796 commentary

Chapter 9

[9.1] This Christian was Andriantsoa. The sampy was Ratsisimba “the incorruptible,” whose home village was Ambohijoky, a village near Ambatomanga. It was said about Ratsisimba, who was popularly revered: “She is not malicious; but if you do her ill, she will pay you back in kind.”1 Freeman and Johns reported that the fady or day of Ratsisimba was Saturday rather than Friday.2

[9.2] Andrianaina / Razakandrianaina was a high-ranking Merina officer of the Andrianiboninolona caste. He had six wives, threeof whom were sisters. His neighbour, Andriantsoa, had taught one of the wives to read and write, and influenced her into attending Christian meetings—for which Andrianaina divorced her.3 In 1845, by which time he was an officer of 12 Vtr, he is described as the “spouse” of Ranavalona who he accompanied on a trip to Betsileo—where they heard of the defeat of the Franco-British attack on Tamatave.4 There was also a Christian called Andriananaina who joined those in hiding.5

[9.3] Also called Ratsimanisa, brother of Rainiharo and, next to him, Ranavalona’s main paramour. As commanders-in-chief of the army, Rainimaharo and Rainiharo led campaigns against non-Merina regions of Madagascar in which they enslaved and retained thousands of female and child captives. In one of Rainimaharo’s expeditions in 1838 against the southeast of the island 5,704 provincial [men] were allegedly killed, and 13,198 [women and children] enslaved. A fur- ther 1,400 [women and children] were amassed as tribute.6 Griffiths described Rainimaharo, who in 1837 was promoted to 12 Vtr and Chief Secretary and Officer of the Palace, as “the Robespierre of Madagascar.”7

1 HdR, 219; see also Ellis and Freeman, Madagascar and its Martyrs, 28–9. 2 Freeman and Johns, Narrative of the Persecution, 100. 3 Ibid., 101. 4 HdR, 1140–1. 5 David Griffiths and L. Powell, “Narrative of the Persecution in Madagascar 1838– 1840,” 9a—Madagascar (& Mauritius) Journals Box.2 1824–1894, SOAS/CWM. 6 Adrien S. Boudou, “Journal de route d’une expedition de Rainimaharo en 1838” BAM 15 (1932), 91, 112; Campbell, Economic History of Imperial Madagascar, 116; Freeman and Johns, Narrative of the Persecution, 22; Raombana, vol. 8, B.1, 39. 7 David Griffiths, The Persecuted Christians of Madagascar; A Series of Interesting Occurrences during a Residence at the Capital from 1838 to 1840 (London: Cornelius Hedgman, 1841), 17; see also Raombana, Annales, 445—AAM. 9.1 – 9.5 797

[9.4] The accusers were six in number, including Andrianaina, some keepers of the sampy Rakelimalaza, and Raolombelona, one of the youths sent to Britain in 1820, baptised in Manchester, but who, fol- lowing his return to Madagascar, renounced Christianity.8

[9.5] Ellis reported that on Sunday, 15 February 1835, the queen was visibly upset at evidence of Malagasy Christian services: returning from a bull-shooting outing, the royal party passed by Griffiths’ cha- pel “while the congregation assembled for public worship were sing- ing; and on this occasion the queen was heard to say, in reference to their worship, ‘They will not stop till some of them lose their heads’.”9 Newcomb reported that on the last Sunday of February, Ranavalona “ordered the sewing women to meet in the court yard to sew for her. Passing by them, she said, with a contemptuous sneer, ‘You had better go and ask permission of the Europeans to come and sew for me on the Sabbath. You observe the day like the English; I do not. You had better go and ask their permission’.”10 In October 1821, Mary, David Griffiths’ wife, started a sewing class of six girls, producing shirts. She was joined by Mary Anne Jones, and from 1824 they taught girl stu- dents in classes of from forty to fifty the art of sewing, making up jack- ets and trousers for men, and Malabar shirting for women, as well as kerchiefs and overcoats. Mary Johns started her own sewing classes— by February 1834 she had a class of thirty girls. Missionary-taught girls were subsequently highly prized. In late 1825, one highly com- petent pupil sempstress was taken from Mary Griffiths’ class by order of Radama and given to a favourite officer as a second wife.11 Most of these girls were taken by the government and organised into fanom- poana units: e.g. at the start of 1828, 120 girls were removed from the Central School for government fanompoana, and most employed in making army uniforms and flags.12 They complimented the larger

8 Freeman and Johns, Narrative of the Persecution, 105. 9 Ellis, , vol. 2, 489; see also Freeman and Johns, Narrative of the Persecution, 107. 10 Harvey Newcomb, A Cyclopedia of Missions; containing a Comprehensive View of Missionary Operations throughout the World (New York: Charles Scribner, 1855), 528. 11 Griffiths to Arundel “private” Antananarivo, 20 Dec 1825, Bx.2 F.2 J.C.; Johns to Ellis, Antananarivo, 18 Feb 1834, Bx.5 F.1 J.A—MIL, SOAS/CWM. 12 Jones et al., “Second Report of the Madagascar Missionary School Society”; Freeman and Johns, Narrative of the Persecution, 107; Rabary, Daty Malaza, vol. 1, 24, 41, 49; Ellis, History of Madagascar, vol. 1, 277–82; Pfieffer, Voyage à Madagascar, 222; Chapus, Quatre-vingt ans, 230.