Japan's Political Parties and Changes in Welfare Policies
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Race Begins for Japan's Top Spot
As of 12 p.m. ET DJIA 10132.62 À 1.08% FTSE 100 5151.32 g 0.23% Nikkei 225 9603.24 g 1.12% Shanghai Comp. 2571.42 À 0.12% Hang Seng 19471.80 g 0.13% Sensex 16741.84 À 1.02% S&P/ASX 200 4381.03 g 0.73% Hon Hai to increase wages Japan looks for a new for its workers in China by 30% leader and new ideas BUSINESS & FINANCE 17 EDITORIAL & OPINION 11, 13 KKDN PPS 648/11/2010 (028507)Malaysia: RM6.00, Pakistan: Rs140.00, Philippines: KKDN Peso80.00,Australia: PP A$6.00(Incl Singapore: 9315/10/2010 S$4.00(Incl GST), (025811) Brunei: GST), Sri B$5.00, Lanka: China: Slrs180(Incl RMB25.00, VAT), Hong Taiwan: Kong: NT$60.00, MICA HK$18.00, Thailand: (P) India: Baht50.00, NO. Rs25.00, 048/10/2009 Vietnam: Indonesia: US$2.50 Rp18,000(Incl PPN), Japan: Yen500 SK. MENPEN R.I. NO: 01/SK/MENPEN/SCJJ/1998 TGL. 4 SEPT 1998 VOL. XXXIV NO. 192 (India facsimile Vol. 1 No. 253) ** ASIA Thursday, June 3, 2010 asia.WSJ.com Race begins for Japan’s top spot Kan plans to run; In the wings | Potential Hatoyama successors U.S. plan to shift a big job will be Okinawa base to ease voter ire Naoto Kan, 63 stays contentious BY YUKA HAYASHI Finance Minister BY YUKA HAYASHI TOKYO—After Prime Min- Kan won fame in the 1990s TOKYO—The contentious ister Yukio Hatoyama’s sud- as health minister for issue of relocating U.S. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
The Liberal Democratic Party: Still the Most Powerful Party in Japan
The Liberal Democratic Party: Still the Most Powerful Party in Japan Ronald J. Hrebenar and Akira Nakamura The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was the national-level ruling party of Japan throughout the entire First Party System (1955–1993). Among the politi- cal systems of non-Socialist developed nations, Japan is unique in that except for a short period after World War II, when a Socialist-centered coalition gov- ernment ruled Japan in 1947–1948, conservative forces have continuously held power on the national level. In 1955, when two conservative parties merged to form the LDP, conservative rule was concentrated within that single organiza- tion and maintained its reign as the governing party for thirty-eight years. It lost its majority in the weak House of Councillors (HC) in the 1989 elections and then lost its control of the crucial House of Representatives (HR) in 1993. However, it returned to the cabinet in January 1996 and gained a majority of HR seats in September 1997. Since the fall of 1997, the LDP has returned to its long-term position as the sole ruling party on the Japanese national level of politics. However shaky the LDP’s current hold, its record is certainly un- precedented among the ruling democratic parties in the world. All of its com- petition for the “years in power” record have fallen by the sidelines over the decades. The Socialist Party of Sweden and the Christian Democratic Party of Italy have both fallen on hard times in recent years, and whereas the Socialists have managed to regain power in Sweden in a coalition, the CDP of Italy has self-destructed while the leftists have run Italy since 1996. -
Download the Publication
A TIME FOR CHANGE? JAPAN’S “PEACE” CONSTITUTION AT 65 Edited by Bryce Wakefield Available from : Asia Program Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org Photo: A supporter of Article 9 protests outside the National Diet of Japan. The sign reads: “Don’t change Article 9!” © 2006 Bryce Wakefield ISBN: 978-1-938027-98-7 ©2012 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. www.wilsoncenter.org The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars is the national, living memorial honoring President Woodrow Wilson. In provid- ing an essential link between the worlds of ideas and public policy, the Center addresses current and emerging challenges confronting the United States and the world. The Center promotes policy-relevant research and dialogue to in- crease understanding and enhance the capabilities and knowledge of leaders, citizens, and institutions worldwide. Created by an Act of Congress in 1968, the Center is a nonpartisan institution headquartered in Washington, D.C., and sup- ported by both public and private funds. Jane Harman, President, CEO and Director Board of Trustees: Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair; Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chair Public Members: Hon. James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; Hillary R. Clinton, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; G. Wayne Clough, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Arne Duncan, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education; David Ferriero, Archivist of the United States; James Leach, Chairman, National Endowment for the Humanities; Kathleen Sebelius, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Private Citizen Members:Timothy Broas, John Casteen, Charles Cobb, Jr., Thelma Duggin, Carlos M. -
Japan's ''Coalition of the Willing'
Japan’s ‘‘Coalition of the Willing’’ on Security Policies by Robert Pekkanen and Ellis S. Krauss Robert Pekkanen ([email protected]) is assistant professor of international studies at the University of Washington. Ellis S. Krauss ([email protected]) is professor of interna- tional relations and Pacific studies at the University of California, San Diego. This paper is based on a paper presented at fpri’s January 27, 2005, conference, ‘‘Party Politics and Foreign Policy in East Asia,’’ held in Philadelphia. The authors thank Michael Strausz for his research assistance. n 1991, Japan was vilified by many for its ‘‘failure’’ to contribute boots on the ground to the U.S.-led Gulf War. Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu (1989– I 91) found it difficult to gain support for any cooperation with the U.S.-led coalition in that conflict. Today, Japan’s Self-Defense Forces are stationed in a compound in Samuur, Iraq, part of President Bush’s ‘‘coalition of the willing,’’ and four of its destroyers are positioned in the Indian Ocean to aid the counterterrorism effort in Afghanistan. While many of the United States’ nato allies have been reluctant to aid current American security efforts, especially in Iraq, Japan has been among the staunchest supporters of American military ventures in the Middle East and of its stance toward North Korean nuclear development. As a result, Washington has moved from ‘‘bashing Japan’’ in the 1980s over trade policy and ‘‘passing Japan’’—ignoring it in favor of the rest of Asia—to lauding it for surpassing most of American’s other defense partners. -
The Senkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: a Crisis Postponed
Naval War College Review Volume 66 Article 5 Number 2 Spring 2013 The eS nkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed Paul J. Smith Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Smith, Paul J. (2013) "The eS nkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed," Naval War College Review: Vol. 66 : No. 2 , Article 5. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol66/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Smith: The Senkaku/Diaoyu Island Controversy: A Crisis Postponed THN E SE KAKU/DIAOYU ISLAND CONTROVERSY A Crisis Postponed Paul J. Smith n 11 September 2012, the Japanese government signed a contract worth 2.05 billion yen ($26.1 million) with Kunioki Kurihara, a private business- Oman, to purchase three of the five main islands that constitute the Senkaku/ Diaoyu Island group, an action that effectively nationalized the islands.1 Ironi- cally, the government purchase was designed to head off more ambitious moves by Tokyo’s governor (東京都知事), Shintaro Ishihara, to purchase the islands with cash collected in a national fund-raising campaign. Ishihara, known for his nationalistic views, had told an American audience in April 2012 that the Dr. Smith joined the Naval War College’s National “Senkaku Islets will be purchased by the Tokyo Security Affairs Department in July 2006 and teach- Metropolitan Government . -
TOKYO FIELD TRIP Dialogue with Cabinet Ministers
TOKYO FIELD TRIP Dialogue with Cabinet Ministers History Of Japan’s Environmental Policy Kenji Someno, Research Fellow, Tokyo Foundation am speaking here today in place of former ronmental pollution. From 1955 to 1965, en- IEnvironment Minister Sakahito Ozawa, ergy consumption tripled, and the industrial who unfortunately is unable to attend due to structure shifted toward heavy industries. This Diet obligations. resulted in air, water, and soil pollution, which I’ve been involved in pollution measures became serious health hazards. and climate change for over 20 years as a People’s perceptions of economic growth former official of the Environment Ministry, also changed. In the early 1970s, a majority, where I headed the government’s Team Minus for the first time, came to view growth nega- 6 Percent campaign to lower the country’s car- tively as being a threat to their health. bon dioxide emissions. The Basic Pollution Control Law was en- Japan experienced high economic growth acted in 1967. The business community was from the late 1950s to early 1970s. People opposed to the law, as it feared that the higher became more affluent, the material symbols of costs for pollution countermeasures would such prosperity being purchases of the “three hurt their competitiveness. They called for sacred treasures,” namely, the black-and-white balance between business growth and pollu- TV, washing machine, and refrigerator. Later, tion measures. as the country grew richer, the color TV, au- If you replace the word “pollution” with “cli- tomobile, and air conditioner emerged as the mate change,” I think it pretty much sums up “new sacred treasures.” the attitude of the business community today. -
From Rhetoric to Reality: Japanese Foreign-Policy Making Under The
From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 Weston S. Konishi A publication of The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis Contents Introduction and Acknowledgments iii Executive Summary v Main Findings v From Rhetoric to Reality: Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan 1 Internal Challenges 4 Intra-party Divisions 4 The Complexities of Coalition Politics 7 Institutional Reforms: Toward Politician-Led Decision-Making 11 The DPJ’s Foreign Policy: Competing Visions 15 Realists 16 Pacifists 17 Centrists 17 Neo-Autonomists 18 Caveats 20 Prime Minister Hatoyama: An Agenda for Change 23 External Constraints on the Hatoyama Administration 27 The Kan Administration: Political Transition and Crisis Management 30 The Noda Administration: Shifting to the Center? 40 Findings and Implications 45 The Impact of Structural Obstacles on DPJ Foreign-Policy Making 45 Continuity versus Change 46 The DPJ: A Hawkish Party? 47 Bilateralism vs. Multilateralism 49 Competing Schools of Thought 51 Conclusion 54 APPENDIX A: Impact of Major Events on Cabinet Approval Ratings 56 FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY I APPENDIX B: The 2010 NDPG Process 59 APPENDIX C: Survey Data of DPJ Foreign Policy Viewpoints 62 APPENDIX D: Profiles of Key DPJ Politicians 63 APPENDIX E: Chronology of Major Events under DPJ Governments 79 Bibliography 86 About the Author 103 II FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY Introduction and Acknowledgments After more than fifty years of one-party dom- ister Kan Naoto, presided over Japan’s most chal- inance under the Liberal Democratic Par- lenging crisis since World War II—the March ty (LDP), Japan’s political landscape changed 11, 2011, Great East Japan Earthquake—before dramatically with the victory of the Democratic succumbing to his own political fate as a result Party of Japan (DPJ) in parliamentary elections of his inconsistent leadership. -
IRI-2020-01 Japan's Foreign Policymaking Process and Power Shift
IRI Joint Research Series IRI-2020-01 Japan's Foreign Policymaking Process and Power Shift Tomohito Shinoda International University of Japan March 2020 IUJ Research Institute International University of Japan These working papers are preliminary research documents published by the IUJ research institute. To facilitate prompt distribution, they have not been formally reviewed and edited. They are circulated in order to stimulate discussion and critical comment and may be revised. The views and interpretations expressed in these papers are those of the author(s). It is expected that the working papers will be published in some other form. Japan’s Foreign Policymaking Process and Power Shift Tomohito Shinoda Introduction Since the end of the Cold War era, Japan has experienced four political regime shifts between different parties. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) first ceased its 38-year long reign in August 1993 with the establishment of the non-LDP coalition government led by Morihiro Hosokawa. This coalition lasted only ten months until June 1994 when the LDP regained power with the partnership with the Socialist Party and Sakigake. In September 2009, as a result of the landslide victory in the general election, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) took over the government. Another landslide election victory, however, brought the LDP back in power in December 2012. Political regime changes between different parties in a variety of nations often provoke foreign and national security policy restructurings, as challenging parties run election campaigns usually by criticizing the incumbent’s policies. For example, changes at the time of regime shift have been dominant feature of United States foreign policy. -
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future
Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future Author: Joe Michael Sasanuma Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/470 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2004 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE JAPANESE ELECTORAL POLITICS: REFORM, RESULTS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE A SENIOR HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE HONORS PROGRAM OF THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES BY JOE M. MICHAEL SASANUMA April 2004 - 1 - Table of Contents Part I: Introduction 3 Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years 4 Part II: Revolution, Realignment, and the Man Named Ozawa 12 Chapter 2: Money and Machine Politics 13 Chapter 3: Ozawa Ichiro’s Reform, Revolt, and Revolution 15 Chapter 4: Hosokawa’s Fall, LDP’s Return, and Ozawa Again 21 Chapter 5: Realignment 24 Part III: The Electoral System: Before and After 38 Chapter 6: The Medium Size Election District System 39 Chapter 7: The Mixed System 43 Chapter 8: Analyzing the New Electoral System 49 Part IV: Previous Elections 66 Chapter 9: The Election of 1996 67 Chapter 10: The Election of 2000 69 Part V: The Election of 2003 77 Chapter 11: Results and Analysis 78 Chapter 12: Predictions and Results 88 Chapter 13: District Analysis 102 Part VI: Conclusion 132 Chapter 14: Prospects for the Future 133 - 2 - Part I Introduction - 3 - Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years In an interview conducted by the Yomiuri Shinbun newspaper in May of 2003, then- vice-speaker of the Lower House Watanabe Kozo called the past decade of Japanese politics “The Lost Ten Years.”1 Although the term is used more commonly to describe the Japanese economic stagnation of the 1990s, in many ways his use of the term to describe politics was equally appropriate. -
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right?
The Absence of a Japanese Radical Right: Consistent with Current Theory of the Radical Right? Harunobu Saijo Abstract One set of theories pertaining to radical right success examines the strategy of mainstream right-wing parties. One mechanism that seems to have been ignored is the extent to which mainstream right-wing parties include or exclude "radical right" individuals and supporters within their own ranks. I argue that giving \radical right" elements a place within mainstream parties, allows center-right parties to prevent potential radical right voters from switching support to parties more extreme than itself, by presenting a more credible alternative. This raises the issue of internal party dynamics, and non-unitary parties, which the existing literature ignores, due to the largely unitary nature of Western European parties. The Japanese case demonstrates such a mechanism. Furthermore, the validity of this thesis can be tested more rigorously over time, as the state allows more immigrants to enter Japan, which may strain this outcome. 1 1 Introduction In the comparative party politics literature, the rise of the "Radical Right" party has been widely theorized and analyzed with a focus on Western and Eastern Europe. Other works have expanded the scope of study to fit parties in late capitalist countries as diverse as Israel, Canada, Australia, Chile, and New Zealand (Norris, 2005, 7) (Rydgren, 2007, 242). Yet, there has been less work on the Japanese case, though some have tried to apply the populist or radical right theories to phenomena in Japanese politics. Furthermore, most of the contributions that do examine the Japanese radical right either examine groupuscular formations that do not contest elections, or examine particular elections or personalities instead of examining the country-level variables theorized by the literature, or consider how the Japanese case can inform the theory in general. -
The LDP and the Maintenance of Gender Inequality in Japanese Politics
University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 2011 The DPL and the Maintenance of Gender Inequality in Japanese Politics Emma Dalton University of Wollongong, [email protected] Recommended Citation Dalton, Emma, The LDP nda the Maintenance of Gender Inequality in Japanese Politics, thesis, , University of Wollongong, 2011. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/3352 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] The LDP and the Maintenance of Gender Inequality in Japanese Politics A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree Doctor of Philosophy from UNIVERSITY OF WOLLONGONG by Emma Dalton BA (Hons), Masters in Japanese Interpreting and Translation Institute for Social Transformation Research School of Social Sciences, Media and Communication 2011 THESIS CERTIFICATION I, Emma Dalton, declare that this thesis, submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy, in the School of Social Sciences, Media and Communication, University of Wollongong, is wholly my own work unless otherwise referenced or acknowledged. The document has not been submitted for qualifications at any other academic institution. Emma Dalton ii ABSTRACT The Japanese political system is dominated by men. From local to national level, from the legislature through to the bureaucracy, men outnumber women significantly. Dominant discourses of gender that shape Japanese womanhood as being connected to the home and family have gently steered women away from choosing a career in politics. Gender-role socialisation and gender stereotypes form the cultural barriers to women’s participation in mainstream representative politics.