official requests to emigrate. es, ranging from Margaret Thatcher's apprehen‐ One of the author's less satisfactory chapters sion to Francois Mitterrand's ambiguity to Helmut concerns the sudden emergence of the crowd as a Kohl's surprise announcement of a ten-point plan force for change in East Germany. He emphasizes for German unity (as a confederation, not neces‐ that in the early months of 1989, business was sarily as a centralized political entity), Childs ex‐ running as usual. Prominent West German visi‐ plores how reform communist Hans Modrow at‐ tors came a-courting, yet border guards were still tempted to keep the GDR from dissolving. Mod‐ gunning down escapees at the Berlin Wall. What row restored the singing of the GDR's national an‐ follows next is a tumble of remarkable events: ac‐ them, which Honecker had suppressed for its na‐ cusations of blatant fraud (echoed by Gorbachev tionalist implications. Modrow also moved to re‐ himself) in the May 1989 elections; the opening of structure the Stasi as an Office for National Secu‐ the Hungarian-Austrian border, which offered rity, only to press for an outright abolition of the East German vacationers an immediate escape secret police soon thereafter. Curiously, Childs route; the pathetic ritual of the GDR's fortieth an‐ makes no mention of a key moment in popular niversary celebrations; and the "miracle of memories of the revolution: the storming of the 2 H-Net Reviews Stasi headquarters in Berlin's Normannenstrasse On balance, instructors may fnd this text use‐ on January 15, 1990. ful when preparing lectures (this reviewer has), From here, the story is one of West German but Childs's matter-of-factness is unsuited to pro‐ politicians crowding onto the East German scene. voking thoughtful responses from students. De‐ Childs covers the East German Volkskammer elec‐ spite the promising series title--Themes in Modern tions of March 1990 in loving detail, outlining the German History--there is nothing thematic about various electoral alliances and expounding on the the author's approach. For this reason, the stan‐ character of the election law before moving on to dard works by Konrad Jarausch (1994) and present the outcome: an overwhelming victory Charles S. Maier (1997) remain more satisfactory for the "Alliance for Germany" led by Kohl. With‐ as English-language interpretations of East Ger‐ out venturing into partisanship, Childs fnds it "as‐ many's downfall.[3] The best moments in Childs's tonishing" that some, in hindsight, question the text involve personal anecdotes from the months validity of the results; after all, 93.4 percent of eli‐ of revolution. In September 1989, Thatcher grum‐ gible voters turned out, a higher proportion than bles to Childs that there is no German Question. in any West German election before or since. Three months later, Childs encounters erstwhile Based on his own interviews of voters in March SED reformers at the SED/PDS party conference 1990, Childs concludes that East Germans opted looking slightly dazed and not quite comprehend‐ "not for the Greens or the SPD, who were ambiva‐ ing that their time had passed. Undoubtedly lent about re-unification, but for the parties most Childs could produce a lengthy and insightful vol‐ clearly identified with it and all things Western" ume based on individual episodes; such a "unifi‐ (pp. 128, 132-33). cation journal" from the pen of a veteran GDR ob‐ server would represent a welcome addition to the The newly elected Volkskammer had one cen‐ growing memoir literature of 1989-90. tral mandate: to prepare the ground for a unified German state. It was during these months that the Notes Treuhandanstalt and the Gauck Authority--two [1]. David Childs, East Germany (New York: principal agents of the GDR's self-dismantling-- Praeger, 1969); The GDR: Moscow's German Ally took shape. Childs notes that the purge of schools (Boston: Allen and Unwin, 1983); and David Childs and university faculties also began during these and Richard Popplewell, The Stasi: The East Ger‐ months of transition, well before political unifica‐ man Intelligence and Security Service (New York: tion on October 3, 1990. Some promises were New York University Press, 1996). quickly betrayed. For example, the People's Army [2]. For an undergraduate survey text that did not retain an independent existence after all, does introduce these concepts, see Mike Dennis, and a strikingly low proportion of former East The Rise and Fall of the German Democratic Re‐ German officers and NCOs found a welcome place public, 1945-1990 (London: Longman, 2000).
Recommended publications
  • Copyrighted Material
    Index Note: page numbers of plates and maps are given in italics. 9/11, 291 Ahlen programme, 120 Abgrenzung, 174, 246 air force, in Third Reich, 74 Abitur, 193, 196 air raids Abyssinia, 75 on Britain, 82 academics on Germany, 85, 101 emigration, 64 alienation theory, 186–187, 204 post war issues, 128 Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund acculturation, 291 (ADGB), 43, 71 Ackermann, Anton Alliance for Germany, 274 (1905–73), 157 Allies, 26, 102, 103, 107, 108, 109, action theory, 231 149, 150, 173, 273–274, 309, 314 Adenauer, Konrad (1876–1967), 120, democratization of Germany, 228, 250, 283, 297, 309, 313 117–122 period of office, 138–139, 147–148, denazification and re-education, 149, 150, 151–157, 163, 163, 122–129, 190 164–165 division of Germany, 136–141 ADGB (Allgemeiner Deutscher economic transformation of Ger- Gewerkschaftsbund), 43, 71 many, 129, 131, 133–136, 154 Adorno, Theodor (1903–69), 33, 229 evacuation of Rhineland, 32 Afghanistan, 291 and political framework, 113–117 Soviet invasion, 181, 224 see also Britain; Soviet Union; agrarian bolshevism,COPYRIGHTED 54 United States MATERIAL of America (USA) agricultural protectionism, 47 Alsace, 232 agriculture, 60, 72, 128–129, 184 Alsace-Lorraine, 26, 92 collectivization, 132, 162 Aly, Götz (1947– ), 101 reorganization, 178 Andersch, Alfred (1914–80), 242 A History of Germany 1918–2014: The Divided Nation, Fourth Edition. Mary Fulbrook. © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 0002216775.INDD 345 9/26/2014 1:32:40 PM 346 Index Anderson, Sascha
    [Show full text]
  • Driven Into Suicide by the Communist Regime of the German Democratic
    Central European History 0 (2019), 1–23. © Central European History Society of the American Historical Association, 2019 doi:10.1017/S0008938919000165 1 2 3 Driven into Suicide by the Communist Regime of the 4 German Democratic Republic? On the Persistence 5 6 of a Distorted Perspective 7 8 Q1 Udo Grashoff 9 10 ABSTRACT. The assumption that the Communist dictatorship in the German Democratic Republic 11 (GDR) drove many people to suicide has persisted for decades, and it is still evident in academic 12 and public discourse. Yet, high suicide rates in eastern Germany, which can be traced back to the 13 nineteenth century, cannot be a result of a particular political system. Be it monarchy, 14 democracy, fascism, or socialism, the frequency of suicide there did not change significantly. In 15 fact, the share of politically motivated suicides in the GDR amounts to only 1–2 per cent of the 16 total. Political, economic, or socio-cultural factors did not have a significant impact on suicide 17 rates. An analysis of two subsets of GDR society that were more likely to be affected by 18 repression—prisoners and army recruits—further corroborates this: there is no evidence of a 19 higher suicide rate in either case. Complimentary to a quantitative approach “from above,” a qualitative analysis “from below” not only underlines the limited importance of repression, but 20 also points to a regional pattern of behavior linked to cultural influences and to the role of 21 religion—specifically, to Protestantism. Several factors nevertheless fostered the persistence of 22 an overly politicized interpretation of suicide in the GDR: the bereaved in the East, the media in 23 the West, and a few victims of suicide themselves blamed the regime and downplayed important 24 individual and pathological aspects.
    [Show full text]
  • Popular Representation of East Germany
    Popular Representation of East Germany: Whose History is It?i I am sitting with Jens Reich, who though much older now, is still recognizable as the face which became so well known to Western audiences in the autumn of 1989, as the bloodless revolution of East Germany unfolded on their television sets. Reich, a molecular biologist by training, was one of the thirty founding members of the group Neues Forum (“New Forum”) which helped to galvanize East German resistance in the revolutionary autumn, and became one of the most well-known voices of the citizen’s movement, especially in the West because unlike many other East Germans, he spoke English very well. It is two decades since we last met, and we are talking about the intervening years, the whirlwind of changes he has witnessed and in which he has been a key player. He is philosophical about how history – this history – is represented. Admidst the fanfare of anniversaries marking the distance of time since the iconic opening of the Berlin Wall, he struggles to recognize himself in what is being portrayed as this moment of political rupture. …as history settles… we see history about these things which we were in the midst of – when it’s the 20th anniversary, and soon it will be the 25th anniversary, what we see on television, what we read in books, I have always the feeling, what is being settled as history is not what happened! From one point of view it is highly – one always sees the same images, the same TV clips, even though there is obviously much more in the files and the TV archives - highly stereotypical.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rhetorical Crisis of the Fall of the Berlin Wall
    THE RHETORICAL CRISIS OF THE FALL OF THE BERLIN WALL: FORGOTTEN NARRATIVES AND POLITICAL DIRECTIONS A Dissertation by MARCO EHRL Submitted to the Office of Graduate and Professional Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Chair of Committee, Nathan Crick Committee Members, Alan Kluver William T. Coombs Gabriela Thornton Head of Department, J. Kevin Barge August 2018 Major Subject: Communication Copyright 2018 Marco Ehrl ABSTRACT The accidental opening of the Berlin Wall on November 9th, 1989, dismantled the political narratives of the East and the West and opened up a rhetorical arena for political narrators like the East German citizen movements, the West German press, and the West German leadership to define and exploit the political crisis and put forward favorable resolutions. With this dissertation, I trace the neglected and forgotten political directions as they reside in the narratives of the East German citizen movements, the West German press, and the West German political leadership between November 1989 and February 1990. The events surrounding November 9th, 1989, present a unique opportunity for this endeavor in that the common flows of political communication between organized East German publics, the West German press, and West German political leaders changed for a moment and with it the distribution of political legitimacy. To account for these new flows of political communication and the battle between different political crisis narrators over the rhetorical rights to reestablish political legitimacy, I develop a rhetorical model for political crisis narrative. This theoretical model integrates insights from political crisis communication theories, strategic narratives, and rhetoric.
    [Show full text]
  • Katalog FR En Web.Pdf
    » WE ARE THE PEOPLE! « EXHIBITION MAGAZINE PEACEFUL REVOLUTION 1989/90 Published as part of the theme year “20 Years since the Fall of the Wall” by Kulturprojekte Berlin GmbH CONTENTS 7 | OPENING ADDRESS | KLAUS WOWEREIT 8 | OPENING ADDRESS | BERND NEUMANN 10 | 28 YEARS OF THE WALL 100 | TIMELINE 106 | HISTORY WITH A DOMINO EFFECT 108 | PHOTO CREDITS 110 | MASTHEAD 2 CONTENTS 14 | AWAKENING 38 | REVOLUTION 78 | UNITY 16 | AGAINST THE DICTATORSHIP 40 | MORE AND MORE EAST GERMANS 80 | NO EXPERIMENTS 18 | THE PEACE AND ENVIRONMENTAL WANT OUT 84 | ON THE ROAD TO UNITY MOVEMENT IN THE GDR 44 | GRASSROOTS ORGANISATIONS 88 | GERMAN UNITY AND WORLD POLITICS 22 | it‘s not this countrY – 48 | REVOLTS ALONG THE RAILWAY LINE 90 | FREE WITHOUT BORDERS yOUTH CULTURES 50 | ANNIVERSARY PROTESTS 96 | THE COMPLETION OF UNITY 24 | SUBCULTURE 7 OCTOBER 1989 26 | THE OPPOSITION GOES PUBLIC 54 | EAST BErlin‘s gETHSEMANE CHURCH 30 | ARRESTS AND EXPULSIONS 56 | WE ARE THE PEOPLE! 34 | FIRST STEPS TO REVOLUTION 60 | THE SEd‘s nEW TACTIC 62 | THE CRUMBLING SYSTEM 66 | 4 NOVEMBER 1989 70 | 9 NOVEMBEr 1989 – THE FALL OF THE WALL 74 | THE BATTLE FOR POWER CONTENTS 3 4 IMPRESSIONS OF THE EXHIBITION INSTALLATION © SERGEJ HOROVITZ 5 6 IMPRESSIONS OF THE EXHIBITION INSTALLATION OPENING ADDRESS For Berlin, 2009 is a year of commemorations of the moving Central and Eastern European countries and Mikhail Gorbachev’s events of 20 years ago, when the Peaceful Revolution finally policy of glasnost and perestroika had laid the ground for change. toppled the Berlin Wall. The exhibition presented on Alexander- And across all the decades since the airlift 60 years ago, Berlin platz by the Robert Havemann Society is one of the highlights of was able to depend on the unprecedented solidarity of the Ameri cans, the theme year “20 Years since the Fall of the Wall”.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fall of the Wall: the Unintended Self-Dissolution of East Germany’S Ruling Regime
    COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN, ISSUE 12 /13 131 The Fall of the Wall: The Unintended Self-Dissolution of East Germany’s Ruling Regime By Hans-Hermann Hertle ast Germany’s sudden collapse like a house of cards retrospect to have been inevitable.” He labeled this in fall 1989 caught both the political and academic thinking “whatever happened, had to have happened,” or, Eworlds by surprise.1 The decisive moment of the more ironically, “the marvelous advantage which historians collapse was undoubtedly the fall of the Berlin Wall during have over political scientists.”15 Resistance scholar Peter the night of 9 November 1989. After the initial political Steinbach commented that historians occasionally forget upheavals in Poland and Hungary, it served as the turning very quickly “that they are only able to offer insightful point for the revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe and interpretations of the changes because they know how accelerated the deterioration of the Soviet empire. Indeed, unpredictable circumstances have resolved themselves.”16 the Soviet Union collapsed within two years. Along with In the case of 9 November 1989, reconstruction of the the demolition of the “Iron Curtain” in May and the details graphically demonstrates that history is an open opening of the border between Hungary and Austria for process. In addition, it also leads to the paradoxical GDR citizens in September 1989, the fall of the Berlin Wall realization that the details of central historical events can stands as a symbol of the end of the Cold War,2 the end of only be understood when they are placed in their historical the division of Germany and of the continent of Europe.3 context, thereby losing their sense of predetermination.17 Political events of this magnitude have always been The mistaken conclusion of what Reinhard Bendix the preferred stuff of which legends and myths are made of.
    [Show full text]
  • Bstu / State Security. a Reader on the GDR
    Daniela Münkel (ed.) STATE SECURITY A READER ON THE GDR SECRET POLICE Daniela Münkel (ed.) STATE SECURITY A READER ON THE GDR SECRET POLICE Imprint Federal Commissioner for the Records of the State Security Service of the former German Democratic Republic Department of Education and Research 10106 Berlin [email protected] Photo editing: Heike Brusendorf, Roger Engelmann, Bernd Florath, Daniela Münkel, Christin Schwarz Layout: Pralle Sonne Originally published under title: Daniela Münkel (Hg.): Staatssicherheit. Ein Lesebuch zur DDR-Geheimpolizei. Berlin 2015 Translation: Miriamne Fields, Berlin A READER The opinions expressed in this publication reflect solely the views of the authors. Print and media use are permitted ON THE GDR SECRET POLICE only when the author and source are named and copyright law is respected. token fee: 5 euro 2nd edition, Berlin 2018 ISBN 978-3-946572-43-5 6 STATE SECURITY. A READER ON THE GDR SECRET POLICE CONTENTS 7 Contents 8 Roland Jahn 104 Arno Polzin Preface Postal Inspection, Telephone Surveillance and Signal Intelligence 10 Helge Heidemeyer The Ministry for State Security and its Relationship 113 Roger Engelmann to the SED The State Security and Criminal Justice 20 Daniela Münkel 122 Tobias Wunschik The Ministers for State Security Prisons in the GDR 29 Jens Gieseke 130 Daniela Münkel What did it Mean to be a Chekist? The State Security and the Border 40 Bernd Florath 139 Georg Herbstritt, Elke Stadelmann-Wenz The Unofficial Collaborators Work in the West 52 Christian Halbrock 152 Roger Engelmann
    [Show full text]
  • Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany
    Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany Roland Bleiker Monograph Series Number 6 The Albert Einstein Institution Copyright 01993 by Roland Bleiker Printed in the United States of America. Printed on Recycled Paper. The Albert Einstein Institution 1430 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 ISSN 1052-1054 ISBN 1-880813-07-6 CONTENTS Acknowledgments ................... .... ... .. .... ........... .. .. .................. .. .. ... vii Introduction ..............................................................................................1 Chapter 1 A BRIEF HISTORY OF DOMINATION, OPPOSITION, AND REVOLUTION IN EAST GERMANY .............................................. 5 Repression and Dissent before the 1980s...................................... 6 Mass Protests and the Revolution of 1989 .................................... 7 Chapter 2 THE POWER-DEVOLVING POTENTIAL OF NONVIOLENT S"I'RUGGLE................................................................ 10 Draining the System's Energy: The Role of "Exit" ...................... 10 Displaying the Will for Change: The Role of "Voice" ................ 13 Voluntary Servitude and the Power of Agency: Some Theoretical Reflections ..................................................15 Chapter 3 THE MEDIATION OF NONVIOLENT STRUGGLE: COMPLEX POWER RELATIONSHIPS AND THE ENGINEERING OF HEGEMONIC CONSENT ................................21 The Multiple Faces of the SED Power Base ..................................21 Defending Civil
    [Show full text]
  • The Image of the German Democratic Republic in the British Press 1972-1989
    The image of the German Democratic Republic in the British press 1972-1989 Nicole Sparwasser Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Languages, Cultures and Societies March, 2016 II The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his/her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. © 2016 The University of Leeds and Nicole Sparwasser III Acknowledgements The writing of this dissertation has been one of the biggest challenges I have ever faced. Without the support of the following people, this project would not have been completed. First, I would like to express my gratitude for the academic and technical support given by University of Leeds and its staff, and in particular for the award of an Arts and Humanities Research Scholarship that provided the necessary financial support for this project. Moreover, I would like to extend my thanks to all of the members of staff in the German department, and in particular to Professor Ingo Cornils, Dr Ingrid Sharp, Dr Helen Finch, Dr Chris Homewood, Dr Giles Harrington and Dr Jane Wilkinson for their encouragement, guidance and support. My special thanks go to my former colleagues Mandy Poetzsch and Thomas Jochum-Critchley, whose door was always open for me. I would also like to show my greatest appreciation to my supervisors Professor Paul Cooke and Dr Moritz Foellmer for their invaluable support, guidance and encouragement.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fall of the GDR Germany's Road to Unity
    Published on Reviews in History (https://reviews.history.ac.uk) The Fall of the GDR Germany’s Road to Unity Review Number: 280 Publish date: Sunday, 30 June, 2002 Author: David Childs ISBN: 9780582315686 Date of Publication: 2001 Price: £14.99 Pages: 205pp. Publisher: Longman Publisher url: http://www.pearsonhighered.com Place of Publication: N/A Reviewer: Jan Palmowski In The Fall of the GDR, David Childs discusses the collapse of the GDR up to unification. He begins by discussing the leadership structure of the GDR, and notes in particular the relative longevity and the geriatric age structure of the Politbureau in the 1980s. This is complemented by a discussion of the administrative structure of the state, its mass organizations, and the potential for opposition in the mid-1980s. If the first chapter has set the scene for the impending collapse of the GDR, the second chapter presents an overview over the history of the GDR. The author emphasizes in particular the structural deficits that burdened the state. These deficits were compounded by the economic policies of the communist regime. As a result, the GDR was forced, in 1983 and 1984, to accept massive loans to keep the whole state afloat. This section then lists other elements in the state’s ‘Flawed Development’: its inadequate housing stock, and the lack of a separate GDR identity and the failure to develop one in the face of the glamorous and evidently more consumerist Federal Republic. These factors can be taken as reasons why, according to studies conducted by the Central Institute for Research on Youth, by May 1988 only 28 per cent of young people asked identified themselves as proud citizens of the GDR.
    [Show full text]
  • Book Proposal
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Brunel University Research Archive Of ‘Raisins’ and ‘Yeast.’ Mobilisation and framing in the East German revolution of 1989 Gareth Dale (draft) There is no shortage of literature on the social movements that arose in East Germany in 1989. Numerous studies have shed light upon the nature, scale and dynamics of the uprising of that year. But on certain issues questions remain. No consensus exists, for example, on the relationship between the ‘civic groups’ (New Forum, Democratic Awakening, etc.) and the street protests of the autumn of 1989. Were these simply two facets of a single movement? Or are they better characterised as two distinct streams within the same movement delta? Did the street protests push the civic movement activists into the limelight? Or is it more accurate to say, with Reinfried Musch, that ‘the civic movement brought the people onto the streets’?1 This paper considers two contrasting interpretations of these issues, and finds both wanting. An alternative interpretation is offered, one that draws upon Marc Steinberg’s ‘dialogical’ development of frame theory. Did opposition activists play the role of ‘movement organisers’? The dominant viewpoint is that civic activists were central to the process of mobilisation in 1989. They created focal points at which resistance gathered. They ‘brought the people onto the streets.’ In Mary Fulbrook’s words, it was the ‘leaven of dissident groups’ which ‘began to raise the bread of the largely subordinate masses.’2 The civic groups were, according to Karsten Timmer, a ‘mobilising force,’ one that ‘offered many thousands of people the opportunity to get involved constructively, and tapping into the ubiquitous sentiment that something must be done.’3 Yet there are many who see the matter otherwise.
    [Show full text]
  • The Berlin Republic: Reunification and Reorientation Manfred Görtemaker
    The Berlin Republic: Reunification and Reorientation Manfred Görtemaker The “peaceful revolution” that took place in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in the autumn of 1989 and led to the reunification of Germany on 3 October 1990, came as a surprise to most people at the time.1 After the construction of the Berlin Wall on 13 August 1961, reunification was considered highly unlikely, if not impossible. The political, military and ideological contrast between East and West stood in the way of any fundamental change in the status quo. Even the Germans themselves had gradually become accustomed to the conditions of division. The younger generation no longer shared any personal memories of a single Germany. In addiction to the fact that since the early 1970s, the two German states had been developing “normal, good-neighbourly relations with each other on the basis of equal rights”, as stated in The Basic Treaty of 21 December 1972 between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, was generally regarded as normality.2 THE DISINTEGRATION OF THE GDR However, the appearance of stability in the GDR was only superficial. It was based on the presence of 380,000 Soviet soldiers 1 For a detailed account see Ilko-Sascha Kowalczuk, Endspiel. Die Revolution von 1989 in der DDR, München 2009. 2 Vertrag über die Grundlagen der Beziehungen zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik vom 21. Dezember 1972, in: Dokumente des geteilten Deutschland. Mit einer Einführung hrsg. von Ingo von Münch, vol. II, Stuttgart 1974, p. 301. Source of English translation: The Bulletin, vol.
    [Show full text]