The Agenda Behind 'Abenomics'
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Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
The Year in Elections, 2013: the World's Flawed and Failed Contests
The Year in Elections, 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martinez i Coma. 2014. The Year in Elections 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests. The Electoral Integrity Project. Published Version http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11744445 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 THE WORLD’S FLAWED AND FAILED CONTESTS Pippa Norris, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma February 2014 THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 WWW. ELECTORALINTEGRITYPROJECT.COM The Electoral Integrity Project Department of Government and International Relations Merewether Building, HO4 University of Sydney, NSW 2006 Phone: +61(2) 9351 6041 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com Copyright © Pippa Norris, Ferran Martínez i Coma, and Richard W. Frank 2014. All rights reserved. Photo credits Cover photo: ‘Ballot for national election.’ by Daniel Littlewood, http://www.flickr.com/photos/daniellittlewood/413339945. Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 6 and 18: ‘Ballot sections are separated for counting.’ by Brittany Danisch, http://www.flickr.com/photos/bdanisch/6084970163/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 8: ‘Women in Pakistan wait to vote’ by DFID - UK Department for International Development, http://www.flickr.com/photos/dfid/8735821208/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. -
The Abduction of Japanese People by North Korea And
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Ritsumeikan Research Repository THE ABDUCTION OF JAPANESE PEOPLE BY NORTH KOREA AND THE DYNAMICS OF JAPANESE DOMESTIC POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY: CASE STUDIES OF SHIN KANEMARU AND JUNICHIRO KOIZUMI’S PYONGYANG SUMMIT MEETINGS IN 1990, 2002 AND 2004’S PYONGYANG SUMMIT MEETINGS by PARK Seohee 51114605 March 2017 Master’s Thesis / Independent Final Report Presented to Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Asia Pacific Studies ACKNOLEGEMENTS First and foremost, I praise and thank my Lord, who gives me the opportunity and talent to accomplish this research. You gave me the power to trust in my passion and pursue my dreams. I could never have done this without the faith I have in You, the Almighty. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Professor Yoichiro Sato for your excellent support and guidance. You gave me the will to carry on and never give up in any hardship. Under your great supervision, this work came into existence. Again, I am so grateful for your trust, informative advice, and encouragement. I am deeply thankful and honored to my loving family. My two Mr. Parks and Mrs. Keum for your support, love and trust. Every moment of every day, I thank our Lord Almighty for giving me such a wonderful family. I would like to express my gratitude to Rotary Yoneyama Memorial Foundation, particularly to Mrs. Toshiko Takahashi (and her family), Kunisaki Club, Mr. Minoru Akiyoshi and Mr. -
The Senkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: a Crisis Postponed
Naval War College Review Volume 66 Article 5 Number 2 Spring 2013 The eS nkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed Paul J. Smith Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Smith, Paul J. (2013) "The eS nkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed," Naval War College Review: Vol. 66 : No. 2 , Article 5. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol66/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Smith: The Senkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed THN E SE KAKU/DIAOYU ISLAND CONTROVERSY A Crisis Postponed Paul J. Smith n 11 September 2012, the Japanese government signed a contract worth 2.05 billion yen ($26.1 million) with Kunioki Kurihara, a private business- Oman, to purchase three of the five main islands that constitute the Senkaku/ Diaoyu Island group, an action that effectively nationalized the islands.1 Ironi- cally, the government purchase was designed to head off more ambitious moves by Tokyo’s governor (東京都知事), Shintaro Ishihara, to purchase the islands with cash collected in a national fund-raising campaign. Ishihara, known for his nationalistic views, had told an American audience in April 2012 that the Dr. Smith joined the Naval War College’s National “Senkaku Islets will be purchased by the Tokyo Security Affairs Department in July 2006 and teach- Metropolitan Government . -
Brazil, Japan, and Turkey
BRAZIL | 1 BRAZIL, JAPAN, AND TURKEY With articles by Marcos C. de Azambuja Henri J. Barkey Matake Kamiya Edited By Barry M. Blechman September 2009 2 | AZAMBUJA Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from the International Atomic Energy Agency All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org BRAZIL | 3 PREFACE I am pleased to present Brazil, Japan, and Turkey, the sixth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This sixth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, and Russia and the United States, examines three countries without nuclear weapons of their own, but which are nonetheless key states that would need to be engaged constructively in any serious move toward eliminating nuclear weapons. -
Economics, Politics, Public Policy and Law in Japan, Australasia and the Paci C: Corporate Governance, Financial Crisis, and Consumer Product Safety in 2008
R. L. R. Economics, Politics, Public Policy and Law in Japan, Australasia and the Paci c: Corporate Governance, Financial Crisis, and Consumer Product Safety in 2008 Luke NOTTAGE# 1. Taking the Australia-Japan FTA negotiations to new levels 2. Whaling: What can law add to science, economics, ethics and politics ? 3. Australia also should Rail at Australian’s Tabloid Trash’ about Japan 4. Consumer over-indebtedness in Japan, Australia and the US 5. Dodgy foods and Chinese dumplings in Japan 6. FDI and corporate governance in Japan 7. Investor-state arbitration for Indonesia, Australia and Japan 8. Rivals: China, India and Japan economic, not Olympic ? 9. The politics of Japan’s new Takeovers Guidelines 10. Tables turned in Japanese and US nancial markets 11. Lessons from Japan for the US nancial crisis 12. The nancial crisis and loansharks in Japan and NZ 13. Consequences of melamine-laced milk for China, NZ, Japan and beyond 14. Political dynasties in Japan, the US, Australia . but not NZ ? 15. A New Consumer Agency for Japan ? Appendix: Composition of Japan’s Takeovers Guidelines Study Groups Abstract: This is an updated collection of my own postings on the new East Asia Forum blog.* Created primarily by political economists from the Australian National University in mid-2008, the blog is attracting a wide readership and regular contributions from experts interested in or based throughout the rapidly evolving Asia-Paci c region. My starting point involves taking seriously Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd’s call, just before his # Associate Professor, Sydney Law School ([email protected]); and Co-Director, Australian Network for Japanese Law (ANJeL, www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel). -
AISR 20202123 Sukeui Sohn.Hwp
Asian International Studies Review Sukeui Vol. 21 Sohn No.2 (December 2020): 55-77 55 Received September 15, 2020 Revised December 4, 2020 Accepted December 11, 2020 Examining Opposition Realignment and Japan’s Rightward Shift in the 2017 General Election* Sukeui Sohn** The purpose of this study to examine the degree of ‘rightward shift’ among Japanese politicians as well as voters by analyzing the result of the 2017 general election, particularly focusing on the split of Democratic Party (minshintō) and the consequent realignment of opposition bloc between moderate conservatives, represented by Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (rikken minshutō), and hardline conservatives who joined newly-established Party of Hope (kibō no tō). Particularly, the district-level analysis of eighty-five districts reveal that the moderate-hardline alignment among voters appears to be solidified, and there seems low level of vote mobilities between the two blocs. Instead, the electoral results indicate that political parties are competing one another within its respective blocs. While the overall tendency of new voters to support new rightwing party may serve as one of indicators to elucidate Japan’s rightward shift, given the ambiguity of candidates’ positions on constitutional revisions as well as poor performance of PoH candidates against CDPJ, it is questionable whether such trend can be accounted for permanent or holistic shift to the rightist ideology. Keywords: Rightward Shift (ukeika), Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ), Party of Hope, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), The 2017 General Election, Opposition Realignment * This work was supported by the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2019S1A6A3A02102886). -
Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No
Tuesday, October 24, 2017 | The Japan Times | 3 lower house ele ion ⑳ NAGANO ㉘ OSAKA 38KOCHI No. 1 Takashi Shinohara (I) No. 1 Hiroyuki Onishi (L) No. 1 Gen Nakatani (L) Roster of winners in single-seat constituencies No. 2 Mitsu Shimojo (KI) No. 2 Akira Sato (L) No. 2 Hajime Hirota (I) No. 3 Yosei Ide (KI) No. 3 Shigeki Sato (K) No. 4 Shigeyuki Goto (L) No. 4 Yasuhide Nakayama (L) 39EHIME No. 4 Masaaki Taira (L) ⑮ NIIGATA No. 5 Ichiro Miyashita (L) No. 5 Toru Kunishige (K) No. 1 Yasuhisa Shiozaki (L) ( L ) Liberal Democratic Party; ( KI ) Kibo no To; ( K ) Komeito; No. 5 Kenji Wakamiya (L) No. 6 Shinichi Isa (K) No. 1 Chinami Nishimura (CD) No. 2 Seiichiro Murakami (L) ( JC ) Japanese Communist Party; ( CD ) Constitutional Democratic Party; No. 6 Takayuki Ochiai (CD) No. 7 Naomi Tokashiki (L) No. 2 Eiichiro Washio (I) ㉑ GIFU No. 3 Yoichi Shiraishi (KI) ( NI ) Nippon Ishin no Kai; ( SD ) Social Democratic Party; ( I ) Independent No. 7 Akira Nagatsuma (CD) No. 8 Takashi Otsuka (L) No. 3 Takahiro Kuroiwa (I) No. 1 Seiko Noda (L) No. 4 Koichi Yamamoto (L) No. 8 Nobuteru Ishihara (L) No. 9 Kenji Harada (L) No. 4 Makiko Kikuta (I) No. 2 Yasufumi Tanahashi (L) No. 9 Isshu Sugawara (L) No. 10 Kiyomi Tsujimoto (CD) No. 4 Hiroshi Kajiyama (L) No. 3 Yoji Muto (L) 40FUKUOKA ① HOKKAIDO No. 10 Hayato Suzuki (L) No. 11 Hirofumi Hirano (I) No. 5 Akimasa Ishikawa (L) No. 4 Shunpei Kaneko (L) No. 1 Daiki Michishita (CD) No. 11 Hakubun Shimomura (L) No. -
JCIE's Annual Report
JAPAN CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL EXCHANGE 2001–2003 Annual Report GLOBAL THINKNET CIVILNET POLITICAL EXCHANGE PROGRAM TABLE OF CONTENTS President’s Message 2 CivilNet 23 JCIE Activities 5 Promoting Civil Society and Philanthropy 25 The Role of Philanthropy in Postwar U.S.-Japan Global ThinkNet 7 Relations 25 Study and Dialogue Projects 9 GrantCraft—Japanese Video Project 25 APAP Forums and Seminars 9 International Survey Project—The Civil Society Global ThinkNet Conference, Tokyo 10 Sector and NGO Activities in Asia and Europe 26 Intellectual Dialogue on Building Survey on the Status of Exchange Programs Asia’s Tomorrow 10 between the U.S. and Japan 26 A Gender Agenda: Asia-Europe Dialogue 11 Seminar Series with Civil Society Leaders 26 Russia-Japan Policy Dialogue 12 Study Mission on American Philanthropy 27 Cooperation with the Asia Pacific Philanthropy Policy-Oriented Research 13 Consortium (APPC) 27 Vision of Asia Pacific in the 21st Century 13 Facilitating Philanthropic Programs of Asia Pacific and the Global Order Overseas Foundations and Corporations 29 After September 11 13 Levi Strauss Foundation Advised Fund of JCIE 29 The Rise of China and the Changing East Asian Order 14 “Positive Lives Asia” Photo Exhibition Tour 31 Asia Pacific Security Outlook 14 Goldman Sachs Global Leaders Program 31 Force, Intervention, and Sovereignty 15 Lucent Global Science Scholars Program 32 New Perspectives on U.S.-Japan Relations 15 Civil Society and Grassroots-Level Governance for a New Century: Japanese Exchanges 33 Challenges, American Experience 16 A50 Caravan 33 The Future of Governance and the Role Asia Pacific Leadership Program in Tokyo 33 of Politicians 17 Grassroots Network 34 The Transformation of Japanese Communities Miyazaki Prefecture Commemorative and the Emerging Local Agenda 18 Symposiums on Internationalization 34 The Intellectual Infrastructure for East Asian Community-Building 18 Political Exchange Program 35 Support and Cooperation for Research and U.S.-Japan Parliamentary Exchange Program 37 Dialogue 19 U.S. -
The Development of the Rule of Constitutional Law in Japan After World War Ⅱ
The Development of the Rule of Constitutional Law in Japan after World War Ⅱ Koji Tonami, Waseda University The meaning of the principle of rule of law is ambiguous. First, it means the rule of not person, but law. Second, it means rule of legislative law by the parliament. Third, it means the rule of higher law. Fourth it means the rule of basic principles involved in the legal thought, such as the peoples sovereignty, superiority of legislation, independence of judicialy, protection of human rights, freedom and equality. I understand the rule of law in this paper as a third and fourth meanings in the modern sense, that is, rule of constitutional law in the domestic area. It is called commonly as constitutionalism. So I use the term rule of constitutional law same as constitutionalism. Purpose of my presentation is to explain the rule of constitutional law in Japan and the development of Japanese constitutionalism, and to think about features and problems involved in the process of developments. In order to report in short time, I would like to discuss about the following four points as a main theme. 1. How was the rule of the Meiji Constitution, how was the development of the constitutionalism of Japan from the Meiji Restoration 1868 to the end of World War II 1945? 2. How was the development of the rule of constitutional law after World War II? 3. How is the political situation of the rule of constitutional law nowadays? 4. What should we learn from the development of the rule of constitutional law and constitutional debates in Japan? 1 1. -
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right?
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right? Harunobu Saijo Abstract One set of theories pertaining to radical right success examines the strategy of mainstream right-wing parties. One mechanism that seems to have been ignored is the extent to which mainstream right-wing parties include or exclude "radical right" individuals and supporters within their own ranks. I argue that giving \radical right" elements a place within mainstream parties, allows center-right parties to prevent potential radical right voters from switching support to parties more extreme than itself, by presenting a more credible alternative. This raises the issue of internal party dynamics, and non-unitary parties, which the existing literature ignores, due to the largely unitary nature of Western European parties. The Japanese case demonstrates such a mechanism. Furthermore, the validity of this thesis can be tested more rigorously over time, as the state allows more immigrants to enter Japan, which may strain this outcome. 1 1 Introduction In the comparative party politics literature, the rise of the "Radical Right" party has been widely theorized and analyzed with a focus on Western and Eastern Europe. Other works have expanded the scope of study to fit parties in late capitalist countries as diverse as Israel, Canada, Australia, Chile, and New Zealand (Norris, 2005, 7) (Rydgren, 2007, 242). Yet, there has been less work on the Japanese case, though some have tried to apply the populist or radical right theories to phenomena in Japanese politics. Furthermore, most of the contributions that do examine the Japanese radical right either examine groupuscular formations that do not contest elections, or examine particular elections or personalities instead of examining the country-level variables theorized by the literature, or consider how the Japanese case can inform the theory in general. -
Japanische Innenpolitik: Schwerpunkte Und Tendenzen
Japanische Innenpolitik: Schwerpunkte und Tendenzen Japanese Domestic Policy 2008/09: Highlights and Tendencies Manfred Pohl Domestic policy in 2008 and the first half of 2009 was once again characterized by traditional as well as recent shortcomings of political culture in Japan. That is why this chapter has to discuss the desperate fight of the Asô government for political survival under the system. The growing rift in the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and the New Kōmeitō is described as a clear signal of beginning decline of the half-century of nearly unbroken rule by the LDP. Electoral behavior of Kōmeitō (or rather Sōka gakkai) followers and electoral maneuvering of conservative stalwarts is discussed, as are relations between the LDP and the opposition party with the ministe- rial bureaucracy, which was deeply troubled in 2008 by plans both of the LDP and the DPJ to curb its predominant role. Regional and gubernatorial elections in 2008 are outlined as possible early indicators for the disastrous election defeat of both the LDP and the Kōmeitō. The chapter finally seeks to evaluate the guiding role of the imperial family in Japanese society by reflecting upon the golden anniversary of the marriage of the imperial couple. 1 Überblick Die Jahre 2008 und 2009 dürften in die Geschichte der japanischen Innenpolitik als eine Periode eines unaufhaltsamen Niedergangs der machtgewohnten Libe- 24 Innenpolitik raldemokraten verzeichnet werden. Die größte Regierungspartei LDP (Liberal- Demokratische Partei, Jiyū Minshutō) unterlag in diesem Zeitraum weiter einem inneren Zersetzungsprozess, in dem die traditionellen Herrschaftsstrukturen, die der Partei seit 1955 ein nahezu unangefochtenes Machtmonopol sicherten, zerfielen.