DOCSLIB.ORG

Addis Ababa Universiy

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Addis Ababa Universiy ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSIY COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCEINCES CENTER FOR AFRICAN AND ORIENTAL STUDIES EVALUATING THE CHALLENGES OF IGAD-LED PEACE PROCESS OF SOUTH SUDAN BY MULUGETA BIRHANU ADDIS ABABA October, 2016 EVALUATING THE CHALLENGES OF IGAD-LED PEACE PROCESS OF SOUTH SUDAN A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES OF 1 ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIRMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN AFRICAN STUDIES (STATE AND CITEZENSHIP IN AFRICA) BY: MULUGETA BIRHANU ADVISOR: SAMUEL TEFERA (PhD) ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES CENTER FOR AFRICAN AND ORIENTAL STUDIES ADDIS ABABA October, 2016 ADDIS ABABA UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE CENTER FOR AFRICAN AND ORIENTAL STUDIES EVALUATING THE CHALLENGES OF IGAD-LED PEACE PROCESS OF SOUTH SUDAN BY 2 MULUGETA BIRHANU Approved by the Board of Examiners: Dr.__________________________ ________________ _________________ Advisor Signature Date Dr.__________________________ _________________ _________________ External Examiner Signature Date Dr.__________________________ __________________ _________________ Internal Examiner Signature Date 3 Acknowledgement I would like to express my most cordial gratitude to all those who made this thesis possible. First, I would like to thank my advisor Dr. Samuel Tefera for his guidance and encouragement. I would also like to thank all my key informants for their obedience and willingness to bestow valuable information for this study. I would like to forward my appreciation to my beloved wife (Adenech Bekele), for her unreserved encouragement and for standing by my side as well as for her financial support throughout the study. Further, I would like to thank my entire families and my friends (Meseret Bekele, Adene W/Abe and Bekele Habitamu), for their unlimited assistance in sharing their experience and suggestions respectively. Finally, I would like to thank Assefa Makebo (Fr.) Holy Saviour's Catholic School Director in Hossana for his assistance in contacting with my key informants. Abstract The purpose of study is to evaluate the challenges of IGAD-led peace process of South Sudan. Its objective is to evaluate and assess the challenges surrounding the South Sudan peace process mediated by the IGAD-led team. To address these objectives, the researcher employed qualitative research design to make use of its advantage in gaining detailed information about the issue, to examine reflections, understandings and knowledge of negotiators and refugees by offering an in-depth understanding of a particular problem and challenges. South Sudan became 4 an independent state from the Sudan in July 9, 2011, following an internationally monitored referendum, which was held on 9 January. However, almost after three years of independence, the world newest state backslide into the horrific civil war on 15, December 2013, due to the power rivalry within SPLM/A. The war resulted in the massive loss of human life and property destruction. Consequently, the regional organization, IGAD swiftly launched the peace process on Saturday 4th January 2014, in order to halt the crisis in South Sudan. Nevertheless, the peace process faced enormous internal and external challenges during the peace talk and also at present the Joint Monitoring and Evolution Commission (JMEC)is facing impediment in the implementation process. Based on the findings of this study, the researcher recommends the concerned bodies such as the IGAD, AU, IGAD-Plus and UN should exert pressure on both warring parties so as to speed up the implementation process of Peace Agreement because the South Sudanese are suffering by intense security problems and food crisis associated with the conflict up until now. Besides, the international community should keep out, those who are uncompromising and create impediment to the implementation of the peace accord, from the rank of Transitional Government of National Unity (TGONU). Because the evidences indicate that both belligerent parties leaders are not portrayed their political will and good faith to implement the Peace Concord. Key words: Conflict, Challenges, Conflict Resolution, Peace, Peace-building, South Sudan Lists of Acronyms ABC Abyei Boundary Commission AU African Union AUCISS African Union Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan ALF Azania Liberation Front 5 DDR Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration CPA Comprehensive Peace Agreement COH Cessation of Hostilities CTSAMM Ceasefire and Transitional Security Arrangement Monitoring Mechanism DOP Declaration of Principles DUP Democratic Unionist Party EFMA Economic and Financial Management Authority EU European Union FD Former Detainees GOS Government of Sudan GOSS Government of South Sudan GONU Government of National Unity HSBASSS Human Security Baseline Assessment for Sudan and South Sudan IASSW International Association of School of Social Work ICG International Crisis Group IFSW International Federation of Social Work ICF Islamic Charter Front IGAD Inter-governmental Authority on Development IPF IGAD Partners Forum IMF International Monetary Fund IPC Integrated Food Security Phase Classification JIUs Joint Integrated Units JMEC Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission LRA Lord Resistance Army MVM Monitoring and Verification Mechanism NCP National Congress party NDA National Democratic Alliance NEC National Elections Commission NIF National Islamic Front NIF/NCP National Islamic Front or National Congress party NUP National Unionist Party PCSG Payson Conflict Study Group PDF Protection and Deterrent Force PSC Peace and Security Council SAF Sudan Army Force SAF Sudan Alliance Forces SANU Sudan African National Union SDSRB Strategic Defense and Security Review Board SPLA Sudan People's Liberation Army SPLM Sudan People's Liberation movement SPLM/A-IO Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army-In Opposition SPLM/A Sudan People's liberation Movement/Army SSCC South Sudan Council of Churches SSDF South Sudan Democratic Front SSIM South Sudan Independence Movement 6 SSLM South Sudan Liberation Movement SI Sudd Institute SSPG South Sudan Provisional Government TMC Transitional Military Council TGONU Transitional Government of National Unity UNMISS United Nations Mission In South Sudan UNSC United Nation Security Council UPDF Ugandan People's Defense Force Table of Contents Page Acknowledgement ………………………………………………………………………………...I Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………...II Lists of Acronyms………………………………………………………………………………..III Chapter One……………………………………………………………………………………….1 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………….……….1 1.1. Background…………………………………………………………..……………………….1 1.2. Statement of the Problem of the study…………………………………………………..……6 1.3. Justification of the Study…………………………………………………..…………………9 1.4. Objectives of the Study…………………………………………………..………………….10 1.4.1. General Objective…………………………………………………..……………..10 1.4.2. Specific Objectives …………………………………………………..…………...10 1.5. Research Questions …………………………………………………..……………………..11 1.6. Significance of the Study…………………………………………………..………………..11 1.7. Organization of the Study …………………………………………………..………………11 1.8. Scope of the Study…………………………………………………..………………………13 1.9. Limitations of the Study …………………………………………………..……………..…13 Chapter Two…………………………………………………..…………………………….....…15 2. Conceptual Framework and Review of Literature…………………………………………….15 2.1. Concept of Peace ………………………………………………………………………...….15 2.2. Concepts of Conflict Resolution.............................................................................................16 2.2.1. Negotiation...............................................................................................................17 7 2.2.2. Mediation.................................................................................................................17 2.2.3. Arbitration................................................................................................................18 2.2.4. Conciliation..............................................................................................................18 2.2.5. Shuttle Diplomacy...................................................................................................19 2.3.The Notion of Peace-building..................................................................................................19 2.4. Actors and Approaches to Peace-building..............................................................................20 2.4.1. Track One Diplomacy..............................................................................................20 2.4.2. Track Two Diplomacy.............................................................................................21 2.4.3. Track Three Diplomacy...........................................................................................21 2.5. Liberal Peace-building versus Post-liberal Peace-building/Hybrid Peace-building...............22 2.6. Historical Underpinnings of Conflict in Sudan…………………………………………..…23 2.7. South Sudan during the Anglo-Egyptian Rule…………………………………………..…24 2.8. South Sudan during Independence Movement…………………………………………..…26 2.9. Genesis of Southern Armed Struggle…………………………………………..…………...28 2.10. The Foreign Relation of Sudan People's Liberation Movement During the Second Civil War (1983-2005) …………………………………………..………………………..…...42 2.11. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement and Its provisions …..…………………………….44 2.11.1. Provision of the CPA …..……………………………………..............................45 2.12. The Path to South Sudan Self-determination .………………………..................................49
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Marginalisation and Violence Considering Origins of Insurgency and Peace Implementation in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan
    Marginalisation and violence Considering origins of insurgency and peace implementation in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan INTRODUCTION and narrow base of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Both agreements were essentially Renewed interest in investigating the causes of confl ict exclusive power-sharing deals between the main rebel in Africa’s Sahel region can be partly credited to Homer- organisations and the government regime. Consequently, Dixon’s work1, in which he links ‘environmental scarcity’ a broad-based analysis of the origins of war in the 1980s and violent confl ict. Th is framework has led to a number is necessary for a deeper understanding of the current of analyses on the causes of insurgencies in the Sahel, situation and to provide well-founded policy recommen- which have supported the role of natural resources in dations to minimise the possibility of another large-scale confl ict.2 However, although natural resources are an confl ict in the future. In an eff ort to implement any such important factor in local confl icts in the region, it is recommendations, the extensive role of the international necessary to view them in the social and political context community is fundamental. in which they acquire signifi cance. Th e paper consists of six sections. Th e following Th is paper addresses two issues. First, it builds on section provides a brief historical background to the an argument in earlier research on the Nuba Mountains Nuba and their general relationship with neighbouring that purely resource-based explanations are not suffi cient peoples and the Sudanese state in an attempt to highlight to fi nd comprehensive measures for confl ict resolution,3 Nuba grievances against the state and the governing showing that any resource scarcity explanation needs elite.
    [Show full text]
  • Policy & Practice Brief
    ISSUE # 011 October Policy & Practice Brief 2011 Knowledge for durable peace The New Sudans: The First 100 Days By Dr Kwesi Sansculotte-Greenidge and Dr William Tsuma This Policy & Practice Brief focuses on the challenges facing the two Sudans post separation. 17 October marks 100 days since the fracturing of the Sudan. It is, therefore, an opportune moment for reflection on the state of affairs as the two states move into uncertain futures. The date also offers a chance to assess the trajectories of the two countries as they chart separate, but linked destinies. While assessing the past 100 days, one should be cognisant that the next three years will most likely set the tone for not only the internal dynamics but also the cross-border relations between the two states. This brief highlights the fact that much of the current tension between and within the two states can be seen as a manifestation or projection of internal political dynamics and power struggles. As a result, policy interventions need to be designed to have a dual focus, namely the national capitals and the actual sites of conflict. UN Photo/Tim McKulka Photo/Tim UN Salva Kiir Mayardit, President of the Republic of South Sudan, and Omar Hassan Ahmad Al-Bashir, President of the Sudan at the independence ceremonies for South Sudan on 9 July 2011. Introduction Current conflicts in both the Sudans show that the from a holistic scope. Consequently, the accord was signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement unable to quell all conflict in and between the two (CPA) has not been able to definitively end violent countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Aranzazu Flores Romero
    Documento de trabajo núm. 10, octubre de 2011 Sudán del Sur: el nacimiento de una nueva nación Aranzazu Flores Romero Documento de trabajo núm. 10, octubre de 2011 Sudán del Sur: el nacimiento de una nueva nación Aranzazu Flores Romero Aranzazu Flores Romero, licenciada en ciencias políticas por la Universidad París I Panthéon-Sorbonne y la Univer- sidad Autónoma de Madrid, ha sido técnica de educación cívica y del votante en la División de Asistencia Electoral de la Misión de las Naciones Unidas en el Sudán (UNMIS). Es especialista en transiciones democráticas y persistencia de regímenes autoritarios. Autora: Aranzazu Flores Romero Título: Sudán del Sur: el nacimiento de una nueva nación Edición: Casa Árabe-IEAM (Documentos de Trabajo de Casa Árabe, núm. 10, octubre de 2011) Diseño de cubierta: Íñigo Cabero DL: M-40612-2007 ISSN: 1888-1300 Este documento se edita bajo licencia Creative Commons Reconocimien- to-No comercial-Sin obras derivadas 2.5 España, que permite su libre reproducción, distribución y comunicación bajo las siguientes condiciones: 1) se deben mencionar siempre de forma clara los nombres del autor, traductor, editor y los términos de esta licencia; 2) no se puede utilizar esta obra para fines comerciales; 3) no se puede alterar, transformar o generar una obra derivada a partir de esta obra. Consúltense las condiciones com- pletas de la licencia en: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/es/deed.es Casa Árabe-IEAM no comparte necesariamente las opiniones expresadas en este texto, que son responsabilidad exclusiva de su autora. Casa Árabe es un consorcio formado por: Sudán del Sur: el nacimiento de una nueva nación Aranzazu Flores Romero Con la legitimidad que otorga la celebración de un referéndum de autodeterminación, el continente africano acoge en su seno un nuevo Estado.
    [Show full text]
  • AC Vol 42 No 7)
    www.africa-confidential.com 6 April 2001 Vol 42 No 7 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL SOUTH AFRICA 2 UGANDA Rules of law Lawyers fear the government’s Ungracious winner draft legal practice bill could bring President Museveni’s crushing victory raises concerns about the their profession under state control return of personal rule through a council which would report to the Minister of Justice. ‘Losing is completely hypothetical. It will not happen,’ President Yoweri Museveni told journalists in Kampala on the eve of the presidential election on 13 March. He did not lose and his opponent, Kizza Besigye, is asking the Supreme Court to annul the result because of rigging and intimidation by KENYA 3 Museveni’s campaign team. Besigye’s court action started on 2 April and may last a month. The Court is likely to hear much about the Museveni team’s rough tactics and may see video and audio evidence of Leave it to Sally abuses. Few believe that Besigye will win but reporting of the proceedings will further damage New civil service chief Sally Kosgey Museveni’s reputation as a progressive reformer. He abandoned his revolutionary Marxist views shortly wasted no time in sacking the after winning power in 1986. senior officials installed by her predecessor, Richard Leakey. The Most Ugandans had never before witnessed real elections. Museveni’s first serious challenger - a civil service is safely back in the retired colonel, formerly his personal physician and government minister - is, like the President, Ankole hands of the Kalenjin elite under from the east of the country. He stood as a reformer of the ruling National Resistance Movement, gaining Moi and Nicholas Biwott.
    [Show full text]
  • Nuba Mountains So That Nothing Can Exist There.’13 Zens by Sudan’S Arab Elite, the Nuba’S Was Brutal
    expanding herds.9 Although repre- Yousif Kuwa Mekke, they demanded out of their homes were forcibly relo- senting a ‘bewildering complexity’ of ‘the right to be Nuba’ and an end to cated to ‘peace camps’ in government- tribes,10 with different cultures, inter- marginalization in all its forms. As controlled areas. Nuba women were ests, and grievances, most Nuba are ‘Africans’ within the political bounda- systematically raped and children for- sedentary farmers and share an expe- ries of Arab-dominated northern Sudan, cibly Islamized.12 The head of security rience of oppression. The subjugation they fervently supported SPLA Chair- in South Kordofan, who later sought extends from the slaving raids of the man John Garang’s vision of a ‘New political asylum in Switzerland, said 19th century to the jihad declared against Sudan’, in which all Sudanese would the orders given to government troops them during the civil war by the gov- have equal rights and duties, irrespec- were ‘to kill anything that is alive . ernment of President Omar al-Bashir. tive of ethnicity. to destroy everything, to burn the area Long regarded as second-class citi- The civil war in the Nuba Mountains so that nothing can exist there.’13 zens by Sudan’s Arab elite, the Nuba’s was brutal. The government of Sadiq For 13 years, Nuba in SPLM/A- indigenous cultures and religions were al-Mahdi (1986–89) armed the Baggara controlled areas went without humani- suppressed, and local languages banned. to fight their Nuba neighbours, politi- tarian aid: the government sealed off Many reacted to political, economic, cizing age-old resource tensions.
    [Show full text]
  • Militant Leadership Monitor Is the Man Who Knew Bin Laden: a Look at Hassan Ghul a Publication of the Jamestown by Wladimir Van Wilgenburg
    VOLUME 2 u ISSUE 7 u JULY 2011 IN THIS ISSUE: BRIEFS.........................................................................................................................................1 A PORTRAIT OF ABU BAKR BIN ABDUL AZIZ AL-ATHRI: SALAFI-JIhad’s EMERGING INTERNET IDEOLOGUE By Murad Batal al-Shishani .......................................................................................3 Abd al-Aziz al-Hilu FAZAL SAEED HAQQANI: A NEW PLAYER ON THE JIHADI SCENE IN PAKISTan’s FATA By Arif Jamal.................................................................................................................4 Militant Leadership Monitor is THE MAN WHO KNEW BIN LADEN: A LOOK AT HASSAN GHUL a publication of The Jamestown By Wladimir van Wilgenburg ......................................................................................6 Foundation. It is designed to be read by policy-makers and other specialists yet also be accessible A PROFILE OF SUDANESE REBEL LEADER ABD AL-AZIZ AL-HILU: CONTINUING THE to the general public. In order to CIVIL WAR IN THE NUBA MOUNTAINS purchase a subscription, visit By Andrew McGregor ..................................................................................................8 http://www.jamestown.org/ programs/mlm0/ and click on PAKISTAN RELEASES LASHKAR-E-JHANGVI LEADER log-in. Pakistan’s Supreme Court has released Malik Mohammed Ishaq on bail, a key The opinions expressed within are solely those of the authors figure in the Sunni sectarian outfit Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), after 14 years in and do not necessarily reflect prison (AFP, July 14). Ishaq is believed to have masterminded the deadly attack those of The Jamestown on the Sri Lankan cricket team on March 3, 2009 near Lahore’s Mu’ammar Foundation. Gaddafi stadium while behind bars. Ishaq was released on approximately $12,000 bail from Kot Lakhpat jail in Lahore whereby he was greeted by Unauthorized reproduction or hundreds of supporters who showered him with rose petals (AP, July 14).
    [Show full text]
  • Comrade Chairman of the Liberation Council of the Nuba
    ● Comrade Chairman of the Liberation Council of the Nuba Mountains / South Kordofan region ● Comrades members of the Liberation Council of the Nuba Mountains / South Kordofan region ● Comrades attendees, members of National Leadership Council of the SPLM ● Comrades attendees, members of Leadership Council of the Nuba Mountains / South Kordofan region ● Comrade Chief of Staff of the SPLM-N ● Comrade acting Governor of Nuba Mountains / South Kordofan I greet you in the name of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement on the occasion of the first meeting of the Regional Liberation Council since the second war has started, as the highest political authority in the region in the absence of a national conference Everyone knows the leadership role that the Nuba Mountains has played in practicing democracy thanks to the leader and teacher Yousif Kuwa Makki, who established principles and created a solid foundation for the existing struggle that is based on democracy, freedom of opinion, and collective leadership. Thus, the Nuba Mountains preceded all other regions of the SPLM at the time, to the degree that this prompted the commander and teacher Dr. John Garang at the first national conference in 1994 to borrow the experience of the Nuba Mountains and disseminating it to the national leadership bodies of the SPLM and to all branches and regions at the time. Salute to the martyrs of liberation, the wounded, the orphans and widows, and all freedom fighters; military and civilians. I congratulate you as a unique generation of the Nuba people that was able to achieve a large part of the aspirations and goals of the leadership of the Nuba and the marginalized, the leaders Yousif Kuwa Makki, Phillip Abbas Ghabboush, and Yousif Mubarak Al-Masha.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Pdf
    IMAGES OF SUDAN IMAGES OF SUDAN Case Studies in Propaganda and Misrepresentation DAVID HOILE First Published July 2003 by European-Sudanese Public Affairs Council 1 Northumberland Avenue London WC2N 5BW Telephone: 020 7872 5434 Telefax: 020 7753 2848 E-mail: [email protected] website: www.espac.org Copyright © David Hoile 2003 The moral right of David Hoile to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of the author, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organisation. ISBN 1–903545–37–4 Contentss Contents Map of Sudan vi Abbreviations viii Introduction 1 Chapter 1 State-Sponsored Anti-Sudanese Propaganda 7 Chapter 2 Journalism, Sudan and Misrepresentation 65 Chapter 3 Sensationalism Versus Reality 73 Chapter 4 Disinformation within the Sudanese Civil War 105 Chapter 5 Sudan and Academia 135 Chapter 6 The Consequences of Misrepresentation 155 Appendices 161 David Rose, “The Secret Bin Laden Files. The Al- Qaeda Intelligence the U.S. Ignored”, Vanity Fair, January 2002, No 97. “Statement in Open Court”, Abdel Mahmoud al- Koronky vs Dominic Lawson, Christina Lamb and The Sunday Telegraph Limited, 4 July 2002. Bombing in Afghanistan Further Reading 176 Index 181 Map of Sudan Abbreviationss Abbreviations AASG American Anti-Slavery
    [Show full text]
  • A Bibliography of Research on the Nuba Mountains Version
    A Bibliography of Research on the Nuba Mountains Version: December 2017 Table of contents 1) Up to 1898 ..................................................................................................... 3 2) 1898-1955 .................................................................................................... 12 3) 1956-2001 .................................................................................................... 27 4) 2002-2011 .................................................................................................... 69 5) Since 2012 .................................................................................................... 92 6) Arabic references......................................................................................... 105 7) Archive documents (Sudan Archive Durham) .................................................. 109 8) Audio-visual materials ................................................................................. 114 9) Maps .......................................................................................................... 116 2 1) Up to 1898 Bruce of Kinnaird, James. 1790. Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile in the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1772 and 1773. 5 vols. Edinburgh & London: G. G. J. and J. Robinson. Browne, William George. 1799. Travels in Africa, Egypt and Syria, from the Year 1792 to 1798. London: Cadell. Browne, William George. 1800. Reisen in Afrika, Aegypten und Syrien in den Jahren 1792 bis 1798. Translated by Matthias Christian Sprengel.
    [Show full text]
  • Nuba Political Struggle and Failure of Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan
    State and Societal Challenges in the Horn of Africa: Conflict and processes of state formation, reconfiguration and disintegration. Center of African Studies (CEA)/ISCTE-IUL, University Institute of Lisbon. Lisbon, 2013. ISBN: 978-972-8335-23-6 [Digital Edition]. STILL CAUGHT IN THE MIDDLE: NUBA POLITICAL STRUGGLE AND FAILURE OF COMPREHENSIVE PEACE AGREEMENT IN SUDAN ALEKSI YLÖNEN Peace Research Institute Frankfurt & African Studies Group, Autonomous University of Madrid [email protected] Introduction The contested nature of the state is at the heart of armed conflicts in the Horn of Africa. This applies to the complex landscape of ongoing large-scale violence in and between the two Sudans, the explanation of which requires understanding of the historical trajectory of the highly exclusive state in Sudan and the extraordinary permanence in power of sections of a narrowly based governing elite. This chapter traces the latest trajectory of the Sudanese state in order to explain the conflict dynamics between the two Sudans. Given the complexity of the conflict, it concentrates on the political resistance of the Nuba peoples, which best represents the struggle of the marginalized peoples on the peripheries of the Sudanese state. Highlighting the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) period (2005-2010), the chapter contends that despite generating hopes for increased self-determination the CPA failed to address the political and security concerns and grievances of the Nuba. Instead, the implementation of the CPA and the resulting secession of South Sudan (2011) fell short of remedying the perpetual marginalization of the Nuba and other peripheral peoples in the Sudanese political system, and led to the re-deterioration of the security situation.
    [Show full text]
  • 4662 ISS Paper 201.Indd
    Marginalisation and violence Considering origins of insurgency and peace implementation in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan INTRODUCTION and narrow base of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Both agreements were essentially Renewed interest in investigating the causes of confl ict exclusive power-sharing deals between the main rebel in Africa’s Sahel region can be partly credited to Homer- organisations and the government regime. Consequently, Dixon’s work1, in which he links ‘environmental scarcity’ a broad-based analysis of the origins of war in the 1980s and violent confl ict. Th is framework has led to a number is necessary for a deeper understanding of the current of analyses on the causes of insurgencies in the Sahel, situation and to provide well-founded policy recommen- which have supported the role of natural resources in dations to minimise the possibility of another large-scale confl ict.2 However, although natural resources are an confl ict in the future. In an eff ort to implement any such important factor in local confl icts in the region, it is recommendations, the extensive role of the international necessary to view them in the social and political context community is fundamental. in which they acquire signifi cance. Th e paper consists of six sections. Th e following Th is paper addresses two issues. First, it builds on section provides a brief historical background to the an argument in earlier research on the Nuba Mountains Nuba and their general relationship with neighbouring that purely resource-based explanations are not suffi cient peoples and the Sudanese state in an attempt to highlight to fi nd comprehensive measures for confl ict resolution,3 Nuba grievances against the state and the governing showing that any resource scarcity explanation needs elite.
    [Show full text]
  • South Sudan Road to Independence: Broken Promises and Lost Opportunities Salman M
    Global Business & Development Law Journal Volume 26 | Issue 2 Article 1 1-1-2013 South Sudan Road to Independence: Broken Promises and Lost Opportunities Salman M. A. Salman International Water Resources Association Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/globe Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Salman M. Salman, South Sudan Road to Independence: Broken Promises and Lost Opportunities, 26 Pac. McGeorge Global Bus. & Dev. L.J. 343 (2013). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/globe/vol26/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals and Law Reviews at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Global Business & Development Law Journal by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. [1] SALMAN.DOC (DO NOT DELETE) 7/22/2013 4:13 PM Articles South Sudan Road to Independence: Broken Promises and Lost Opportunities Salman M. A. Salman* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................ 344 II. POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF SOUTH SUDAN .......................... 345 III. THE PROBLEM OF SOUTHERN SUDAN DURING THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL ERAS .......................................................................................... 348 A. The Rise of Nationalist Movements in North and South Sudan ............. 348 B. The First Civilian Era 1954–1958: Outbreak of the Civil War ............ 351 C. The First Military Rule 1958–1964: Intensification of the Civil War ... 355 D. The Second Civilian Era 1964–1969: The Roundtable Conference ...... 357 E. The Second Military Rule 1969–1985: The Addis Ababa Agreement ... 363 F. The Third Civilian Era 1985–1989: The Sudanese Peace Initiative ..... 372 G. The Third Military Rule: 1989–Present: The Comprehensive Peace Agreement .............................................................................................
    [Show full text]