Discourse in Translation

Chapter 9 The translation of film titles in the Egyptian film industry Muhammad Y Gamal Introduction Egyptian cinema, the leading film industry in the Arab world (Hayward 2000), began with Leila in 1927. Twenty years earlier, in Alexandria, cinema houses were purposefully built for public screenings of imported filmic material as well as locally made short films.Leila was the first of a series of only silent films that appeared on Egyptian screens until the first Egyptian talkie, Children of the Rich, Awlad el zawat, was released in 1932. This first talkie was also the first Egyptian film to be subtitled, into French. Four years later, in 1936, a film titledWedad was screened at the first session of the Venice International Film Festival, thus inaugurating the participation of Egyptian films at international film festivals. Since the early thirties, foreign films (mostly Hollywood productions) were shown in Egypt, subtitled. The distribution of foreign films in Egypt gave rise to ancillary activities such as film magazines, film posters, film title translation, and film subtitling. Several local distributors and cinematic companies in the country provided these post- production professional activities (Gamal 2007). Translating foreign film titles into Arabic Since the early days of cinema in Egypt, the distribution of foreign films, a commercial exercise par excellence, has been geared towards attracting crowds to the cinema. This has meant that film titles must exhibit linguistic and extralinguistic features designed to be easily understood and instantly appreciated. This has largely meant that the foreign film title would have to be redesigned in a way that arouses interest, curiosity, and the desire to see the film (Salmawy 2005). More often than not, this meant that, linguistically, the title would have to be liberally translated, employing emotionally charged clichés to the tune of ‘Crime does not pay’, ‘An impasse’, ‘Forbidden pas- sion’ and so forth. The extralinguistic features were predominantly achieved through the artistic skills in creating the film poster highlighting a prominent feature in the film (Fathi 2014). Quite often, that included a fistfight, a gun, Translation of film titles in Egypt 185 a kiss, a portrait of the leading actor, or the face of a pretty woman. To fur- ther augment the interest, a special typeface would be employed to heighten interest in the film. Apart from numerous and indeed instructive journalistic articles by film critics and commentators, there is little academic research into the translation of foreign- film titles in Egypt. Internationally, however, the phenomenon of film-title translation has attracted considerable attention, albeit for a different reason, namely mar- keting. Title translation is carried out in the importing markets by indi- viduals who are not always translators, but more often are people working in the film-distribution business (Telling 2014). There is no shortage of Internet articles that examine the phenomenon of foreign-film title translations, offering examples of the funniest or strangest instances. Major web- sites, such as those of the Daily Telegraph and the BBC in the UK, and the Special Broadcasting Service in Australia, have published articles with lists of ‘funny translations’ of film titles. Commercial reasons determine the way films are translated with little or no regard to translation principles, professional translation practice or translation theories. Quite often, they are not only different or incorrect, but reflect an attitude that has nothing to do with translating meaning, conveying sense, or doing justice to a work of art in a foreign market. Oaster (2017) examines the way Lost in Translation was received in foreign markets and traces the translation of the film title in a diverse range of cultural and linguistic contexts. In Portugal, Oaster shows that the film was given the title Love in a Strange Place; in Turkey, One Can Talk…; and in Latin American markets the redesigned title became Lost in Tokyo. It is noteworthy that, against the more liberal attitude, there has been an effort to maintain the spirit of the original title by keeping the element of translation in the film. Thus, in French- speaking Canada, the title became Unfaithful Translation, in Hungary Lost Meaning, and in Poland Between Words. However, the Russian rendering of the original was clear and to the point: Translation Difficulties. A great deal of effort goes into the design of a film title. It is the name by which viewers, fans, and audiences will discover the film, understand the dramatic conflict, and remember the artistic work. Although it is brief, consisting of a very few words, a film title assumes significant importance, as it can make or break the entire oeuvre. Appreciating the significance of the few words that make a film title and its relation to the entire film is of primary importance. This does not apply solely to film buffs and film critics, but equally, and per- haps more so, to translators, as I will explain later in the section that considers translating for the DVD industry. The main function of a title is to grab the attention of viewers, and this explains why film titles tend to be unique with a very small chance of repetition. The title also has the function of giving a hint to the subject matter of the film, if a very subtle one. Films with big budgets or those directed by famous directors tend to choose a title that implies the genre of the film. A good film title is one that also implies the plot or dramatic 186 Muhammad Y Gamal conflict in the film. Finally, a film title needs to be memorable which, in itself, is another way of promoting the artistic work (Monaco 2000). Egyptian film titles tend to adhere to the general cinematic criteria of film title design. This conclusion is gleaned from the examination of a large number of Egyptian films. However, for the purpose of examining how Egyptian film titles are translated into English, a deeper understanding of the process is required. Qassem’s Guide to Egyptian Films in the Twentieth Century (2002) is an encyclopaedic list of more than three thousand films with relevant technical data on each entry. The Guide lists films chronologic- ally, and thus it provides a unique opportunity to examine how film titles have changed over time. One of the interesting observations is the word Gharam (love), which was profusely used until the mid- Fifties, to be replaced by the more modern Hob (love), which continues until today. A cursory examination of the titles reveals the prominent features in the writing of titles in Egyptian Arabic: short, simple, expressive, powerful and memorable. However, to achieve this, there appears to be a sociolinguistic hypothesis that underpins the creative process. The hypothesis could be summed up as follows: for film titles to be compact, they are generally expressed in modern standard Arabic, and they may exhibit, rely upon, or draw on Egyptian cultural references. To appreciate this hypothesis, I will now separately examine each of the two tenets, language and culture, highlighting the significance of each component. The use of modern standard Arabic in the design of Egyptian titles Since its inception, the Egyptian film industry has used uncomplicated but powerful words to express its artistic work. In so doing, the focus has been on titles in modern standard Arabic that lend themselves to the new artistic form. The first Egyptian talkie,Awlad El Zawat (Children of the Rich), produced in 1932 heralds a tradition that would continue until the twenty- first century. Film titles, like other artistic genres that appeared in Egypt in the early years of the twentieth century – namely plays, novels, and academic books, used much shorter titles compared to the lengthy titles used in the nineteenth century. Arabic is a diglossic language (Ferguson 1959), which means it has two varieties. Generally speaking, in Egypt and throughout the Arab world, Arabic is seen as having two general varieties: Fusha and Darija. The former refers to the higher, educated and fine variety acquired through study and practice of formal contexts such as literature, religion, and the media. The latter, Darija, refers to the vernacular attained at home and prior to going to primary school. It is used in everyday conversations and is associated with the man in the street. While an Arab country may have one Fusha, it is not unimaginable to see a host of local varieties reflecting geographical, climatic, ethnic, or industrial Translation of film titles in Egypt 187 factors that shape the variety of Arabic spoken in that particular country. This explains the significance of modern standard Arabic, which serves as a lingua franca for the Arab world, that it has a geographic as well as historical congruity. Darija, on the other hand, is far more vibrant, contemporary, and powerful, as it resonates with speakers in a particular region. In this respect, Darija could be seen as more communicative and expressive, and therefore more effective. Although the word diglossic means two varieties, Arabic, par- ticularly in Egypt, recognizes five different levels: classical Arabic, modern classical Arabic, educated spoken Arabic, semi- literate and illiterate Arabic (Badawi 1973). Each of the five levels reflects a different command of the language, which also implies a different level of education. Badawi’s work has been instrumental in teaching Arabic as a foreign language and is equally significant for Egyptian film translators. The distinction of the five levels of Arabic becomes readily significant when film titles are pragmatically exam- ined with a view to suggesting linguistically correct and culturally acceptable translations into English, as we shall see shortly. Drawing on Egyptian cultural sources The second half of the statement used above to sum up the hypothesis for the creation of a film title states that titles ‘may exhibit, rely upon or draw on Egyptian cultural references’.

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