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Redalyc.COORDINATOR's NOTE
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Alaminos, María-Ángeles COORDINATOR'S NOTE UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 33, octubre-, 2013, pp. 9-11 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76728723002 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206 NOTA DE LA COORDINADORA / COORDINATOR´S NOTE María-Ángeles Alaminos 1 UCM / UNISCI The current crises in Sudan and South Sudan highlight the need for discussion and reflection on the key issues surrounding South Sudan’s secession from the North. This collection of articles considers those crises emerging between and within the Sudans and seeks to understand both Sudanese and South Sudanese internal dynamics and the way they relate to the external influence of major powers. The history of Sudan, formerly the biggest African country and often considered “a microcosm of Africa”, has been characterized by inequality between the center and the peripheries and by protracted internal conflicts that have shaped the country since its independence from British and Egyptian rule in 1956. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which was signed in 2005 between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), brought an end to the second civil war in Sudan and granted the people of Southern Sudan the right to self-determination through a referendum. -
The Secession of South Sudan: a Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition
College of Saint Benedict and Saint John's University DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU Political Science Student Work Political Science 2012 The Secession of South Sudan: A Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition Christian Knox College of Saint Benedict/Saint John's University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/polsci_students Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Knox, Christian, "The Secession of South Sudan: A Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition" (2012). Political Science Student Work. 1. https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/polsci_students/1 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Student Work by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Secession of South Sudan: A Case Study in African Sovereignty and International Recognition An Honors Thesis College of St. Benedict/St. John’s University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for All College Honors and Distinction in the Department of Political Science by Christian Knox May, 2012 Knox 2 ABSTRACT: This thesis focuses on the recent secession of South Sudan. The primary research questions include an examination of whether or not South Sudan’s 2011 secession signaled a break from the O.A.U.’s traditional doctrines of African stability and noninterference. Additionally, this thesis asks: why did the United States and the international community at large confer recognition to South Sudan immediately upon its independence? Theoretical models are used to examine the independent variables of African stability, ethnic secessionism, and geopolitics on the dependent variables of international recognition and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. -
Human Resources for Health Challenges in Fragile States: Evidence from Sierra Leone, South Sudan and Zimbabwe
Human Resources for Health Challenges in Fragile States: Evidence from Sierra Leone, South Sudan and Zimbabwe James MacKinnon and Barbara MacLaren The North-South Institute August 2012 Context Health indicators in fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS) paint a dire picture for their residents, with no quick-fix solution easily identified. Greater financial and human resources are needed to fill gaps, but training new nurses, doctors, midwives and allied health professionals takes time that many fragile states simply cannot afford. Emigration of health professionals from FCAS can create a negative feedback loop for health outcomes and highlights the important challenges surrounding sustainable human resources for health (HRH) in fragile states. To shed light on one aspect of the dynamics of creating robust health systems in FCAS, this report looks at the severity of the health workforce crisis in three FCAS: Sierra Leone, South Sudan and Zimbabwe. The objectives of this report are to: • Identify key health and human resource indicators in the three countries and situate them in the regional context; • Identify key training issues with regard to human resources for health; and • Identify policies in human resources for health and determine their implementation status. This research will inform a scoping study on diaspora engagement in fragile states being developed in collaboration with the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The study will examine the impact of African diaspora health professionals in short and medium-term placements and test the skills circulation theory in fragile states. This project will build on past North-South Institute work on the implications of the brain drain on the status of health in Southern Africa, as well as numerous policy briefs on gender equity, migration and trade. -
Kareem Olawale Bestoyin*
Historia Actual Online, 46 (2), 2018: 43-57 ISSN: 1696-2060 OIL, POLITICS AND CONFLICTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NIGERIA AND SOUTH SUDAN Kareem Olawale Bestoyin* *University of Lagos, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Recibido: 3 septiembre 2017 /Revisado: 28 septiembre 2017 /Aceptado: 12 diciembre 2017 /Publicado: 15 junio 2018 Resumen: A lo largo de los años, el Áfica sub- experiencing endemic conflicts whose conse- sahariana se ha convertido en sinónimo de con- quences have been under development and flictos. De todas las causas conocidas de conflic- abject poverty. In both countries, oil and poli- tos en África, la obtención de abundantes re- tics seem to be the driving force of most of cursos parece ser el más prominente y letal. these conflicts. This paper uses secondary data Nigeria y Sudán del Sur son algunos de los mu- and qualitative methodology to appraise how chos países ricos en recursos en el África sub- the struggle for the hegemony of oil resources sahariana que han experimentado conflictos shapes and reshapes the trajectories of con- endémicos cuyas consecuencias han sido el flicts in both countries. Hence this paper de- subdesarrollo y la miserable pobreza. En ambos ploys structural functionalism as the framework países, el petróleo y las políticas parecen ser el of analysis. It infers that until the structures of hilo conductor de la mayoría de estos conflic- governance are strengthened enough to tackle tos. Este artículo utiliza metodología de análisis the developmental needs of the citizenry, nei- de datos secundarios y cualitativos para evaluar ther the amnesty programme adopted by the cómo la pugna por la hegemonía de los recur- Nigerian government nor peace agreements sos energéticos moldea las trayectorias de los adopted by the government of South Sudan can conflictos en ambos países. -
Marginalisation and Violence Considering Origins of Insurgency and Peace Implementation in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan
Marginalisation and violence Considering origins of insurgency and peace implementation in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan INTRODUCTION and narrow base of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Both agreements were essentially Renewed interest in investigating the causes of confl ict exclusive power-sharing deals between the main rebel in Africa’s Sahel region can be partly credited to Homer- organisations and the government regime. Consequently, Dixon’s work1, in which he links ‘environmental scarcity’ a broad-based analysis of the origins of war in the 1980s and violent confl ict. Th is framework has led to a number is necessary for a deeper understanding of the current of analyses on the causes of insurgencies in the Sahel, situation and to provide well-founded policy recommen- which have supported the role of natural resources in dations to minimise the possibility of another large-scale confl ict.2 However, although natural resources are an confl ict in the future. In an eff ort to implement any such important factor in local confl icts in the region, it is recommendations, the extensive role of the international necessary to view them in the social and political context community is fundamental. in which they acquire signifi cance. Th e paper consists of six sections. Th e following Th is paper addresses two issues. First, it builds on section provides a brief historical background to the an argument in earlier research on the Nuba Mountains Nuba and their general relationship with neighbouring that purely resource-based explanations are not suffi cient peoples and the Sudanese state in an attempt to highlight to fi nd comprehensive measures for confl ict resolution,3 Nuba grievances against the state and the governing showing that any resource scarcity explanation needs elite. -
Improving Institutional Capacity for Early Warning
IfP-EW Cluster: IMPROVING INSTITUTIONAL CAPACITY FOR EARLY WARNING IMPROVING INSTITUTIONAL CAPACITY FOR EARLY WARNING SYNTHESIS REPORT Terri Beswick January 2012 This initiative is funded by the European Union About IfP-EW The Initiative for Peacebuilding – Early Warning Analysis to Action (IfP-EW) is a consortium led by International Alert and funded by the European Commission. It draws on the expertise of 10 members with offices across the EU and in conflict-affected countries. It aims to develop and harness international knowledge and expertise in the field of conflict prevention and peacebuilding to ensure that all stakeholders, including EU institutions, can access strong, independent, locally derived analysis in order to facilitate better informed and more evidence-based policy and programming decisions. This document has been produced with financial assistance of the EU. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of IfP-EW/Clingendael and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the EU. To learn more, visit http://www.ifp-ew.eu. About Clingendael Clingendael, the Netherlands Institute of International Relations, is a training and research organisation on international affairs. Within Clingendael, the Conflict Research Unit (CRU) conducts research on the connections between security and development with a special focus on integrated/comprehensive approaches to conflict prevention, stabilisation and reconstruction in fragile and post-conflict states. Specialising in conducting applied, policy-oriented research, linking academic research with policy analyses, the CRU translates theoretical insights into practical tools and policy recommendations for decision-makers in national and multilateral governmental and non-governmental organisations. The CRU was founded in 1996 as a long-term research project for the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, focusing on the causes and consequences of violent conflict in developing countries and countries in transition. -
The Crisis in South Sudan
Conflict in South Sudan and the Challenges Ahead Lauren Ploch Blanchard Specialist in African Affairs September 22, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43344 Conflict in South Sudan and the Challenges Ahead Summary South Sudan, which separated from Sudan in 2011 after almost 40 years of civil war, was drawn into a devastating new conflict in late 2013, when a political dispute that overlapped with preexisting ethnic and political fault lines turned violent. Civilians have been routinely targeted in the conflict, often along ethnic lines, and the warring parties have been accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The war and resulting humanitarian crisis have displaced more than 2.7 million people, including roughly 200,000 who are sheltering at U.N. peacekeeping bases in the country. Over 1 million South Sudanese have fled as refugees to neighboring countries. No reliable death count exists. U.N. agencies report that the humanitarian situation, already dire with over 40% of the population facing life-threatening hunger, is worsening, as continued conflict spurs a sharp increase in food prices. Famine may be on the horizon. Aid workers, among them hundreds of U.S. citizens, are increasingly under threat—South Sudan overtook Afghanistan as the country with the highest reported number of major attacks on humanitarians in 2015. At least 62 aid workers have been killed during the conflict, and U.N. experts warn that threats are increasing in scope and brutality. In August 2015, the international community welcomed a peace agreement signed by the warring parties, but it did not end the conflict. -
The Influence of South Sudan's Independence on the Nile Basin's Water Politics
A New Stalemate: Examensarbete i Hållbar Utveckling 196 The Influence of South Sudan’s Master thesis in Sustainable Development Independence on the Nile Basin’s Water Politics A New Stalemate: The Influence of South Sudan’s Jon Roozenbeek Independence on the Nile Basin’s Water Politics Jon Roozenbeek Uppsala University, Department of Earth Sciences Master Thesis E, in Sustainable Development, 15 credits Printed at Department of Earth Sciences, Master’s Thesis Geotryckeriet, Uppsala University, Uppsala, 2014. E, 15 credits Examensarbete i Hållbar Utveckling 196 Master thesis in Sustainable Development A New Stalemate: The Influence of South Sudan’s Independence on the Nile Basin’s Water Politics Jon Roozenbeek Supervisor: Ashok Swain Evaluator: Eva Friman Master thesis in Sustainable Development Uppsala University Department of Earth Sciences Content 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................... 6 1.1. Research Aim .................................................................................................................. 6 1.2. Purpose ............................................................................................................................ 6 1.3. Methods ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.4. Case Selection ................................................................................................................. 7 1.5. Limitations ..................................................................................................................... -
Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Worldliness of South Sudan: Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Anthropology By Zachary Mondesire 2018 © Copyright by Zachary Mondesire 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS The Worldliness of South Sudan: Space, Home and Racial Meaning Making in Post Independence Juba By Zachary Mondesire Master of Art in Anthropology University of California, Los Angeles, 2017 Professor Hannah C. Appel, Chair The world’s newest state, South Sudan, became independent in July 2011. In 2013, after the outbreak of the still-ongoing South Sudanese civil war, the UNHCR declared a refugee crisis and continues to document the displacement of millions of South Sudanese citizens. In 2016, Crazy Fox, a popular South Sudanese musician, released a song entitled “Ana Gaid/I am staying.” His song compels us to pay attention to those in South Sudan who have chosen to stay, or to return and still other African regionals from neighboring countries to arrive. The goal of this thesis is to explore the “Crown Lodge,” a hotel in Juba, the capital city of South Sudan, as one such site of arrival, return, and staying put. Paying ethnographic attention to site enables us to think through forms of spatial belonging in and around the hotel that attached racial meaning to national origin and regional identity. ii The thesis of Zachary C. P. Mondesire is approved. Jemima Pierre Aomar Boum Hannah C. Appel, Committee Chair University -
Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan's Equatoria
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 493 | APRIL 2021 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org Conflict and Crisis in South Sudan’s Equatoria By Alan Boswell Contents Introduction ...................................3 Descent into War ..........................4 Key Actors and Interests ............ 9 Conclusion and Recommendations ...................... 16 Thomas Cirillo, leader of the Equatoria-based National Salvation Front militia, addresses the media in Rome on November 2, 2019. (Photo by Andrew Medichini/AP) Summary • In 2016, South Sudan’s war expand- Equatorians—a collection of diverse South Sudan’s transitional period. ed explosively into the country’s minority ethnic groups—are fighting • On a national level, conflict resolu- southern region, Equatoria, trig- for more autonomy, local or regional, tion should pursue shared sover- gering a major refugee crisis. Even and a remedy to what is perceived eignty among South Sudan’s con- after the 2018 peace deal, parts of as (primarily) Dinka hegemony. stituencies and regions, beyond Equatoria continue to be active hot • Equatorian elites lack the external power sharing among elites. To spots for national conflict. support to viably pursue their ob- resolve underlying grievances, the • The war in Equatoria does not fit jectives through violence. The gov- political process should be expand- neatly into the simplified narratives ernment in Juba, meanwhile, lacks ed to include consultations with of South Sudan’s war as a power the capacity and local legitimacy to local community leaders. The con- struggle for the center; nor will it be definitively stamp out the rebellion. stitutional reform process of South addressed by peacebuilding strate- Both sides should pursue a nego- Sudan’s current transitional period gies built off those precepts. -
Map of South Sudan
UNITED NATIONS SOUTH SUDAN Geospatial 25°E 30°E 35°E Nyala Ed Renk Damazin Al-Fula Ed Da'ein Kadugli SUDAN Umm Barbit Kaka Paloich Ba 10°N h Junguls r Kodok Āsosa 10°N a Radom l-A Riangnom UPPER NILEBoing rab Abyei Fagwir Malakal Mayom Bentiu Abwong ^! War-Awar Daga Post Malek Kan S Wang ob Wun Rog Fangak at o Gossinga NORTHERN Aweil Kai Kigille Gogrial Nasser Raga BAHR-EL-GHAZAL WARRAP Gumbiel f a r a Waat Leer Z Kuacjok Akop Fathai z e Gambēla Adok r Madeir h UNITY a B Duk Fadiat Deim Zubeir Bisellia Bir Di Akobo WESTERN Wau ETHIOPIA Tonj Atum W JONGLEI BAHR-EL-GHAZAL Wakela h i te LAKES N Kongor CENTRAL Rafili ile Peper Bo River Post Jonglei Pibor Akelo Rumbek mo Akot Yirol Ukwaa O AFRICAN P i Lol b o Bor r Towot REPUBLIC Khogali Pap Boli Malek Mvolo Lowelli Jerbar ^! National capital Obo Tambura Amadi WESTERN Terakeka Administrative capital Li Yubu Lanya EASTERN Town, village EQUATORIAMadreggi o Airport Ezo EQUATORIA 5°N Maridi International boundary ^! Juba Lafon Kapoeta 5°N Undetermined boundary Yambio CENTRAL State (wilayah) boundary EQUATORIA Torit Abyei region Nagishot DEMOCRATIC Roue L. Turkana Main road (L. Rudolf) Railway REPUBLIC OF THE Kajo Yei Opari Lofusa 0 100 200km Keji KENYA o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 50 100mi CONGO o e The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations. -
(I): War in South Kordofan
Sudan’s Spreading Conflict (I): War in South Kordofan Africa Report N°198 | 14 February 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Roots of Persistent Conflict ....................................................................................... 3 A. Continued Marginalisation ........................................................................................ 4 B. Changing Ethnic Dynamics ....................................................................................... 8 III. Failure of the CPA ............................................................................................................. 11 IV. Outbreak of Fighting and the Still-born Framework Agreement ................................... 17 V. All-Out Conflict ................................................................................................................ 20 VI. The Humanitarian Crisis .................................................................................................. 27 VII. Regional and Wider