The Temple of Jupiter Stator in Carthago Nova and the Sertorian War Religious Worship and Civil War*

MEFRA – 132/2 – 2020, p. 449-462. The Temple of Jupiter Stator in Carthago Nova and the Sertorian War Religious worship and civil war*

Juan García González

J. García González, Newcastle University – [email protected]

Over twenty years ago, a late Republican temple dedicated to Jupiter Stator came to light on the outskirts of Cartagena (Murcia, Spain). The aim of this article is to demonstrate that there is a connection between this structure and the Sertorian War, as well as between the cult of Stator and the civil wars of the 1st cent. BCE. Moreover, this paper draws attention to some important aspects of the religious relationship between Rome and the provinces, such as the military background that seems to be consistently attached to the worship of Stator both in Italy and beyond, its close association with the fights between and subsequent coexistence of Romans and Sabines, and the role of this attribute of Jupiter in the civil struggles that characterized the end of the Roman Republic.

Cartagena, cult place, Jupiter Stator, Aquinius, Metellus Pius, Sertorius, Romulus, Catiline’s conspiracy

Il y a plus de vingt ans, un temple de la fin de l’époque républicaine dédié à Jupiter Stator fut mis au jour dans la banlieue de Carthagène (Murcie, Espagne). L’objectif de cet article est de démontrer qu’il existe un lien entre cette structure et la guerre sertorienne, ainsi qu’entre le culte de Stator et les guerres civiles du Ier siècle av. J.-C. En outre, on attire l’attention sur certains aspects importants de la relation religieuse entre Rome et les provinces, comme le contexte militaire qui semble être constamment attaché au culte de Stator en Italie et au-delà, son association étroite avec les combats entre Romains et Sabins et leur coexistence ultérieure, et le rôle de cet attribut de Jupiter dans les luttes civiles qui ont caractérisé la fin de la République romaine.

Carthagène, lieu de culte, Jupiter Stator, Aquinius, Metellus Pius, Sertorius, Romulus, conjuration de Catalina

Introduction meant that it enjoyed special importance between the 3rd and the 1st centuries BCE. The worship of Jupiter Stator has been the The intention of this paper is to explore a novel subject of intense debate among modern scholars and significant case study, that of the temple of because of its relevance to the monarchical and Jupiter Stator, recently discovered by archaeolo- Republican traditions of Rome. The characteristics gists in Carthago Nova. The ensuing discussion will of the cult to Stator, as well as its protective conno- seek to demonstrate its connection with the victory tations in times of war, whether external or civil, that the senatorial armies secured in the Sertorian

* Early versions of the argument of this paper were aspects of the site and gave me permission to reproduce presented at conferences held at Zaragoza and Madrid the plans of the temple. Juan Manuel Abascal Palazón in May 2018 and April 2019. I would like to thank the kindly allowed me to use the picture provided in fig. 3. participants in those events for their questions and reac- Amy Russell, Estela García Fernández, David Espinosa tions. I am very grateful to Federico Santangelo for further Espinosa and David García Domínguez read sections discussion and for his comments on previous versions of of this paper and offered valuable insights and advice. this paper. Rafael González Fernández, one of the archae- Finally, thanks are due to the anonymous referees and ologists involved in the discovery of the temple of Jupiter the Editor of MEFRA for their thorough and constructive Stator in Carthago Nova, helpfully clarified my doubts on feedback. The Temple of Jupiter Stator in Carthago Nova and the Sertorian War 450 Juan García González

Fig. 1 – Location of the Temple of Jupiter Stator (Cabezo Gallufo). From Amante Sánchez et al., 1995, p. 534, modified with the assistance of Denís Paredes Roibás.

War, as well as showing the importance of different bay of present-day Cartagena (Murcia, Spain), aspects of the cult to Stator, such as the role that this south of Santa Lucía District, at the foot of a hill deity played in the spatial and temporal contexts of known as Cabezo Gallufo (fig. 1). military crisis in Italy and the Empire, and its ethnic The aedes, measuring 10.45×5.79 m, consists connotations and association with the subjugation of a double rectangular structure comprising two of the Sabines. The final section of this paper will rooms, separated by a wall, which were erected at discuss how Stator acted as a guarantor for good different times. The original building, to the left Roman citizens in confronting internal seditions. of the plan below, had only one altar dedicated His worship during the period of the civil wars of to offerings (see I, II and III in fig. 2). The second the late Republic became the source of inspira- room, to the right, erected later in time, had three tion for Cicero to gather the Senate in the temple podia, while an inscription on the pavement indi- of Jupiter Stator on the day he delivered his first cated the divinity to whom worship was rendered: speech against Catiline. Iuppiter Stator (see IV in fig. 2). Thissacellum was added in the final phase of the site after successive Description and chronology restorations of the first room. The entrance was of the temple longitudinal and transversal, giving access to both chambers. In 1993 archaeologists discovered a small As the inscription found on the site shows, Roman religious complex on the outskirts of the second cella was commissioned by a freedman ancient Carthago Nova.1 The site is located in the whose name was Marcus Aquinius Andro (fig. 3):

1. Martín Camino 1994, p. 13-14; Amante Sánchez et al. 1995; Antolinos Martín – Noguera Celdrán – Soler Huertas 2010, González Fernández – Martín Camino – Pérez Bonet 1996; p. 213-215. 451

Fig. 2 – Building phases of the Temple of Jupiter Stator (I-IV) and placement of inscription (arrow). From Amante Sánchez et al., 1995, p. 548.

Fig. 3 – Inscription of M. Aquinius Andro dedicated to Iuppiter Stator preserved at the Museo Arqueológico Municipal de Cartagena. Picture by Juan Manuel Abascal Palazón. The Temple of Jupiter Stator in Carthago Nova and the Sertorian War 452 Juan García González

M(arcus) Aquini(us) M(arci) l(ibertus) Andro / Iovi ical field, the appearance in Spain of other similar Statori de sua p(ecunia) qur(avit) / l(ibens) m(erito).2 inscriptions on pavement, such as those of El Burgo Employing his own capital, he dedicated the temple de Ebro (Zaragoza), Itálica (Sevilla) or Mazarrón to Jupiter under the title of Stator, often trans- (Murcia), leads us to ascribe that of Stator to lated as “the Stayer”, i.e., “one who establishes or the late Republican period.7 The archaic form upholds.”3 It is not possible to determine a precise quravit,8 the abbreviation in -i of the nominative difference of chronology between the different Aquinius,9 or the lead ingots belonging to the gens phases of the temple, but at least the mosaic and Aquinia discovered in Cartagena10 also refer to late the second room of the temple were sponsored by Republican chronologies. Therefore, the ascrip- Aquinius Andro. tion of the aedes Iovis Statoris of Carthago Nova to Archaeologists have also found a ritual deposit the Sertorian War (82-72 BCE), or at least its final at the entrance of the aedes which is related to the phase, within this possible framework that encom- last stage of the building: up to 669 animal skeletal passes approximately sixty years, is fully plausible. remains have been discovered, most of them astra- gals of ovines.4 This finding has been associated with a religious banquet of foundational character The Aquinii and the Metelli: two families linked by the Sertorian War probably carried out by the family members and relates. Given the status of the devotee, the nature Leaving aside the chronology, we must rely on of the dedication, the location of the structure on other sorts of arguments if we are to firmly esta- the outskirts of Carthago Nova and not within the blish a relationship between the bellum Sertorianum city-walls, as well as the short period of worship, a and the temple in Carthago Nova. This twofold clear private component can be inferred concerning aedes is a unique case in the Iberian Peninsula and the cult rendered to Stator in the temple. no other dedication to Jupiter Stator has been To give a chronology to this unique aedes, the found in Spain; given its exceptionality, the erec- only one dedicated to Jupiter Stator known so tion of this sanctuary on the outskirts of Cartagena far on the Iberian Peninsula, we have different must have required a strong motivation. dating features. Modern authors tend to point to a Q. Metellus Macedonicus, after celebrating his broad chronology between the last third of the 2nd triumph in 146 BCE, sponsored the construction century and the first third of the 1st century BCE (133-66 BCE).5 It is important to note that, after this period, the cult of the temple stopped and the structure was no longer in use by the second half Benidorm and Cap Negret, Alicante (Bayo Fuentes 2014, st of the 1 century BCE. p. 99, 110); Libisosa/Lezuza (Uroz Rodríguez – Uroz Sáez From an archaeological point of view, the 2014, p. 201-201); Ilici/Elche (Ronda Femenia – Tendero amphorae fragments of the Dressel 1a, Lamboglia Porras 2014, p. 223-225; also Mañá C2b); Valentia/ Valencia, destroyed in 75 BCE during the Sertorian War 2 and Mañá C2b types and the pottery fragments (Ribera i Lacomba 2011, p. 460; Pascual Berlanga – Ribera of Campaniense A attached to the stratigraphy of i Lacomba 2015, p. 739-750; also Mañá C2b). the second stance of the temple are characteristic 7. The inscription from El Burgo de Ebro, of a religious of Sertorian contexts.6 If we get into the epigraph- nature and mentioning the names of two freedmen, has been dated between the end of the 2nd century and the 70s BCE (AE 2001, 1237; HEp 11, 621; Ferreruela et al. 2003, p. 217-230). That from Mazarrón, with two magistri in charge of aedilician activities, has a chronology between 2. AE 1995, 938; 1996, 926; HEp 1996, 6, 655. Measurements: the final years of the nd2 century and the first half of the inscription block 71x37 cm, letters 11-13 cm. Ist century BCE (HEp 1, 487; Ramallo Asensio 1979-1980, 3. See “stator”2 in OLD. p. 306-307). The mosaic of Trahius from Itálica has been 4. Portí Durán 2009, p. 79-88. dated to 90-70 BCE (CILA II, 578; AE 1988, 707; Canto 5. See also, Gómez Pallarés 1997, p. 110-113; Ramallo 1999, p. 178-182). Asensio 1998, p. 124; Díaz Ariño 2008, p. 108-109; De la 8. díaz Ariño 2008, p. 109; Caballos Rufino 2012, p. 30-31. Escosura Balbás 2018, p. 439. 9. González Fernández 1995, p. 351-356; Abascal Palazón – 6. On these typologies in Sertorian contexts of the Ebro Valley, Ramallo Asensio 1997, p. 441-443. see Beltrán Lloris 2002, p. 59-64. Sites along the east coast 10. The ingots, dated to the first half of the Ist century BCE, of Spain related to the Sertorian War where Dressel 1A, bear the names of two members of the family, M. Aquini Lamboglia 2 and Campaniense A have appeared: Saetabi/ C.f. and C. Aquini M.f. See Domergue 1966, p. 54-57, 2005, Játiva (Pérez Ballester 2014, p. 60-61); Tossal de la Cala, p. 191; Díaz Ariño 2008, p. 277-278. 453 in Rome of an aedes Iovis Statoris next to the Circus who, while serving as Metellus Pius’ legate during Flaminius beside the temple dedicated to Juno the Sertorian War, was defeated by the rebel Regina; both religious structures were included commander at Lacobriga in 78 BCE.17 Therefore, within the Porticus Metelli. The identification of the Aquinii were not only tied to the Metelli, they this building with the Caecilii Metelli was such that, also actively participated in the bellum Sertorianum. in Pliny and Vitruvius, the Temple of Jupiter Stator Finally, the appearance in the wrecks of Escombreras and the Porticus appear to be directly mentioned II and III of Cartagena of lead ingots with the brand as aedes Metelli and porticus Metelli, respectively.11 As of the Aquinii and the seal of a Societas Baliarica could has been pointed out, there is a possible parallel also point to a connection between this family and between the double nature of the temple in the Metelli:18 the Balearic Islands were conquered in Carthago Nova, whose structure is composed of 121 BCE by Metellus Balearicus, who, in Mallorca, two adjoining rooms and a longitudinal entrance, founded the colonies of Palma and Pollentia too.19 and the two cults, those of Regina and Stator, The commercial interests of the Aquinii on these included within the Porticus Metelli.12 Given the islands might well be related to the importance connection between the worship of Stator and enjoyed there by the Metelli. the Metelli, there might be a nexus between the The erection of the temple dedicated to Jupiter temple in Carthago Nova and one of the most Stator in Carthago Nova could be explained by important families in Republican Rome. the links between the Aquinii and the Metelli: the The freedman Andro who sponsored the aedes former owed their promotion to the patronage had been a slave of the Aquinii, an Italian lineage of the latter; both families were highly involved of negotiatores involved in the exploitation of mines in the bellum Sertorianum and seemed to share a of the peninsular south-east that is often attested in deference towards the same invocation of the Carthago Nova in the Ist century BCE:13 along with main god of the Roman Pantheon. It is possible the case of Andro, we find the epitaph of a freed- that the freedman, M. Aquinius Andro, commis- woman called Aquinia Stratonice,14 lead ingots with sioned his aedes in the aftermath of the Sertorian the names of Marcus and Gaius Aquinius, and a War, imitating the devotion demonstrated by the noble family of Metellus Pius, the commander series of coins minted by C. Aquinius Mela in the who ended the revolt in Spain alongside Pompey Augustan age.15 The written sources testify to a the Great.20 close, perhaps client-based, relationship between the Aquinii and the Metelli. We know of M. Aquinius, a senator who accompanied Metellus Scipio in Africa shortly before Caesar’s victory.16 Plutarch, for his 17. Plut., Sert., 13, 6; Broughton 1952, p. 87; Konrad 1994, part, mentioned an , certainly an Aquinius p. 139. Koch (1988, p. 404) already suggested this connec- Ἀκυῖνος tion between the Aquinii of Italy, probably from ancient Aquinum (Schulze 1933, p. 526, 540), and those established in New Carthage. Ancient authors referred to the members of this gens indistinctly as Aquinus and Aquinius; 11. Plin., NH, 36.40; Vitr., 3, 2, 5. The temple is also called aedes see, e.g., the case of the poet referred to as Aquinius in Iovis Metellinae [porticus] in Festus (496; I follow Russell Cicero (Tusc., 5, 63; Dougan – Henry 1934, p. 255: six out 2016, p. 124, who adds porticus in the genitive). On the of eight manuscripts have the form Aquinios instead of Porticus Metelli and the two temples it included see Gros Aquinos), but Aquinus in Catullus (14, 18). The fact that 1973; Coarelli 2018, p. 351-357. On its private nature and the nomen Aquinius appears in Appian and Plutarch, respec- the close links between the Metelli and the cult of Stator tively as Ἀκουῖνος and Ἀκυῗνος, could well be explained by see De Stefano 2015, p. 42-44; Russell 2016, p. 120-126. the difficulties in transliterating Latin into Greek. 12. Ramallo Asensio – Ruiz Valderas 1994, p. 98-99. Arce 18. Poveda Navarro 2000, p. 294-299, 305-306; Alonso (1994, p. 86) also claimed that the aedes found in New Campoy – Pinedo Reyes 2008, p. 223. Carthage probably imitated another structure in Rome. 19. Strab., 3, 5, 1. Both colonies were probably re-founded 13. The Aquinii of Carthago Nova were probably Italian immi- in the aftermath of the Sertorian War with contingents of grants settled in the city as negotiatores (Curchin 1991, veterans (Olesti Vila 2010, p. 1014-1017). p. 138-139). 20. It should be noted that there was an important difference 14. CIL II, 3448; Abascal Palazón – Ramallo Asensio 1997, between the vow, construction and dedication of a temple p. 318-319. by a private individual and by a magistrate cum imperio or 15. RPC 157; Llorens Forcada 1994, p. 54, 145. the Senate ex S.C.: in the first case the religious implications 16. Caes., BAfr., 57. We also know of an Ἀκουῖνος, probably a were only associated to the commissioner of the building, M. Aquinius, perhaps the same character, who supported while in the latter the action of devotion had a public Cassius and Brutus (App., B.C., 2, 119; Crawford 1974, nº nature and involved the Roman Republic as a whole. See 498-499; Broughton 1952, p. 364). Aberson 1994, p. 41-43 and passim; Cavallero 2018. The Temple of Jupiter Stator in Carthago Nova and the Sertorian War 454 Juan García González

However, one question emerges: why would a the Romans finally resisted on the Palatine and libertus such as Andro commission such a building? drove the Sabines away.25 Long after these mythical An answer may be found in the high social status times M. Atilius Regulus commissioned the aedes enjoyed by the freedmen in Carthago Nova in Iovis Statoris at the beginning of the 3rd century BCE Republican times as agents of Italian merchant after defeating the Samnites at the Battle of Luceria. families. If we look at the 48 inscriptions found This temple was erected in the indeterminate in this city and its territory dating between the place, between the forum and the Collis Palatium, 2nd and 1st centuries BCE, of the 61 individuals where Romulus had asked for Jupiter’s aid in the mentioned, we find as many as 31 freedmen and fight with the Sabines, a legend that was probably 8 slaves.21 That is to say, up to 64 % of those listed created at the same time as the construction of the had a non-free condition, while 36 % of them (22 structure in the 3rd century.26 Metellus Macedonicus in number) are Roman citizens or ingenui. In turn, himself erected his temple after the submission of we often see freedmen and slaves acting as magistri Macedonia in 146 BCE, while Cicero decided to in collegia organizations in charge of building activ- gather the Senate in the Romulean aedes Iovis Statoris ities similar to those associations of the Italians in to face the Catilinarian conspiracy. All four cases Delos,22 or liberti as devotees in religious inscrip- have a context of serious military crisis in common: tions.23 If we consider the important economic at the beginning of the campaign, the Roman forces and social position held by the non-free people in lost on the battlefield but, thanks to the support of Carthago Nova, as well as the role they played as Jupiter Stator, they eventually prevailed over the delegates of Italians with influence in Hispania, it enemy, whether Sabines, Samnites, Macedonians seems unsurprising to find, in this temporal and or fellow Roman citizens.27 spatial context, a libertus such as M. Aquinius We can draw similar conclusions from the Andro sponsoring, with his own capital, the erec- analysis of the epigraphical evidence for the cult tion of a temple dedicated to Jupiter Stator to of Stator. Three inscriptions found in the vicinity commemorate the end of the Sertorian War. of Alba Fucens attest the existence of a sanctuary dedicated to this god in the second century CE; the worship, which dates back to the Republican The cult of Stator and the military realm

The cult of Jupiter Stator was closely associated with deeds of arms and victories that the Romans 25. Liv., 1, 12, 3; Plut., Rom., 18, 5-7; Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom., 2, had obtained in a defensive position at times of 50, 3; Flor., 1, 1, 13; Serv., Aen., 8, 635, 640. military crisis.24 According to an influential tradi- 26. It is generally agreed that the myth of Romulus and Stator was created later in time, when Regulus defeated the tion, Romulus vowed to build a temple to Stator if Samnites and commissioned his temple to the same god the god intervened in the fight against the Sabines (Liv., 10, 36, 11; 37, 15; Wissowa 1912, p. 122; Poucet 1967, when the enemies of the Romans were about to take p. 205-215; Aberson, 1994, p. 109-110, 136; Wiseman the city. Jupiter listened to the king and stopped the 1995, p. 140-141; Orlin 2002, p. 55, 74; Oakley, 2005, p. 378). The location of the so-called Temple of Jupiter flight of his army; thanks to this divine intercession, Stator, promised by Romulus, according to the tradition, and erected by Regulus is still under discussion. The different possibilities proposed for identifying the sanctuary are: Temple of Romulus (Coarelli 2018, p. 106-108); the 21. The corpus of Republican inscriptions found in Carthago south-east podium on the Arch of Titus (Ziolkowski 1989, Nova and its adjacent territory in Díaz Ariño 2008, p. 225-239; Claridge – Toms – Cubberley 2010, p. 157; p. 99-142. I have excluded from my calculation those indi- contra Arce 1994, p. 79-90); at the upper end of the Nova viduals who can be considered as foreigners in the city, via (Coarelli 2012, p. 12-118; contra Ziolkowski 2015, such as provincial magistrates or members of families of p. 569-581). A structure next to the Porta Mugonia has negotiatores mentioned in pottery fragments. been recently proposed as the Temple of Stator (Arvanitis 22. See the inscriptions from “Castillo de la Concepción de et al. 2013, p. 28-37; Arvanitis – Sposito 2014, p. 265-275; Cartagena” (CIL II, 3434; CIL I2, 2271; ILLRP 778) and Arvanitis – Carafa – Ippoliti 2014, p. 143-158; Carafa et “Cabo de Palos” (CIL II, 3433; CIL I2, 2270; ILLRP 777). al. 2016; Arvanitis et al. 2017, p. 591-678); contra Wiseman 23. AE 1982, 636 (to Serapis and Isis); CIL II, 3409 (to Hercules 2017, p. 13-45, who also provides an excellent review of Gaditanus): both inscriptions have been dated to the first the discussion (see too Zevi 2014, p. 49-61). half of the 1st century BCE. 27. Metellus began the war in Macedonia with serious defeats 24. Ogilvie 1965, p. 78; Eckstein 2006, p. 223-225; Aberson on the battlefield; hence, he vowed to build a temple to 2010, p. 497. Stator (Pietilä-Castrén 1987, p. 129; Coarelli 1997, p. 489). 455 age,28 was probably related to the function that the Carthago Nova supported Sertorius in the first Latin colony, founded at the time of the Battle of stages of the war: the rebel dux embarked from the Luceria, had as a stronghold of Rome in the central city to flee towards Africa in 81 BCE as the Sullan area of Italy. The reality does not change when we commander, C. Annius Luscus, was progressing approach the Imperial period: in the provinces of across the Iberian east coast.34 Nevertheless, at a Dacia,29 Raetia30 and Africa,31 inscriptions dedicated certain point, the city switched to the Senatorial to Stator have been found in frontier areas where camp and operated as a naval bastion of Metellus the fighting was continuous; the devotees, often Pius and Pompeius Magnus.35 This would explain soldiers, asked for the god’s protection when they why, as Cicero reports, L. Cornelius Balbus and joined in the fight or defended the frontiers of the C. Memmius, Pompey’s lieutenant, were besieged Empire against foreign attacks. As for the inscrip- in Carthago Nova by the Sertorians: tions of Jupiter Stator from Rome, they either commemorate the victories of the emperor or add The prosecutor admits everything else: that the attribute victor to the name of the deity.32 Cornelius was with Quintus Metellus and with Gaius Since the cult of Jupiter Stator generally had Memmius, in both navy and army, in Spain during a connection with the military realm, it could be a most strenuous campaign; that when Pompeius proposed that the dedication of the temple by the arrived in Spain and had Memmius as his quaestor, freedman M. Aquinius Andro on the outskirts of Cornelius never left Memmius, that he was besieged modern Cartagena could also contain a martial and at Carthage and present at those major and hard- victorious symbolism. In the chronological frame fought battles, on the Sucro and the Turia, that he that we are concerned with, that is, between the stayed with Pompeius until the very end of the war.36 last third of the 2nd century and the first third of st the 1 century BCE, there is only one known deed Sallust seems to have narrated the blockade of arms that affected Carthago Nova: the siege that of Carthago Nova since two of the fragments of the city suffered at the hands of the Sertorians in the Historiae describe the geography of the area: 33 76 BCE. the first depicts a city surrounded by water which could be said to be an island; the second portrays an enclave fortified in three zones.37 Both descrip- 28. CIL IX, 3923; 3949; 3950; Letta 1992, p. 117; Stek 2009, tions coincide with those given of Carthago Nova p. 71. in Livy and Polybius;38 and, if Sallust included in 29. CIL III, 1087; IDR III, 5, 226 and CIL III, 1089; IDR III, 5, his work an explanation of the battle, it can be 230; ILS 3010: both inscriptions, dated to the Dacian Wars or their aftermath, are from Alba Iulia, ancient Apulum, in inferred that the siege of the city had significance Dacia, where there was a Roman military camp; the dedi- in the Sertorian War. cator of CIL III, 1089 was legatus Augusti. CIL III, 895; ILS Sertorius planned the attack on Carthago 3023: inscription from Turda, Romania, the ancient castrum Nova by sea with the aim of blocking its bay. of Potaissa; dated to 201-230 CE, it shows a tribunus militum that was devotee of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Stator Depulsor. Although a land attack through the isthmus of 30. This inscription from Saal an der Donau, which depicts Cartagena is not certain, what is evident is that the a centurion gratefully acknowledging the aid of Jupiter Optimus Maximus Stator, is no doubt related to the Marcomannic Wars (CIL III, 5937; Dietz – Fischer 1996, p. 169-170). 31. ILS 3011: found in Khenchela (Algeria), ancient Masula, 34. Plut., Sert., 7, 4 on the southern frontier of the province of Africa. 35. Stahl 1907, p. 66-67; Sala Sellés – Moratalla Jávega 2014, 32. ILS 3012: inscription dedicated to Jupiter Stator and p. 14-15. Conservator asking for the victory of Marcus Aurelius on 36. Cic., Balb., 5: cetera accusator fatetur, hunc in Hispania durissimo the battlefield.CIL VI, 877a, 32323-32324; AE 2002, 192; a bello cum Q. Metello, cum C. Memmio et in classe et in exercitu full reconstruction of this fragmentary inscription appears fuisse; ut Pompeius in Hispaniam venerit Memmiumque habere in Schnegg-Köhler 2002, p. 17-45: Stator is called victor in quaestorem coeperit, numquam a Memmio discessisse, Carthagine this official document of Augustus dated to 17 BCE. Pseudo esse obsessum, acerrimis illis proeliis et maximis, Sucronensi et Cicero also links Stator and victory when he explains that Turiensi, interfuisse, cum Pompeio ad extremum belli tempus the Romulean temple in the Urbs was in Palati radice cum fuisse (trans. Steel, 2001, p. 103). Victoriae conlocatum (Ps.-Cic., or. pr. qu. in ex. Iret., 24). 37. Sal., Hist., 2, 56-57 (ed. Maurenbrecher); McGushin 1992, 33. The year 76 is the date of the siege according to Konrad’s p. 219; Ramsey 2015, p. 158-159. revision of the chronology of the Sertorian War (Konrad 38. Liv., 26, 48, 4; Plb., 10, 10, 5. On Polybius’ depiction of 1995, p. 186). New Carthage, see Walbank 1957, p. 205-210. The Temple of Jupiter Stator in Carthago Nova and the Sertorian War 456 Juan García González

Fig. 4 – Location of the Temple of Jupiter Stator (Cabezo Gallufo) and Sertorian attack on Carthago Nova (arrow). From Amante Sánchez et al., 1995, p. 534, modified with the assistance of Denís Paredes Roibás.

rebel commander employed the fleet installed in its entrance, “as if wanting to embrace the city Dianium, modern Denia, his naval operations base, under its protection”,41 could commemorate the to assault and take over the city.39 A project of the resilience of Carthago Nova against the Sertorian University of Alicante has discovered a series of onslaught. Sertorian fortifications in ancientContestania dating Since the worship of Jupiter Stator was linked to the 70s BCE whose function was to control the to the military victories obtained by the Romans as Spanish east coast.40 These archaeological sites, defenders, it is plausible that this aedes Iovis Statoris along with ancient sources, inform us of the mari- was erected libens merito by the Aquinii, as a private time potential that Sertorius enjoyed during the initiative, because of the aid that the god had lent war, a sufficient power to attempt the conquest of to Carthago Nova by keeping the city unshakable the most prominent city of Republican Hispania. and protecting it against the siege arranged by However, Carthago Nova, led by C. Memmius, Sertorius. resisted the attack and rejected the enemies. The Konrad has conclusively demonstrated that location of the Temple of Jupiter Stator on Cabezo L. Afranius, Pompey’s legate in Spain in the Gallufo Hill, with a privileged panoramic view Sertorian War, became governor of the province overlooking the Bay of Cartagena, if we stand at of Citerior sometime between 71 and 67 BCE, immediately after the conflict.42 Since Carthago

39. García Morá 1991, p. 228-229. On Dianium as a Sertorian base: Sal., Hist., 1, 124; Cic., 2 Verr., 1, 87; 5, 146; Strab., 3, 41. Martín Camino 2005, p. 178. On the panoramic views 4, 6. On Sertorius’ control of the sea: Plut., Sert., 21, 7. from the Temple of Jupiter Stator see Belmonte Avilés et 40. Abad Casal – Moratalla Jávega – Sala Sellés 2014, p. 79-89; al. 2015, p. 150-155. Bayo Fuentes 2014, p. 99-113; Espinosa Ruiz et al. 2014, 42. Cic., Pis., 58; Konrad 1978, p. 67-76, 1994, p. 168; Amela p. 115-125. Valverde 2002, p. 101; Malavolta 2013, p. 108-111; most 457

Nova was the provincial capital, the erection of appearance of inscriptions to Stator in Sabina to the temple of Jupiter Stator could well have taken the arrival of Roman settlers in the region.44 In that place during Afranius’ magistracy, and thus the vein, it could be proposed that the devotion of the sacred building might have represented a way for god under this appellation had a further meaning: some inhabitants of the city, such as the Aquinii, to like Romulus when he fought to defend the city, ingratiate themselves with the Pompeian officers the colonists who established themselves among like Memmius (and perhaps Afranius as well) who the Sabines sought the protection of Stator in a had defended Carthago Nova against the Sertorian hostile land. assault of 76 BCE. The Sabine origin of Sertorius, a native of Nursia,45 cannot be overlooked because the legend of Romulus and the ethnic connotations of Stator’s Stator and the struggle between Romans cult possibly provided the inspiration for the and Sabines construction of the aedes discovered in Cartagena. In other words: just as Romulus, with the assis- The aedes of Cartagena may also contain an tance of Jupiter Stator, had managed to hinder the ethnic dimension. The cult devoted to Stator was Sabines when they were about to take Rome, the strongly linked to the fights and differentiation inhabitants of Carthago Nova, under the protec- between Romans and Sabines. According to tradition of the same deity, had succeeded in resisting tion, Romulus was the first to establish a cult of the siege that the Sabine commander Quintus Jupiter Stator in the Urbs: as his people fled from Sertorius had laid against their city.46 the Sabines, the king entrusted himself to Stator to bring his troops back in order to fight. This foundational legend could explain the Jupiter Stator as the defender of good appearance of worship to Stator in Sabina in citizens in times of civil discord Republican times. Since the devotion to this invocation of Jupiter is extremely rare in Italy, the Devotion to Stator was originally associated epigraphic evidence from Forum Novum and Nursia to the fight of Rome against Italic and foreign requires an explanation.43 Sisani attributes the enemies, as is apparent from the aforementioned instances of Romulus and M. Atilius Regulus:

probably in 68 BC (Díaz Fernández, p. 540). On Afranius’ activity in the Sertorian War: Plut., Sert., 19, 5; Oros., 5, 23, to these same gods), as well as the parallels between the 14; Sal., Hist., 3, 86; Strab., 3, 4, 10; Val. Max., 7, 6, ext. 3; rituals of the 27 maidens, lead us to consider that Jupiter Flor., 2, 10, 9. Stator was the deity worshipped in Nursia, a hypothesis 43. An inscription with a C. Vibius Celer devotee of Stator[i that could be corroborated by the inscriptions mentioned I(ovi)] was found at Forum Novum (AE 1990, 250; SuppIt above. 5, 18; Engfer 2017, p. 272; I follow the reading of Sisani 44. Sisani 2013, p. 52. 2011, p. 686). In the case of Nursia, we know about an 45. Plut., Sert., 2, 1 inscription seen by Mommsen, which has since been lost 46. A coin minted at Carthago Nova between the 50s and the (CIL IX, 4534; Evans 1939, p. 120-121) and another one 40s BCE (RPC I, 149), with Pompey represented as the with an S after Iovi interpreted by Sisani as Stator (AE 1983, goddess Concordia on the obverse and a trophy and the 297; Sisani 2013, p. 52-53). Obsequens, for his part, reports word SABINVS on the reverse, could allude to the end of on a prodigy that happened in Nursia in 97 BCE: when a the Sertorian conflict through an allegory of the trophies statue of Jupiter turned to the left, it was decided that, to raised by Magnus in the Pyrenees (Sal., Hist., 3, 89; Exup., purify the city, 27 virgins had to deposit images of Juno 8, 25, 56; Strab., 3, 4, 1; 3, 4, 7; 3, 4, 9; 4, 1, 4; Plin., NH, Regina made of cypress wood in the temple of the goddess 3, 18; 7, 96; Amela Valverde 2016). This interpretation has (Obseq., 48). This ritual has clear similarities to Livy’s tale: been followed by Beltrán Martínez 1949, p. 20; Beltrán at some point during the Second Punic War, 27 maidens Lloris – Beltrán Lloris 1980, p. 56; Ripollès 2010, p. 125. were singing a hymn in the Romulean temple to Jupiter In this way, perhaps the term Sabinus made reference to Stator when lightning struck the sanctuary of Juno Regina; the ethnic origins of Sertorius, thus complementing the to expiate Rome, these same young women carried, in connotations that I have proposed for the Temple of Jupiter procession, two cypress wood statues to the temple of the Stator. Other authors have argued that SABINVS alludes to goddess, which was located on the Aventine (Liv., 27, 37, M. Minatius Sabinus, a proquaestor under Pompey’s sons 7-15). Although Obsequens does not say to which invo- in Spain in 46-45 BCE (Crawford 1974, nº 470; Amela cation of Jupiter the temple in Nursia was dedicated, the Valverde 1990-1991, p. 186, 196; 1997-1998, p. 143; close ties between Stator and Regina (let us remember that 2013, p. 230). Caution is advised in Llorens Forcada 1994, the Porticus Metelli surrounded two sanctuaries dedicated p. 45-46; Berdowski 2019, p. 179-183. The Temple of Jupiter Stator in Carthago Nova and the Sertorian War 458 Juan García González

when the Romans were fleeing from their foes, the From the 1st century BCE the cult of Stator was god intervened to bring them back onto the battle- closely linked to civil confrontation, with Jupiter field and win the battle. acting as guarantor and benefactor of the good However, by the 1st century BCE the ancient Romans in opposition to those fellow-citizens who accounts confirm a correlation between the cult had sought to destroy the res publica. In this way, devoted to Jupiter Stator and the civil struggle: thus, “the Stayer” was responsible for the safety of Rome the deity became the defender of the good cives in by keeping away and repelling the inner enemies times of internal discord. The link is most strongly from the city walls, while Cicero, in his speech, asserted by Cicero, who chose the Romulean aedes attempted to appear as a Romulus fighting Remus Iovis Statoris as the venue of the Senate session of 8 in a fratricidal (and civil) contest.49 November 63 BCE, the day on which he delivered Similar conclusions can be drawn from other his first Catilinarian. Stator is explicitly defined in ancient accounts. Seneca claims that the original the speech as the ancient guardian of Rome: logic behind the attribute Stator was to define Jupiter as the stabilizer of all things under his We owe a great debt of gratitude to the immortal protection.50 Plutarch, for his part, translates it gods and especially to this Jupiter Stator, the god as Στήσιος and Ἐπιστάσιος, literally the one who who from the earliest times has stood guard over the is “over the stasis”.51 It is probably because of the city, for enabling us time and again to escape this connotations associated with Stator that Caesar, pestilence, so foul, so revolting, and so deadly to our upon his return to Rome after his victories over country.47 Pompey, offered a spear and auctioned his goods in the Temple of Jupiter Stator to indirectly celebrate Furthermore, Jupiter Stator was the one who the end of the Civil War and legitimate his victory kept the Urbs and the Empire strong in the face of over the inner enemies of Rome.52 those bad citizens who had risen up from its inte- Given that the bellum Sertorianum must be rior and became enemies of the commonwealth. considered as a civil war waged in a provincial Thus, Stator ensured the welfare of all good citi- territory,53 the temple in Cartagena would acquire zens when confronted by those Romans who, like new ideological and political connotations. Thus, Catiline and his followers, sought to destroy the the city of Carthago Nova, when it had to resist city: Sertorius’ attack, would have come under the protection of Jupiter Stator, the god who acted as [Catiline] be off to your sacrilegious and wicked war! guarantor of Rome in the face of attempts by the And you, Jupiter, who were established by the same evil cives to destroy its empire. auspices as those by which Romulus founded this city, whom we rightly call the ‘Stayer’ (Stator) of this

city and empire, may you drive him and his asso- Romulo es constitutus, quem Statorem huius urbis atque imperi ciates away from your temple and the other temples, vere nominamus, hunc et huius socios a tuis ceterisque templis, a away from the buildings and the walls of the city, tectis urbis ac moenibus, a vita fortunisque civium omnium arcebis et homines bonorum inimicos, hostis patriae, latrones Italiae and away from the lives and fortunes of all citizens! scelerum foedere inter se ac nefaria societate coniunctos aeternis And on these men who are the opponents of decent suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis (Trans. Berry 2009). citizens, the enemies of their country, brigands of 49. Vasaly 1993, p. 47-59; Habinek 1998, p. 84-87; Ver Eecke Italy, and linked together in an unholy alliance and 2008, p. 250-256. It should be noted that Rome, according to the tradition, prospered in the mythical times of Romulus syndicate of crime, on these, living and dead, may as a bi-ethnic community of Latins and Sabines thanks to you inflict everlasting punishment!48 the pact between the Roman king and Titus Tatius. From the perspective of the Ist c. BCE, the cult of Stator, linked to civil confrontation, could have been regarded by the Romans as associated to the fratricidal fights with the Sabines. 47. Cic., Catil., 1, 11: magna dis inmortalibus habenda est atque 50. Sen., Ben., 4, 7; Var., Gram., fr. 137. huic ipsi Iovi Statori, antiquissimo custodi huius urbis, gratia, 51. Plut., Cic., 16, 3: Στήσιος; Rom., 18, 7: Ἐπιστάσιος. quod hanc tam taetram, tam horribilem itamque infestam rei 52. Cic., Phil., 2, 26, 64; García Morcillo 2008, p. 161-163; publicae pestem totiens iam effugimus (Trans. Berry 2009). 2016, p. 126-128. 48. Cic., Catil., 1, 33: [Catilina] proficiscere ad impium bellum ac 53. Flor., 2, 10, 9. See De Michele 2005; Espinosa Espinosa nefarium. tu, Iuppiter, qui isdem quibus haec urbs auspiciis a 2014, p. 97-113; García González 2017. 459

Pliny mentions that, at one point in the first Jupiter Stator to the defence of citizens when they half of the 1st century BCE, a member of the Metelli were attacked by their own compatriots. commissioned the Greek sculptor Pasiteles to create an ivory statue of Jupiter for the temple to Stator in the family’s Porticus. Coarelli has conclusively Conclusion shown that the Metellus in question was Pius, who ordered the sculpture after returning from Spain The chronology of the Temple of Jupiter Stator to celebrate his victory in the Sertorian War.54 The in Cartagena, the existing ties between the Aquinii erection of the temple in Carthago Nova could well and the Metelli, the military implications of the cult be seen as a parallel action to that of Metellus Pius of Stator, its possible association with the siege in Rome. suffered by Carthago Nova during the Sertorian Modern scholars tend to consider that the War, and the connotations of this invocation of relationship between Stator and the civil wars Jupiter as protector of Rome in the face of civil depicted in the Catilinarians was a novel rhetor- conflicts suggest that this religious structure was ical invention of Cicero.55 However, if we consider closely related to the bellum Sertorianum. Moreover, that both Metellus’ offering and the construction it seems plausible that the erection of the aedes Iovis of the temple in New Carthage to celebrate the Statoris in Carthago Nova, sponsored by the free- defeat of the Sertorians in Hispania were slightly dman M. Aquinius Andro, took place immediately earlier than Catiline’s conspiracy of 63, we can afterwards and was ideologically motivated by the conclude that Cicero did not invent anything ex civil war that the Sabine Q. Sertorius instigated in novo, but relied on pre-existing associations within Roman Spain and shook the provinces of Citerior the Roman collective consciousness, which linked and Ulterior for a decade.

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