Historisation of Central Europe

Ed. Karla Vymětalová Zdeněk Jirásek

Opava 2014 Tato publikace je výstupem projektu

„Historizace střední Evropy jako téma pro rozvoj lidského potenciálu v oblasti výzkumu, inovací, vzdělávání a zapojení současných a budoucích vědecko-výzkumných pracovníků do mezinárodních VaV aktivit“ (č. CZ.1.07/2.3.00/20.0031), který byl financován z Evropského sociálního fondu a státního rozpočtu ČR v rámci Operačního programu Vzdělávání pro konkurenceschopnost.

Webové stránky projektu: projekty.slu.cz/historizace

„Historization of Central Europe“, a subject matter sustaining the development of human potential in research, innovation, education and integration of current and future research workers in international scientific and research activities.

Odborní recenzenti: Prof. PhDr. Ivo Barteček Prof. PhDr. Jana Burešová, CSc.

ISBN 978-80-7510-098-6 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE

CONTENT

Zdeněk Jirásek ...... 7 Historisation of Central Europe

Marie Gawrecká ...... 11 Relations between Migrations and National Identities in Central European Regions during the Second Half of the 19th Century (Vztah migrací a národních identit ve středoevropských regionech ve druhé polovině 19. století)

Marián Hochel...... 29 „Glory to the Victors!” Iconography of Napoleon’s Military Campaign 1805 and of the Battle of Austerlitz in Memorial medallions of the first French Empire („Sláva vítězům!“ Ikonografie Napoleonova válečného tažení roku 1805 a bitvy u Slavkova na pamětních medailích I. císařství ve Francii)

Olga Čadajeva...... 77 The Deposition of Patriarch Nikon from the Foreign Perspective (Pád patriarchy Nikona ze zahraniční perspektivy)

Jaromíra Knapíková...... 97 Cultural identity of the Lichnowsky Family at the Intersections of the 19th and 20th Century (Kulturní identita knížat Lichnowských na křižovatkách 19. a 20. století)

Hana Komárková...... 111 The Jewish Pogrom as the Consequence of the Economic Decline of the Community in the Middle Ages (Židovský pogrom jako důsledek hospodářského úpadku obce ve středověku)

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Zdeněk Kravar...... 133 The First Silesians behind the Wheel. The Beginnings of Motoring in Central Europe with Austrian Silesia as an Example (První Slezané za volantem. Počátky automobilismu ve stření Evropě na pří- kladu rakouského Slezska)

Andrea Pokludová...... 157 Guardians of the Nation in Action. Reconstruction of the Background of the Population Census in Opava in the Years 1880-1930 (Strážci národa v akci. Rekonstrukce pozadí sčítání lidu v Opavě v letech 1880-1930)

David Radek...... 175 The Fall of Heinz Dompnig. A Contribution to the Crisis of the Structures of Power after the Death of Matthias Corvinus (Pád Heinze Dompniga. Příspěvek ke krizi mocenských struktur po smrti Matyáše Korvína)

Dušan Segeš...... 195 West is West and Centre is East. Cold War broadcasting to East-Central Eu- rope: Radio Free Europe and the B.B.C. in the 1950s and 1960s (Západ je Západ a stred je východ. Rozhlasové vysielanie do stredovýchod- nej Európy v období studenej vojny. Rádio Slobodná Európa a B.B.C. v 50. a 60. rokoch 20. storočia)

Marek Starý ...... 215 Decline of a Nobleman from the Perspective of the Bohemian Land Law in the Early Modern Period. Indirect Reflection of the Social Perception? (Úpadek šlechtice očima českého zemského práva v raném novověku. Zpro- středkovaná reflexe společenského vnímání?)

Dušan Škvarna...... 235 A Slovak Intellectual and a Slovak Intelectualism in the 19th Century: Types of Identities. (Slovenský inteluktuál a slovenký intelektualismus v 19. storočí. Tipy identit. )

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Pavel Šopák ...... 251 Museums of Czech Silesia 1814-2014: The Re-Construction of Identity (Muzea českého Slezska 1814–2014: re-konstrukce identity)

Martin Štoll ...... 283 Do you Like Smetana? Movie Poll as a Direct Diagnostic Tool of National Identity (Máte rádi Smetanu? Filmová anketa jako přímý diagnostický nástroj národní identity)

František Švábenický...... 297 Imaginary Travelling. Natural Films up to Year 1918 (Imaginární cestování. Přírodní filmy před rokem 1918)

Karla Vymětalová...... 315 The Fate of an Intellectual in the 1st Half of the 20th Century (Theodor Hopfner, classical Philologist) (Osud intelektuála v první polovině 20. století (Theodor Hopfner, klasický filolog))

Marína Zavacká...... 335 „…and all Delegates understood him“. To the Post-war Return of Hungarian Language to the Public Space („... jeho slovám rozumeli však všetci delegáti“. K povojnovému návratu ma- ďarčiny do verejného priestoru)

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Historisation of Central Europe1

Zdeněk Jirásek

In 2007 – 2011 the research project Silesia in the history of the Czech state and Central Europe was solved at Faculty of Philosophy and Science, Silesian University in Opava. The research team was first lead by prof. PhDr. Dan Gawrecki, CSc., then by the author of this paper. Owing to the project the extensive final monography Slezsko v dějinách českého státu (i.e. Silesia in the history of the Czech state) 2 was published as well as many other monographies, research papers, articles, etc. Many international contacts were established or extended, several conferences or workshops were held and a lot of copies or excerpts were made in archives or libraries abroad. The project enabled to create a remarkable concentrated potential for further historical research. The significance of the results was highlighted in the final assessment of the project. The research project Silesia in the history of the Czech state and Central Europe was evaluated with the highest mark A. The research project enabled to create a lot of potential possibilities for further working on the up-to-then research and make good use of the up-to- then results. The aim was to do it on the sufficient institutional grounds to guarantee the appropriate support of the research project. It was a lucky moment that the continuity could have been ensured due to the new invitation

1 This article was written within tasks of the Historisation of Central Europe which was co-funded from the European Social Fund and the state budget of the Czech Republic. 2 Slezsko v dějinách českého státu, Vol. 1, Od pravěku do roku 1490, Praha 2012, 708 ps., Vol. 2, 1490 – 1763, Praha 2012, 595 ps.

7 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE for research projects to be funded from the European Social Fund and the state budget of the Czech Republic. Thus a concept emerged for the project Historisation of Central Eu- rope, which was a three-year project and a continual follow-up to the above- mentioned research project.3 The project leader was the author of this paper and the three co-ordinators were Robert Antonín, later substituted by Mar- tin Čapský, Jiří Knapík, later substituted by Karla Vymětalová, and Martin Pelc. Other team investigators were Veronika Čapská, Marie Gawrecká, Mar- ian Hochel, Irena Korbelářová, Jaromír Olšovský, Dalibor Prix, Pavel Šopák, Miloš Zapletal, and Rudolf Žáček. Administration or the project support was ensured by Zuzana Bergrová, Marek Bumbálek, Denisa Řezníčková, and Iva Volná. The project Historisation of Central Europe primarily dealt with the development of culture which was seen not only as linked to the art, but which was seen in its broadest sense, i.e. as an agent shaping and forming life style. A great attention was paid to cultural transfers and varying forms of comparison of impacts and perception of historical facts in particular geographical and political regions, or in respect of national communities or national wholes. Such was the main line which determined the directions of the research. The second line of the project was to establish, or extend international collaboration. It meant involvement of the existing international contacts of the Institute of Historical Sciences and their extension. An attention was focused primarily on Germany, Poland, Slovakia, and Austria, however, later also on a number of other countries within Europe. The project itself accentuated the importance of personal contacts. The third line of the project regarded the field of pedagogy. Within the project the history doctoral students went on special training courses and research mobilities abroad. A few master students having outstanding results were invited to collaborate, too, however it was rather exceptional. The materials acquired within particular tasks were naturally incorporated into standard lectures or seminars.

3 For some time it was naturally supplemented also by the project Popularisation of history lead by doc. PhDr. Jiří Knapík, Ph.D. and ensured by almost the same team.

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In addition, the project accentuated another important level, which was presenting the research results as monographies, collective monographies or papers. Also this platform was of a great importance and was fully accom- plished. The fourth main line was the historical research itself. Also in that respect we could follow-up to the previous results. Currently we can recapitulate the results of the project.4 The funds for the project enabled to publish 14 research monographies, five of which were published in a foreign language – in English or German. Similarly three volumes of Acta historica were published; it is a journal issued by the Institute of Historical Sciences and one of the reviewed journals in the Czech Republic. Other 50 research papers were published in journals and collections in the Czech Republic and abroad. Three international research colloquia were organised in Opava – Cul- tural exchange processes in 1200 – 1800, Heraldic documents and patents of nobility as expression of European cultural transfer, and Cultural exchange processes in 1800 – 2000. In total 24 Czech and 15 international experts participated in them as speakers. The corresponding texts have been or will be published. In autumn 2014, an international conference was organised in Opava which was to some extent an evaluation session at the time of finalisation of the project. It was attended by 15 international and 15 Czech researchers. A collection from the conference in English is in print. A lot of international experts went on a study visit to the Institute of His- torical Sciences in Opava. It was 22 scholars. On these occasions the Institute organised 12 workshops, specialised training courses for doctoral students, languages courses, specialised lectures or workshops, etc. If we compare the planned tasks with the achieved results, we can see that all the monitored indicators have been exceeded remarkably. This is also true for study visits abroad by university lecturers or students from Opava. We should not forget networking activities when scholars connected to international networks for science and research, primarily related to

4 This paper emerges at the end of November, hence some printing work is still to be performed. Nevertheless, by the end of 2014 all publications will have been distributed. I would like to thank to M. Bumbálek, D. Řezníčková and I. Volná for providing me with the summarising materials for this part of the paper.

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Innsbruck, Vienna, Cambridge, and London. Scholars went to Poland, Slova- kia, Austria, Great Britain, Russia, Italy, Portugal, Norway, and France within study visits. In addition, 12 fundraising trips were done. The results of the project Historisation of Central Europe can be viewed as successful not only since all the indicators have been exceeded. A far more important fact is that the results can be further developed and built on, i.e. international collaboration, and that we will be able to implement other visions, too. However, an important aspect is whether it will be possible to ensure the relevant institutional grounds for the potential project in the future.

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Relations between Migrations and National Identities in Central European Regions during the Second Half of the 19th Century

Marie Gawrecká

Abstrakt: This study pays attention to the relationship between migration, which took place in Central Europe in the second half of the 19th century, and national identities. Although for the researchof the migrations are not national identity issues crucial and decisive, yet the mutual relations and national identities and in particular changes that have occurred as a result of migration, in many ways represent important one of the important features of the reference period. Keywords: Migration, National Identity, Central regions, 19th Century

This article was written in relation to the preparation of a book entitled Národnostní a kulturní aspekty migraci ve středoevropských regionech ve druhé polovině 19. století (roughly translated as National and cultural aspects of migration in the Central European regions in the second half of the 19th century). Within the framework of research into migrations national identities are not a key and decisive factor. Nevertheless, the relations are significant in many regards. The goals of immigrants who sought new perspective outside their homeland were very loosely related to their national identities. However, unlike contemporary au-

11 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE thors, the direct participants in these processes never perceived them as significant. The attitudes towards immigrants have changed throughout history. Mi- gration is not viewed as a sign of social destabilisation but as a part of normal development and the related family, ethnic and other relations.1 Very often, immigrants were not on the edge of society; they were rational people who based their decision on the wish to find a new and better place to live, new experience or even good investments. The opinion that one should pursue their own interests first appeared in the 19th century, as did the belief that the freedom to move out shall be enjoyed by people who cannot find a source of income in their home country or people whose home country cannot fulfil its obligations towards them or people whose beliefs (in terms of faith, for instance) are inconsistent with the laws of that country. One British writer wrote that migration produces new nations, while many old nations are made bigger and stronger. French economist Jean Baptiste Say compared German migration to an army of hundreds of thousands men who, having been armed heavily, cross the border and vanish without a trace.2 Around the turn of the 18th century people believed that travelling for the purpose of work affects personality. Thousands of emigrants were leaving the present-day northern Germany to the Netherlands. They smoke tobacco and adapted to liberal behavioural patterns. They were referred to as “having lived like the Dutch”. Their ideal was their laid-back lifestyle, disregard for discipline and authority. Men avoided conscription to the Prussian army. They evidently lacked national identities. Many of them returned home after spending decades abroad, because they wished to be buried “at home”. On the other hand, some people demonstrated economic activity and strength and they even managed to establish financially strong business companies in the Netherlands. The most famous company which still exists and prospers today is C&A (a Dutch company formerly owned by Clemens and August Brenninkmeyer from Mettingen (a town in the northern part of present-day North Rhine – Westphalia). During the industrialisation period, the signifi- 1 EHMER, Josef: Bevölkerungsgeschichte und historische Demographie 1800-2000. (Enzyklopädie deutscher Geschichte. Band 71.) München 2004, pg. 76. 2 CARO, Leopold: Auswanderung und Auswanderungspolitik in Österreich. Leipzig 1909, pg. 2, 4, 8.

12 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE cance of this system was decreasing, falling victim to the “Ruhr system”. “Dutch quests” turned into “Prussian quests”. The emigrants’ decision to break their ties with their homeland was not sometimes the decisive factor. Often, they had to submit or adapt to new political environment. According to some sources, approximately 100,000 Germans lived in Paris around the middle of the 19th century. In addition to political migrants, they were craftsmen and factory workers. Some of them, having mastered French more than their native language, considered staying in France indefinitely. During the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871) they had to return to Germany and most of them settled in the Ruhr region.3 Migration on religious grounds was a special form of migration. Faith was more important than language or national identity for these migrants. In terms of settlement, these migrations had lasted longer. Political migrants were seeking temporary asylum abroad. They wanted to influence the situation in their home country and wanted to return home once the political climate has changed. Any change in their national identity was out of the question. However, a prolonged stay in a foreign country affected their mentality. For example, German poet Heinrich Heine who moved to Paris in 1830 was described by Polish immigrant and writer Józef Ignacy Kraszewski, in his Choroby wieku, as “German in the heart, French in the head and Jew by birth”.4 The United Kingdom was the most liberal country in terms of its immigration policies. Nevertheless, even immigrants who had settled in the United Kingdom lived in a much disliked Diaspora. Aleksandr Ivanovich Herzen wrote: “Distress, idleness and poverty were the roots of intolerance, stubbornness and pathologic spleen … Emigrants were breaking into small groups, in the centre of which there was an individual name, individual hatred… but no principles. Focused on their past and interacting almost exclu- 3 GOINGA, Klaus: Auf den Spuren der Tödden. Ibbenbbüren 1995, pg. 20; BADE, Klaus Jochen: Evropa v pohybu. Evropské migrace dvou století. Praha 2004, pg. 48, 53 etc.; Ibid, pg. 65-71. (Pabst, Willfried: Subproletariat auf Zeit: deutsche „Gastarbeiter“ in Paris des 19. Jahrhundert. In: Bade, Klaus, J. (ed.): Deutsche im Ausland – Fremde in Deutschland. Migration in Geschichte und Gegenwart. München 1992, pg. 263-268). 4 BADE, K. J.: Evropa v pohybu …, pg. 172- 174; KRASZEWSKI, Józef Ignacy.: Choroby wieku. Studium patologiczne, t. 1, Wilno 1857, pg. 4–5. (according to: DĄBROWICZ, Elżbieta: Biografia transgraniczna. Migracje jako problem tożsamości w polskim wieku XIX. Białostockie Studia Literaturoznawcze, 1, 2010, pg. 68).

13 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE sively with fellow emigrants, they started to think, talk, behave and dress specifically. A new guild was formed – the immigrants’ guild – and it had become ossified, just like other guilds.”5 There were far fewer political emigrants who chose the United States as their new home. Although many of them lived in isolation, they were more active than their European counterparts in terms of the American public life.6 We do not need to point out the support from Czech and Slovak immigrants in the United States to the Czechoslovak foreign resistance movement during WWI, as well as the support to the idea of the Czechoslovak statehood. Studying abroad also qualifies as a form migration. Students abroad affected the stimulation of national identities rather indirectly. For example, in 1912, there were 13,000 students at German technical colleges, 4,400 of whom were foreigners, most of them from Russia (almost 2,000 students).7 In Europe, most immigrants were arriving in Germany. Immigrants who considered long-term employment in their new countries experienced changes in their national identities only indirectly. Often, it was motivated by the fear of being the first ones to be fired from work, should massive layoffs occur. These immigrants wanted to master the German language because. For example, a provision on the knowledge of the language which applied to miners stipulated that no career growth was possible for foreigners and “Ger- man minorities” who did not demonstrate sufficient knowledge of written and spoken German. The relationship among workers of different nationalities was not characterised by a satisfactory level of compassion. German delegates of the Stuttgart congress of the Second International (1907) were far from united with regard to the requirement for equal treatment of foreign

5 BADE, K.J.: Evropa v pohybu … pg. 187-188, 191-193; MERCIER, André (ed.): Der Flüchtling in der Weltgeschichte. Bern-Frankfurt a. M. 1974, pg. 209-239 etc. 6 For example, a representative of the 1848 revolutionary movements in Germany Carl Schurz was elected U.S. Senator of Missouri and, between 1877 and 1875, he was U.S. Secretary of the Interior. “Liberator of peasants” Hans Kudlich from Úvalno in Austrian Silesia became a respected personality in the United States (in 1917 he tried to convince president Wilson that the U.S. Army should support the Central Powers in WWI. KLADIWA, Pavel – POKLUDOVÁ, Andrea: Hans Kudlich (1823-1917). Cesta života a mýtu. Ostrava 2012. 7 BADE, Klaus. J.: Evropa v pohybu …, pg. 20-21.

14 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE workers, as they could not decide between “the internationalism of the proletariat and the defence of national interests”.8 In 1914, approximately 400,000 Poles lived in the Ruhr region. However, most of them were German citizens. It is interesting, in terms of the perception of national identities, that the aforementioned number of Poles included approximately 150,000 people from Masuria. They differed from the rest of Polish migrants in that they completely lacked national goals and loyalty towards the state. The Poles living in the Ruhr region were accused of “anti- state moods” and attempts to reinstate the former Polish state. They mostly lived in self-contained colonies with vegetable gardens, which enabled a certain level of control. Religious differences between the Polish immigrants and the local populace also existed. The social life of the Poles was governed by Catholicism and there were about 1,000 Polish social associations and clubs in the Ruhr region, as did numerous Polish media outlets.9 Many Polish immigrants, especially those with good knowledge of the German language, had managed to adapt very quickly, as proved by the fact that, as of 1906, there were Polish representatives in many city councils. In 1912, fewer than 3.2 % of Polish men and fewer than 2.2 % of Polish women married men who were not Polish. Only the second and third generations started to show signs of cultural assimilation and social differentiation. After WWI, about 100,000 of them returned to the reconstructed Poland, while one-third went to northern and north-western France. This movement of people facilitated the speedy integration of the remainder of the Polish populace into the majority society of the region.10 In the 1880’s the national and political aspects of the Polish migration were increasingly becoming a steady aspect of the German and Prussian domestic policy. In 1885 Prussian authorities evicted from the Province of Posen 30,000 Polish inhabitants with the Russian and Austrian citizenship. The Prussian government wanted to avoid the “Polonisation of the Prussian east”. Speaking in the Reichstag on 28 January 1886 (in the speech known as

8 IBIDEM, pg. 102-103. 9 9. STEINERT, Oliver: „Berlin – Polnischer Bahnhof!“. Die Berliner Polen (1871-1918). Hamburg 2002. 10 STEINERT, Oliver: „Berlin – Polnischer Bahnhof!“ Die Berliner Polen (1871-1918). Hamburg 2002; OLTMER, J.: Migration …, pg. 27-28, 81-83; BADE, K. J.: Evropa v pohybu …, pg. 149, 90, 71-73; KLESSMANN, Christoph: Long Distance …, pg. 70-73.

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Polenrede) Otto von Bismarck argued that the country was in danger and that it cannot be based on equality, but on Notwehrrecht. The measures, including the so-called settlement act, were – according to him – purely defensive: “Wir wollen nicht das Polentum ausrotten, sondern wir wollen das Deutschtum davor schützen, daß er seinerseits ausgerotten werde”.11 This argument was further developed in the upcoming decades, especially in the elitist association Deutscher Ostmarkenverein. Increasing numbers of Poles living in the eastern Prussian provinces, which was influenced by the emigration of the local German inhabitants combined with the immigration of Poles from eastern Prussia and the Posen region and abroad, to “fill the vacancies”. Unlike the Polish, almost all Czechs living in the Ruhr region were foreigners, Austrian nationals until 1918. As such, they could not participate in political activities. Their relations with their German colleagues were usually very good. Before WWI there were approximately 30,000 Czechs living in North Rhine-Westphalia. During the 1910 census in Prussia, 38,598 foreigners with Czech as their native language were counted (of which, 97 % were citizens of Austria). There could have been approximately 1,000 people who came to Germany to seek work accepted the German citizenship for some reason and then they felt the need to declare, in the official census, the Czech language as their native language. Květa Kořalková and Jiří Kořalka who have monitored the movement of Czech immigrants in Germany prior to WWI highly appreciated these people’s social, education and cultural activities. Czech clubs and associations were active in North Rhine-Westphalia since 1890. They included education clubs, sports clubs, choirs, theatre companies, Catholic groups, socialist groups etc. According to Jiří Kořalka these clubs had a total of 18,000 members, which represents 60 % of the total number of Czechs living in Germany during that time period. After WWI, many clubs started where they had left off before the war; their members recalled, with a certain degree of nostalgia, the optimistic atmosphere and good financial situation in the past.12

11 IBIDEM, pg. 31, 34 (source of the quote). 12 KOŘALKA, Jiří – KOŘALKOVÁ Květa: Češi v Porýní a Vestfálsku (1890-1918). Češi v cizině 10, Praha 1998, pg. 7-38.

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As far as the Austro-Hungarian Empire is concerned, moving to Vienna was a special case of migration from the point of view of Czech national identity. Seasonal migration was most typical. A frequently mentioned analogy is one that is mentioned by Monika Gletterová in her thesis on Viennese Czechs, where Vienna is compared with a permanently occupied hotel with still new and new guests.13 The contribution of the Czechs to the development of Vienna is generally acknowledged, as emphasised by former Austrian Chancellor Bruno Kreisky on 28 March 1977: “Die Wiener Tschechen haben in einer so einzigartigen Weise das Antlitz Wiens mitgeformt und so auch das Bild Österreichs mitgestaltet, daß ich kaum anderes Beispiel auf diesem Kontinent kenne, das einem ähnlichen Integrationsprozeß der Völker unterworfen ware”.14 The issue of the Czech population in Vienna has been widely discussed since the 19th century. Czech authors estimated, based on the data on the national structure of individual counties the immigrants to Vienna hailed from, that the number of ethnic Czech in the city was between 310,000 and 350,000. Based on the data from a census (in which the indicator of nationality was based on the colloquial language), only 4 to 6.9 % of the inhabitants of Vienna declared to be “Czech” between 1880 and 1910. This figure was the highest in the 1900 census (102,974).15

13 STEIDL, Annemarie: Auf nach Wien! Die Mobilität des mitteleuropäischen Handwerks im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert am Beispiel der Haupt- und Residenzstadt. Sozial- und Wirtschaftshistorische Studien, Band 30. Wien-München, R. Oldenbourg Verlag 2003, pg. 51, 54-56; GAWRECKI, Dan: Vznik a metamorfózy národních a státních identit ve středoevropských regionech. Acta historica Universitatis Silesianae Opaviensis 5, 2012, pg. 98-99; BAKALA, Jaroslav: Charakter národnostní asimilace v největších průmyslových metropolích Rakouska-Uherska. Opava 1990, pg. 10-14 (with another list of bibliography); PITRONOVÁ, Blanka: Migrace do Vídně v období do roku 1914. Opava 1988 (manuscript, kept In the Silesian Institute of the Silesian Museum In Opava); BROUSEK, Karl. M.: Wien und seine Tschechen. Integration und Assimilation einer Minderheit im 20. Jahrhundert. München, R. Oldenbourg Verlag 1980, pg. 15. GLETTER, Monika: Die Wiener Tschechen um 1900. Strukturanalyse einer nationalen Minderheit in der Großstadt. München 1972, pg. 75). 14 BROUSEK, K. M.: Wien und …, pg. 7. 15 Kárníková, Ludmila: Vývoj obyvatelstva v českých zemích 1754-1914. Praha, NČSAV 1965, pg. 135; Brousek, c. d., pg. 22 (HECKE Wilhelm: Die Bevölkerungszuwanderung in die Großstaädte Wien und Berlin. In: Archiv für Landes- und Volksforschung 5, 1941, 1, pg. 85); Gawrecki, c. d., pg. 98.; SRB, Jan: Sčítání lidu v král. hlavním městě Praze

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This disproportion can be viewed from various perspectives. Many people in Vienna who declared Czech as their colloquial language can be referred to as “Czechs who showed national spirit” but at the same time, and more importantly, Czechs who have not yet learned German. When Heinrich Rauchberg, in his work on the work in the dominion in Bohemia, wrote that less than 25 % of people born in Bohemia and Moravia and living in Vienna declared the Czech language as their colloquial language, he legitimately contributed this fact to the “more successful” assimilation of Czech immigrants (compared with the Czech immigrants in Western Bohemia).16 An interesting chapter of the debate about the national identities in Vi- enna is represented by Jewish migration. Vienna was a symbol of freedom for Jews despite the fact that the anti-Semitist protests had been increasing since the 1880’s. Jews played a key role in the German cultural life in Vienna and often represented the Avant-garde movement. The assimilation was easier mostly for the elites that had enjoyed a relatively strong representation in the Jewish community. Their speedy assimilation was enabled thanks to their links to the German culture. Consequently, these elites managed to climb the social ladder very quickly. Zionists found the term “assimilation” derogatory, as a person who had become assimilated was, in their opinion, a traitor of the Jewish people. Today, this term has neutral connotations for many Jewish writers. Conversion to Christianity, as one of the most extreme signs of assimilation, was the highest in Viennese Jews (as compared with other big cities of the monarchy and the rest of Europe). Around the year 1890, 30 Jews were baptized in Lvov, 19 in Brno and none in Prague. Between 1872 and 1902 around 94 Jews per year were baptized in Berlin. In 1910 in Vienna alone, 512 people (255 men and 257 women) converted. Most of those who converted to Christianity were “liberal professionals”.17

a obcech sousedních provedené 31. prosince 1900. Díl III. Poměry populační v podrobném zpracování. Praha 1908, pg. 286-287. 16 RAUCHBERG, Heinrich: Der nationale Besitzstand in Böhmen. Leipzig 1905, I. díl, pg. 301-303. 17 ROZENBLIT, Marscha L.: Die Juden Wiens 1867-1914. Assimilation und Identität. Wien- Köln-Graz, Bohlau Verlag 1989, , pg. 29, 9, 43, 59, 106, 122, 124, 14-15, 133-134, 138, 143.

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Between the eviction of the Turks and the mid- 19th century the number of inhabitants of the Hungarian part of the monarchy increased four times (also due to migrations). During the aforementioned period the proportion of Hungarians by birth on the territory decreased from 50 % to 40 %. The Hungarian ruling elites attempted to avoid this by “Magyarization” measures and via the enforcement of the concept of one unified Hungarian political nation. However, the latter was just an illusion and this concept was unac- ceptable for ethnic minorities. That said, its openness facilitated the speedy assimilation (even voluntary assimilation) of Jews, Slovaks, Serbs, Greeks, Ar- menians and other nations, especially in bigger towns. According to statistical data from 1910, this Magyarization policy was successful to a certain extent. The population of Transleithania included 48.1 % Hungarians, 9.8 % Germans and 9.4 % Slovaks.18 Migration played a decisive role in the development of Buda- pest. Magyarization of the capital of Hungary was probably faster than the Germanisation of Vienna. In 1890, the population of the capital of Hungary consisted of 66.3 % Hungarians, 24 % Germans and 5.5 % Slovaks, twenty years later this structure changed significantly. The proportion of Hungarians increased (to 85. 9 %), while the proportion of Ger- mans and Slovaks decreased (9.0 % and 2.3 %, respectively). Between 1850 and 1907 the population of present-day Bratislava increased from 42,000 to 70,000. The process of Magyarization of the future capital of Slovakia was unsuccessful. In 1850 the structure of the population of the town included Germans (74.6 %), Slovaks (17.9 %) and Hungarians (7.4 %). Around the turn of the century, Germans represented only one-half of the city’s population, Hungarians one-third and Slovaks one-seventh. The Jewish community had become emancipated through accommodation or assimilation with the dominant ethnic groups (Germans or Hungarians).19 State-controlled migration programmes also played a key role in secluded and sparsely populated regions of the monarchy. Between 1775 and 1893 fifty-eight new multicultural municipalities were founded in Bukovina. The administrative centre of the region, Chernovtsy (250,000+ inhabitants today), 18 HLAVAČKA, Václav – VOREL, Milan – POLÍVKA, Miloslav – WIHODA, Martin – MĚŘÍNSKÝ, Zdeněk: Dějiny Rakouska …, pg. 448. 19 HORVÁT, Vladimír – LEHOTSKÁ, Darina – PLEVA, Ján: Dejiny Bratislavy. Bratislava 1992.

19 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE enjoyed the most dynamic growth: in 1775 the town had only 2,300 inhabitants but this number had grown to 65,800 by the beginning of the 20th century. The most numerous group in the city were Jews (33 %), followed by Rusyns (19 %), Germans (17 %), Romanians (15 %) and Poles (15 %). The local university (founded after the Polonization of the Lvov university in the 1870’s) with German as the principal teaching language played a key role with the regard to national and nationalist moods in the town.20 Unlike the teaching staff who were arriving from Vienna, Prague, Graz or Innsbruck to teach at the newly-founded university, the university retained its regional status in terms of its student body. Around the turn of the century, more than 50 % of the students were German-speaking young people from Bukovina, many of whom were Jewish. German liberals tried to eliminate the national conflicts in the country through the implementation of the concept of “liberal union of Romanians, Rusyns, Jews and Poles”. Around the turn of the century these efforts proved unsuccessful.21 Since the end of the 17th century, Orthodox Serbs started to settle the southern part of Hungary. Around the same time, Catholic Croats were set- tling around the Danube River and the region between the Danube and Tisa Rivers. Ten thousand Bosnian Croats found their new home in Slavonia. Dur- ing the second half of the 18th century Serbs living in the Military Frontier region started to move to Russia, out of the fear of the annexation of their homeland by Croatia. The coexistence of Croats and Serbs due to migrations after the Ottoman wars was not limited to simple confrontation; it also resulted in the process of language convergence and the formation of literary Serbo-Croatian language. Similarly, the occupation of Bosnia-Herzegovina resulted in massive movements of the populace. Almost 200,000 people left the country, most

20 SCHARR, Kurt: Erfolg oder Mißerfolg? Die Durchsetzung des modernen Territorialstaates am Beispiel des Ansiedlungswesens in der Bukowina von 1774-1826. In: Manner, Hans Christian (eds.): Grenzregionen der Habsburgermonarchie im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Ihre Bedeutung und Funktion aus der Perspektive Wiens. Münster 2005, pg. 51-87. UNGUREANU, Constantin: Bucovina ‘n perioada st‘pânirii austriece 1774-1918. Chişin‘u 2003. 21 CORBEA-HOIŞIE, Andrei: Czernowitz 1892. Die „nationale Ende in der Bukowiner Innenpolitik aus Wiener Sicht. In: Manner, Hans Christian (ed.): Grenzregionen der Habsburgermonarchie im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Ihre Bedeutung und Funktion aus der Perspektive Wiens. Münster 2005, pg. 89-101.

20 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE of them Muslims. Approximately 150,000 soldiers, officials, teachers, doctors and manual workers moved to the region from various parts of the monarchy. As a result of these migrations, the proportion of Muslims in Bosnia decreased from 38.7 % to 32.25 % over ten years. At the same time, the proportion of Catholics increased from 18.08 % to 22.89 %, while the proportion of the Orthodox (Serbs) remained roughly the same (43 %). Due to these migrations, German was increasingly being used as the official language in this region. In 1903, Croatian politician Ante Trumbić referred to the German Drag nach Osten as a danger for Slavic nations and encouraged anti-German cooperation among Croats, Serbs, Italians and Hungarians.22 In the Czech lands, migration often disrupted the national homogeneity of the region(s) the migrants chose to settle. German businessmen wanted cheap labour force on one hand, but nationalist politicians were aware of the national consequences of migration movements on the other. Furthermore, disputes emerged with regard to the issue of universal suffrage. The right to vote was granted to people who could not vote in the past (i.e. Czechs more than Germans). German politicians argued that they were the biggest taxpay- ers. On the other hand, Czechs argued that Germans wouldn’t have achieved their profit, had it not been for Czech workers.23 German statistician Rauchberg saw changes in the national structure in migrations and the reinforcement of the national spirit. He argued that the process of the reinforcement of the national spirit which occurred in Bohe- mia was so strong (unlike in Moravia, not to mention Silesia) that no national propaganda had the potential to influence the outcomes.24 During the last two decades of the 19th century 218,535 people moved to the predominantly German-speaking area from predominantly Czech counties. At the same time, only 73,562 people moved in the opposite direction. Therefore, the dominant direction of immigration was to predominantly German counties. Of the immigrants hailing from counties with more than 80% Czech population, only 37 % declared the Czech language as their col-

22 ŠESTÁK, Miroslav – TEICHMAN, Miroslav – HAVLÍKOVÁ, Lubomíra – HLADKÝ, Ladislav – PELIKÁN, Jan: Dějiny jihoslovanských zemí. Praha 1998, pg. 141- 142, 148, 159, 172-173, 184-185, 358, 305, 344. 23 Průmyslové oblasti českých zemí za kapitalismu (1780-1945). Svazek I. 1780-1918. Opava, Slezský ústav ČSAV 1987, pg. 95-96. 24 RAUCHBERG, H.: Der nationale Besitzstand … I. díl, pg. 26-27.

21 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE loquial language, while the rest (63 %) declared German as their colloquial language. Therefore, it would seem that Rauchberg’s theory on the minimal effect of national propaganda was inaccurate and that there was indeed potential for national assimilation. If not, the explanation could be the frequent and proven (during that time period) instances of falsifying results of the census or the pressure from employees or census officials.25 Not only did Rauchberg not deny the significance of assimilation, he was relying on it in his theories. In his opinion, bilingualism was a necessary prerequisite for “national expansion”. He believed that the assimilation of Czech immigrants was necessary. He argued that their town culture must not be subdued by the rural effects of the proletariat. He presumed that the more culturally mature an immigrant is, the easier it is for him to assimilate (the proof of this theory is the German immigration to the United States). How- ever, he probably failed to take into consideration the German assimilation in the predominantly Czech-speaking environment when he argued that the Germans’ economic and cultural status is different and that they are mostly individuals of higher social status, not poor and uneducated manual workers. In his opinion, the most problematic assimilation was that of the populace of the brown coal mining region in Northern Bohemia. The main reasons for slow assimilation he pointed out included the concentration of a large number of Czech miners in the vicinity of shafts, short period of stay, massive fluctuation of the local workforce, isolation from the German majority society etc. Rauchberg argued that the Czech invasion to the local coal fields was a temporary phenomenon which will have stopped once the coal deposits have been exhausted. Not all German writers agreed with Rauchberg’s arguments. They thought that Czechs did have opportunities for cultural development in the area; that they did not live in isolation and that they were going to stay even after the exhaustion of the coal reserves (and shift to agricultural production instead). After all, some German inhabitants moved out from the basin. A recommendation became public that the influx of Czechs to the industrial regions be reduced by increasing wages in ethnically “Czech” regions, thereby eliminating the reason for moving in the first place.26 Compared with the coal basis,

25 Ibid., pg. 10-11, 236, 263. 26 HERKNER, Heinrich: Neuere Literatur über die deutsch-böhmische Frage Archiv für

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Czech immigrants in the Liberec region were spread on a larger area which made assimilation easier. That said, the data from the census proves the increasing number of Czechs in the area.27 Czechs living in Brno had a relatively high chance of assimilation since a certain part of the Czech population identified themselves with German as the colloquial language. Of the inhabitants of Brno born elsewhere, 55.6 % of immigrants who declared German as their colloquial language were born in predominantly Czech counties of Moravia. Immigrants from rural Bohemian areas controlled city halls in many other Moravian towns. Furthermore, Czech immigrants, under the influence of their national organisations, were able to resist the pressure from their employees and the assimilation processes better than those in Brno.28 In Prague, the proportion of people declaring German as their language in the census was decreasing rapidly, from 20.6 % to 8.5 %. In 1910 there was more of them in the neighbouring Královské Vinohrady (more then 9 %) than in Prague itself (8.5 %). As late as in 1850’s Prague was referred to as a city with German majority. However, in the local elections of 1861 Czechs won seats in the city council. Prague was not very attractive to Germans from Bohemia, which fact was explained by Heinrich Rauchberg who argued that the economic situation in the northern and western part of Bohemia was satisfactory and Germans from southern Bohemia preferred Vienna. The increase in the number of Czechs (i.e. those who declared the Czech language as their colloquial language) was also affected by the fact that more and more Jews were declaring the Czech language in official census. The outcomes of migration contributed to Prague becoming a respected centre of Czech political and cultural life.29 Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, Neue Folge Bd. VI. (24), Tübingen 1907, pg. 451-463. 27 Ibid., pg. 289, 293-295, 299-300, 424, 420-421,310, 690, 326, 327. 28 RAUCHBERG, Heinrich: Die Bedeutung der Deutschen in Österreich. Dresden 1908, pg. 14-15; HERZ, Hugo: Der nationale Besitzstand in Mähren und Schlesien nach den Ergebnissen der Volkszählung vom Jahre 1910. II. Teil. Fortsetzung und Schluß. In: Zeitschrift des Deutschen Vereines für die Geschichte Mährens und Schlesiens, 18. Jahrgang, Brünn 1914, pg. 218-220. 29 KÁRNÍKOVÁ, L.: Vývoj obyvatelstva…, pg. 58-59, 105-107; Historický lexikon obcí České republiky 1869–2005. Díl I. Praha 2006, pg. 51–52; Průmyslové oblasti …, pg. 114- 115, 118, 119, 124, 129, 134; FLEISCHER, Manfred: Die politische Rolle der Deutschen

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On one hand, it would seem that the location of the clashes of national identities and disputes were mostly in nationally diverse regions where the ethnic structure was affected by migrations. On the other hand, many regions that were almost nationally homogenous displayed very little tolerance and extreme nationalism. The latter applies to the industrial Bohemian regions around (1) Karlovy Vary and Loket and (2) Aš and Cheb. It proves that generalisation is a very tricky approach when it comes to the analysis of national relations and identities.30 The issue of national identity and relations was most complicated in the Ostrava-Karviná coal basin. The inhabitants of the region included Czechs, Poles, Germans and Jews. Between 1891 and 1900 the county of Moravská Ostrava was at the very top of the list (even beating Vienna and regional capi- tals) in terms of immigrant figures. The national awareness of the local populace was also much different, as they lived basically on the very edge of the nation. The arrival of immigrants from Galicia represented a clash of civilisa- tions of sorts. At the same time, it became a source of disputes among writers and historians for decades to come. Politician František Uhlíř (national socialist) argued that almost all Poles living in the Czechoslovak Těšín region were in fact immigrants from Galicia.31 Polish political commentators condemned the “forceful Bohemisation” of these people in the Ostrava region.32 The main immigration wave from Galicia took place between 1880 and 1900. In 1900, the proportion of miners from Galicia in the western part of the coal basin was 44.7 % (as for the eastern part, i.e. Karviná, it was only

aus den böhmischen Ländern in Wien 1804-1918. Studien zur Migration und zum Wirken politisch-administrativer Eliten. Frankfurt a. M. 1999, pg. 81; RAUCHBERG, H.: Der nationale Besitzstand …, pg. 306; Srb, Jan: Sčítání lidu v královském hlavním městě Praze a obcích sousedních provedené 31. prosince 1900. Díl III. Poměry populační v podrobném zpracování. Praha 1908; JANÁČEK, Josef: Malé dějiny Prahy. Praha 1983, pg. 255; BOHÁČ, Zdeněk: Tisíciletý vývoj Prahy. Historická geografie 14-15, 1979-1980 etc. 30 Průmyslové oblasti …, pg. 156-158, 167; FIALA, Jaroslav: Vystěhovalectví z Karlovarska ve druhé polovině 19. století. Historická demografie 33, 2009, no. 1-2, pg. 145-177. 31 UHLÍŘ,, František: Těšínské Slezsko, Mor. Ostrava-Praha 1946, pg. 61. 32 Např.: Polacy w Czechosłowacji w świetle faktów i liczb. Memoriał Komisji studiów nad stosunkami polsko-czeskimi przy Polskim Instytucie Wspólpracy z Zagranicą. Warszawa 1935.

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16.6 %). Their position in the eastern part was less significant than that in the Ostrava part.33 The estimates of the numbers of immigrants from Galicia differ. Based on the data in Blanka Pitronová’s book we can assume that there were many more people from Galicia, who were arriving in different time periods and in several waves to this industrial region: possible hundreds of thousands; analogies with seasonal migrations in Germany would support this theory. Polish authors paid little attention to the technical intelligence from Gali- cia in the Ostrava coal basin, which conforms to the claim regarding the Bo- hemisation of the arriving immigrants from Galicia with the help of Czech engineers and technicians. The technical intelligence started to arrive in the late 1860’s, often taking prestigious jobs. Between 1868 and 1878 most key positions in coal mining in the region and the inspectorate were held by engineers and technicians from Galicia. In the 1860’s the immigrants from Galicia were perceived positively as qualified personnel, since the 1880’s they were among the least skilled groups.34 As a result of the arrival of illiterate immigrants from Galicia over the next decades, their new home started to climb the list of regions with high illiteracy rate. In 1900 only 62 % of the populace of the neighbouring Polish Ostrava could read and write (i.e. it was the region with the highest illiteracy rate). We shall state, for the sake of comparison, that, in 1900, there were only 3.4 % of illiterate people older than six, most of whom were in the age group 40-71. By contrast, most illiterate people in the Ostrava region were of productive age.35 That said, some authors argue that people from Galicia who had stayed in Ostrava for only a couple of years “were role models for local workers in terms of lifestyle, conduct, entertainment, living conditions and clothing”.36 Those who returned from the Ostrava regions to their villages in Galicia were often regarded as the local elite; they were often represented in local self-gov-

33 PITRONOVÁ, B.: Haličské migrace …, pg. 84, 88. 34 PITRONOVÁ, B.: Haličské migrace …, pg. 70, 78-81, 86, 88. 35 Ibid. …, pg. 89-93, 176-179, 124; PITRONOVÁ, B.,Struktura dělnictva …, pg. 82-113; PITRONOVÁ, B.: Průmyslová oblast …, pg. 1-26; PITRONOVÁ, B.: Vývoj národnostní struktury …, pg. 17-38. 36 PITRONOVÁ, B.: Haličské migrace …, pg. 37, 27-29; DOBROWOLSKA, Danuta: Górnicy salinarni … pg. 312; BUJAK, Franciszek: Maszkienice …, pg. 100-101.

25 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE erning entities and they also behaved very confidently in interactions with local peasants. Similar scenarios are known to have existed in other regions. For example, when immigrants from Central Bohemia (Beroun region, Příbram region) returned home, having spent several years in the coal basin in northern Bohemia, they often established close relations with the local elite, mayors and priests and the like, and they even mingled with the local elite in pubs. Compared with the immigrants from Galicia or Bohemian and Moravian interior, there were far fewer of them from Germany. Nevertheless, the number of people declaring the Czech language as their colloquial language was decreasing, while the German influence on key economic positions was increasing. Analyses show that the decrease in the proportion of Czechs was caused by Germanisation, rather than mass migrations from Galicia. In other words, it was assumed that many arriving immigrants from Galicia, especially in the Moravská Ostrava county, were subject to (successful) Germanisation.37 The analysis of the correlations between the colloquial language determined in the census and the ethnic identity is problematic (even more in the aforementioned region). The registration of the Polish language as the colloquial language in the immigrants from Galicia was inconsistent with their ethnic identity (after all, most of them lacked ethnic identity altogether). Their arrival in the Ostrava region significantly contributed to the increase in the proportion of Catholics and Jews38 and, to a lesser extent, to the increase in the number of nationally aware Poles, despite the fact that representatives of the intellectual elite were among the immigrants from Galicia (a proof of this fact is represented by the region of origin of many teachers at the Polish private gymnasium in Orlová). Common immigrants from Galicia traditionally viewed the aristocracy (which they hated and massacred in 1846 (event known as the Galicia slaugh- ter)). Most Poles in the region who supported Józef Kozdoń’s movement were very critical to the immigrants from Galicia. To them, a worker from Galicia seeking job in the coal basin was robotnik galicyjski analfabeta ciemny. These Polish-speaking inhabitants of the Těšín region opposed the Polish national goals and used the level of civilisation in Galicia as their biggest

37 Průmyslové oblasti …, pg. 260-261; PITRONOVÁ, B.: Haličské migrace …, pg. 127 and tables VIII and IX. 38 Ibid. …, pg. 124; Průmyslové oblasti …, pg. 260.

26 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE argument.39 Social democratic member of the Imperial Council Tadeusz Reger, speaking in Fryštát, stated that Czech officials treat people from Gali- cia nicely, which is why the Czech language is perceived positively: “… polscy panowie uważają się zawsze za „szlachciców“ i robotników traktują stále jak pańszczyznianych niewolników”.40 Immigrants from Galicia who settled in the Ostrava region often sent their children go German school (or, in miner villages, to Czech schools).41 Polish nationalists wanted to “win over” the immigrants by eliminating their renegade moods. During WWI the Polish school board in Moravská Ostrava issued a “black list” of people who were sending their children to German or Czech schools. The list contained 813 families from Galicia who at that time were sending their 980 children to German and 815 children to Czech schools. The names of these “renegades” were to be read in churches, they were supposed to be refused service in grocery stores in their home villages during the food shortage period during WWI.42 The fact that the first Czechoslovak census in the counties of Moravská Ostrava, Bohumín and Fryštát showed that out of 40,712 foreigners (85 % of which were from Poland) 56.5 % of them declared Czechoslovak nationality can be explained as an advanced stage of assimilation, rather than the “forced Bohemisation”.43 In the course of the dispute between Czechoslovakia and Poland regarding the Těšín region shortly after WWI some authors claimed that immigrants from Galicia were members of Czech volunteer units against the Polish. This information is backed by a confidential note from Polish consul Zygmunt Vetulani from Moravská Ostrava addressed to the Polish ambassador to Prague in 1924.44

39 PALLAS, Ladislav: Jazyková otázka a podmínky vytváření národního vědomí ve Slezsku. Ostrava 1970 etc. 40 Górnik 1906, no. 12 from 25 April 1906: 41 PITRONOVÁ, B.: Haličské migrace …, pg. 124, 195-196. 42 Walka o duszę polskiego dziecka, czarna lista sprzedawczyków dzieci polskich w zaglębiu ostrawskim na Śląsku. Część I. 1918. Wydana przez polski komitet szkolny w Polskiej Ostrawie; PITRONOVÁ, B.: Haličské migrace …, pg. 127, 196-197. 43 PITRONOVÁ, B.: Haličské migrace…, pg. 127, 197; Československé statistika sv. 9, řada VI, I. díl, tab. III. 44 Biblioteka Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności i Polskiej Akademii Nauk w Krakowie, Teki Lasockiego, sygn. 4170, pg. 10.

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We can conclude by stating that national identities were changing as a result of migration. These changes (especially in the case of permanent settlement) can be thought to constitute a natural process that was often (in the past) viewed as a betrayal of the national interests, forceful de-nationalisation, renegade moods etc. On the other hand, majority societies viewed assimilation as a cultural and social benefit for the newcomers, which was a thought shared by many of the latter. An analysis of the causes of these changes is often complicated and it is hardly possible to apply general patterns to it.

Resumé Vztah migrací a národních identit ve středoevropských regionech ve druhé polovině 19. století Marie Gawrecká

Studie, která vznikla v souvislosti s přípravou monografie o migracích ve středoev- ropských regionech a jejich národnostních a kulturních aspektech, se zaměřuje na migrace ve střední Evropě ve druhé polovině 19. století, především v Německu, v habsburské monarchii a českých zemích. Sleduje hospodářské a pracovní migrace, politické a náboženské emigrace zejména ve vztahu k proměnám národního vědomí, vzdělání a kultury a to jak migrantů samých, tak i regionu do kterého se přistěhovali. U politických emigrantů, kteří v cizině hledali jen dočasné útočiště a do své vlasti se chtěli po změně poměrů vrátit, změna národní identity většinou nepřipadala v úva- hu, pro náboženské emigranty byla víra často důležitější než jazyk a národní identita a emigrace měly většinou trvalejší charakter. U pracovních migrací docházelo ke změ- nám národní identity především u imigrantů, kteří uvažovali o dlouhodobém pobytu a trvalém zaměstnání. Tyto změny lze v případě trvalého usídlení považovat za přiro- zený proces, který byl v minulosti často hodnocen pejorativně jako zrada národních zájmů či násilné odnárodňování apod. Většinové komunity spatřovaly v asimilaci pro imigranty kulturní a civilizační přínos, což značná část z nich také sama sdílela. Au- torka upozorňuje, že analýza příčin asimilace je mnohdy velmi složitá a stěží lze na ni uplatnit pouze obecná schémata.

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„Glory to the Victors!” Iconography of Napoleon’s Military Campaign 1805 and of the Battle of Austerlitz in Memorial Medallions of the First French Empire

Marian Hochel

Abstract: The present study aims to map out Napoleon‘s campaign in Central Europe culminating with battle of Austerlitz and signing of the peace in Bratislava (December 1805) as the main motive for artistic works not only figural art and painting, but also and primarily branch of medal art. Keywords: Austerlitz, Iconography, Medallions, Napoleon, Denon

Napoleon‘s campaign to the Central Europe, crowned by the Battle of Austerlitz and the signing of the Peace of Pressburg in December 1805, en- thralled, in the spirit of glorification of one of the greatest victories of the Napoleonic history, not only the visual arts but also the medallists‘ craft. This craft served the French Emperor Napoleon as another (efficient) method of commemorating important events of his reign and leaving worthy historical evidence of such events for future generations. This study does not aim to describe this campaign in detail but to analyse the iconography in official memorial medallions coined in France, which used this campaign as a subject- matter and a source of inspiration. In spite of the fact that medallions are mostly pieces of metal whose raised pattern plays with reflections or shadows and are intended, due to their small

29 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE dimensions, for close observation, just the same way as miniatures, they may serve as intensive and impressive means of communication comparable to painting, which uses large surfaces, impressive colours or various techniques for the transmission of a message. The social functions of medallions are quite diverse and their aesthetic function, which is undoubtedly the dominant one, is to glorify on purpose – to glorify a certain person, an event or a phenomenon. From the aesthetic point of view, there is a relationship between the medallion and the subject-matter to be glorified and remembered thanks to the medallion in so far that the visual appearance of the medallion must conform to such purpose.1 The arts and the war in France were inseparably bound for several centuries and war provided the arts with numerous topics. The glorification of victorious battles and military and statesmen’s achievements was at the centre of interest of all the French monarchs, from Louis XIV to Napoleon III. The popularity of these topics reached its peak in the period of the First French Empire, starting in the period of Napoleon’s coup of 18- 19 Brumaire of the Year VIII of the Republic, i.e. on 9 November 1799, and culminating in a series of his victories in the subsequent years. The victories were to sanctify this coup de force; this is another reason for their becoming the main topics and driving force of the Napoleonic propaganda. In this respect, medallions were to serve as a well-tried instrument of promotion, using various forms of presentation – depending on the situation, the political atmosphere and the social context of the era.2 How important was the medallists‘ art for Napoleon and his regime? Besides representation, it was to serve, in certain cases, as another efficient method of forming the public opinion within the “multi-layered” propaganda, just the same way as other arts, the literature and the press.3 However,

1 SOURIAU, Anne: Medaile. In: SOURIAU, Étienne (ed.): Encyklopedie estetiky. Praha 1994 (from the French original Vocabulaire d’Esthetique. Paris 1990), p. 543. 2 You will find more information on this topic in: BABEBON, Ernest:Histoire métallique de Napoléon le Grand. Paris 1912; BABELON, Jean: La Médaille et les Médailleurs. Paris 1927; GRIFFITHS, Antony: The Design and Production of Napoleon’s Histoire métallique. In: The Medal, I: no16, spring 1990, p. 16–30; II: no17, autumn 1990, p. 28–38; III: no18, spring 1991, p. 35–49; SAMANT, Thierry: Le Cabinet des médailles de la Bibliothèque nationale, 1661–1848. Paris 1994. 3 You fill find more information on the arts and propaganda in the periodof Napoleon’s reign in: BONNET, Jean-Claude (ed.): L’Empire des Muses: Napoléon, les Arts et les Lettres. Paris 2004; BOYES, Ferdinand: Napoléon et les Beaux-Arts. In:

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Napoleon did not pay as much attention to the fine arts as to the medallists‘ craft. Perhaps it was easier for a soldier lacking deeper experience and proper education in this respect to understand the easy rules of numismatics, the raised pattern techniques and the legibility of symbols and allegories than to understand the other fields of arts. Moreover, the history of the medallists‘ craft dates back to the period of Ancient Rome; its golden era was the period of Renaissance; in France of the 18th century it served governmental regimes as Histoire métallique to promote their power. We know that Napo- leon owned several interesting numismatic pieces and was interested in their motives, descriptions and manufacturing processes. According to preserved reports of 1803, for instance, consuls sent for several precious medallions from the Cabinet of Numismatics of the National Library (Cabinet du Biblio- thèque nationale), which served as a depository for the most precious pieces. Napoleon’s active interest in numismatics may be proved also by the letter of 7 April 1803, in which the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord (1754–1838), informs the Minister of the Interior, Jean-Antoine Chaptal (1756–1832), that the Viennese court has offered the medallion imprints requested by the First Consul.4 The impressive representative medallions enriched the decorative vocabulary of the Empire style, frequently accentuating the elements of the Napoleonic symbolism, the same way as, for instance, the artistic crafts and the lounge arts. The First Consul certainly understood the importance of the medallists‘ craft, which could serve (and served) as a well-tried method of immortaliza- tion and glorification of the memories of important events or personalities of the period. Medallions are the “most durable guards of the history”, as proclaimed by Joachim Le Breton (1760–1819), a member of the Institute and the Permanent Secretary of the Class of Fine Arts, in 1808.5 This was another reason for the medallists‘ art being in the centre of interest of each political regime in France, especially since the period of reign of Louis XIV, and its

Napoléon et l’Europe. Paris – Bruxelles 1961, 43–48; HOLTMAN, Robert: Napoleonic Propaganda. Louisiana State University Press, Baton Rouge 1950; JOURDAN, Annie: Napoléon. Héros, imperator, mécène. Paris 1998. 4 BLANCHET, Adrien: Le Premier consul et les échanges de moulages de médailles. In: Revue numismatique, t. 28, 1925, p. 102. 5 „…les dépositaires les plus durables“. LE BRETON, Joachim: Institut de France. Séance publique de l’Académie des Beaux-arts an XI-1812. Paris 1798–1812, p. 30.

31 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE being, to various extents, exposed to the requirements of the political will. Inspired by the example and success of his predecessors, Bonaparte decided to follow suit – the tradition of memorial medallions was to serve, inter alia, as another impressive pillar for the declared legitimacy, which was necessary to guarantee the right of succession and power to the Bonaparte dynasty. The institution entrusted with such production was the Medallion Mint (Monnaie des Médailles, hereinafter referred to as the “Mint”) in Paris. The administrator, who had been assigned the role of an indefatigable promoter through numismatics, was, since 28 Brumaire of the Year XI of the Republic, i.e. 19 November 1802, the Director-General of Museums, Dominique-Vivant Denon (1747–1825).6 Denon could choose the motives for most of the official medallions by himself, depending on the requirements and the number of memorable events. The creativity of the Director-General may be proved by the diversity of the motives submitted by him to his superordinates for approval and later to the draftsmen. However, the most frequent motives were to illustrate important persons or events; such motives occurred in different variations and their topics were similar (or even repeated): the conquest of a town, a victory, capturing a region, gestures used in peace negotiation, etc., supplemented by festive allegories and military symbolism. We may read in Denon‘s report to Napoleon of 15 August 1808, summarizing his activities in the field of the medallists‘ craft: “Every year I think of the fact that I have to commemorate the famous times of your history not to be forgotten; therefore, I have been completing the course of your history”.7 As mentioned above, Denon designed the motives for medallions by himself and his sketches frequently served as patterns or models for the draftsmen entrusted with the finalization of his designs. At other times, Denon’s complete designs were passed down to engravers, who subsequently gave them shape in metal. It was only natural that the Director-General of Muse-

6 Decree Musée central des Arts, confirmed by the First Consul in Saint-Cloud on 28 Brumaire of the Year XI (19 November 1802). Archives nationales AF IV 76, sign. 441. 7 „Chaque année je pense devoir reprendre des époques glorieuses de votre histoire qui n’auront pas été traitées dans le tems, afin d’en compléter la suite“. Denon’s report to Napoleon, 15 August 1808 (note written by the hand of the secretary). Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 4 n° 34b.

32 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE ums aimed his directives at these artists for it was him who received criticism and the reactions of the public and who had his name displayed in most of the medallions next to the names of those who had put his designs and concepts to practice. Accordingly, the name of the Director-General of Muse- ums, Denon, who was superordinated to the management of the Paris Mint, was displayed in most of the medallions with an attached abbreviation of DIR or the inscription of DIREXIT in full (i.e. under [his] leadership) in capital letters. His name appeared especially in the medallions designed by Denon himself or created under his leadership, inspired by his designs. The iconography, so masterly corporealized by Denon in metal, presents the founder of a new monarchic dynasty in France, a ruler who continued the tradition of his predecessors in the form of portraits. Through the medallists‘ art, Napoleon’s portrait became the symbol of the French statehood and ranked its bearer among the European monarchs to whose portraits this portrait corresponded in iconography. The glorifying function of the Napoleon’s portrait was supported under Denon’s leadership by a laurel wreath to be figuratively placed by the Director of the Paris Mint on Napoleon’s head. This was one of the forms of Napo- leon’s representation, the same way as the merger of the imperial, military and official state symbolism. The portrait of the First Consul, the later Emperor, formed by Denon, i.e. a portrait combining the images of a statesman, a commander, a hero and an impersonated virtue to various extents, was frequently impersonated in the form of a numismatic portrait. A portrait namely concerns the most personal existential questions of an individual who seems to overcome the temporariness of his worldly being and seems to eternalize thanks to his portrait. The roots of these psychological and philosophical aspects of the portrait lie in the cult of the dead. It was Denon who took advantage of this historical tradition – especially of the ancient civilization and the historical relief of the Roman arts – and supplemented the social function of Napoleon’s portrait by a cultic and religious content. However, in certain cases this presentation in Denon’s concepts crosses the borders of political propaganda and Napoleon‘s cult of personality. Denon used these principles even in his design of a series of medallions coined to honour Napoleon’s victorious campaign of 1805. In his letter to Napoleon of 19 February 1806, Denon, under item 5, provides a list of all

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30 medallions which were ordered to be made or made during his service in the office of the Director-General of Museums, i.e. between 1802 and 1806.8 The first 19 medallions have diverse, isolated motives; however, the collection of the remaining 11 medallions,9 later modified and supplemented to comprise 16 pieces,10 records the course of Napoleon‘s campaign in 1805 and its political consequences. Denon presents this collection in his letter to the Emperor of 25 May 1806 as narré numismatique: “I am highly honoured to add a description of sixteen medallions, which form a kind of numismatic narration of your last campaign. (…) I will deliver this numerous collection, together with all the accounting details, reports requested by you and general, more specific, information on my whole management, to Mr Daru [the Intendant General], according to the wishes of Your Majesty, on the first of June”.11 Denon also informed Napoleon of this fact in his letter of 3 June 1806.12 Napoleon’s campaign of 1805 started in late summer by transferring the forces from the camp in Boulogne and by a victory over the Austrians at Ulm, continued by his entrance in Vienna, the decisive Battle of Austerlitz in the Moravian plains and was subsequently completed by signing of the Peace of Pressburg on 26 December 1805. The course of the military campaign offered a great opportunity to build Napoleon’s presentation on the image of

8 Denon’s report to Napoleon, 19 February 1806. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 n° 13. Most of the medallions were made under Denon‘s leadership, who assigned the task of finalizing them to renowned engravers: Andrieu, Brenet, Droz, Galle, and Jaley. 9 There are the following topics: 1. Moving the camp in Boulogne and crossing the Rhine; 2. Conquest of Ulm and Memmingen; 3. Crossing the Lech; 4. Vienna and Pressburg handing over the keys to the cities to His Majesty; 5. Battle of Austerlitz; 6. Meeting of His Majesty and the Austrian Emperor; 7. Peace of Pressburg; 8. Viennese Cathedral in order to record that Te Deum was sung based on an order issued by His Majesty after peace was signed; 9. Venice returned to Italy; 10. Occupation of Dalmatia; 11. Occupation of Istria. 10 Denon’s report to Napoleon, 25 May 1806. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 n°32. 11 „J’ai l’honneur de joindre ici la note descriptive de seize médailles qui forment une espèce de narré numismatique de votre dernière campagne. (...) Le premier juin je remettrai à M. Daru, comme Votre Majesté l’a désiré, cette nombreuse collection, avec tous les détails de cette comptabilité, les notes qu’il m’a demandées de votre part et générallement des éclaircissemens précis sur toutes mes administrations“. The same source. 12 Denon’s report to Napoleon, 3 June 1806. Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 n°38.

34 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE the two defeated monarchs representing old European dynasties – the Aus- trian Emperor Francis I and the Russian Czar Alexander I. Engraver Bertrand Andrieu (1761–1822) created, under Denon’s leadership, a medallion whose reverse surface displayed two busts facing each other – Alexander I on the left and Francis I on the right – laureled and stylized in heroic nudity, with a legend around the edge saying ALEXANDRE I, FRANCOIS II. (Fig. 1). Signed at the bottom on the left by ANDRIEU F[ecit], on the right by DE- NON D[irexit]. The title of the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation was a more prestigious title for the French than the title of the Austrian Emperor; this is why the Habsburg monarch is presented here as the “German Emperor Francis II”. The obverse surface displays a Napo- leon’s bust, viewed from the right side, laureled, with a legend around the edge saying BATAILLE D’AUSTERLITZ, i.e. the Battle of Austerlitz, and the motto II. DÉCEMBRE MDCCCV, i.e. 2 December 1805.13 According to the legend, the author of the motif of this medallion was Napoleon himself. However, as pointed out by Catherine Delmas (1999), when this medallion was presented to the Emperor, he selected another medallion to be made.14 To comply with Napoleon’s wishes, bronze (exceptionally also silver or gold) memorial medallions, mostly with a diameter of 40 mm, or smaller to- ken coins with a diameter of 20 to 30 mm, which were generally considered to be popular with collectors and served as well-tried diplomatic gifts or efficient means of award, were coined in France to glorify this triumph of Napoleon’s Great Army. They were to develop prestige of and win favour for Napoleon’s regime. The medallions included in this collection also became part of the private collections of Prince Klemens Lothar Metternich (1773–1859). He got in contact with Napoleon or his administration many a time in his office of the Austrian Ambassador in Paris, leading diplomatist and the Chancellor of the Austrian Empire. The medallions deposited in the mobiliary collection

13 BRAMSEN Ludwig: Médaillier Napoléon le Grand, ou Description des médailles, clichés, repoussés et médailles-décorations relatives aux affaires de la France pendant le Consulat et l’Empire. Première partie, 1799–1809. Hamburg 1977 (Paris 1904), cat. no. 446; ZEITZ, Lisa – ZEITZ, Joachim: Napoleons Medaillen. Michael Imhof Verlag, Petersberg 2003, cat. no. 60, p. 134. 14 DELMAS, Catherine. Denon directeur de la Monnaie des Médailles. In: DUPUY, Marie- Anne (ed.). Dominique-Vivant Denon. L’œil de Napoléon. Paris, musée du Louvre, 20 octobre 1999 – 17 janvier 2000. Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux 1999, cat. no. 264.

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Fig. 1 Fig. 2 of the Kynžvart Castle in Western Bohemia,15 where the Prince used to stay, have been analysed from the point of iconography and served as fundamental pictorial sources for the preparation of this study.16 The first nine medallions mentioned by Denon in his list sent to Napoleon on 25 May 1806 map out the crucial moments of the military campaign. They capture a lot of places where the French army triumphed and commemorate places where the French diplomatic retinue distinguished itself in the

15 These medallions are included in the mobiliary collection of the state castle of Kynžvart, which is administered by the National Heritage Institute, Territorial Heritage Administration in Prague. There are the following medallions: reg. no. KY22435, KY22491, KY22492, KY22493, KY22494, KY22495, KY22496, KY22497, KY22498, KY22499, KY22500, KY22501, KY22502, KY22503, KY22504, KY22512, KY22515. 16 These memorial medallions were documented within the research task of “Napoleonic items in the mobiliary collections of the National Heritage Institute. Documentation and analysis of objects bearing iconography or symbols of the Napoleonic era in the mobiliary collections of the castles of Sychrov, Hrubý Rohozec, Lemberk, Zákupy, Opočno, Duchcov, Velké Březno, Ploskovice, Libochovice, Krásný Dvůr, Benešov nad Ploučnicí, Doksany, Kynžvart, Konopiště and in the Jemniště collection” within the research objective of “Research, documentation and presentation of the movable cultural heritage”, financed from the institutional grant of the Ministry of Culture of the Czech Republic intended for long-term conceptual development of the research organization.

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Fig. 3 Fig. 4 course of peace negotiations. The Narré numismatique of Napoleon’s memorable campaign of 1805, which was carefully studied by Denon by means of reports and facts obtained, starts by the French army’s leaving the camps in the region of Boulogne on the north-western coast of France, the place which was to serve as an imaginary bridge for the invasion of the British Isles. However, instead of that, Napoleon’s Grande Armée crossed the Rhine and headed for the Central Europe, being led by its Emperor. The reverse surface of the medallion presents an empty throne. There is an “eagle” in front of the throne, “coming out of a royal cloak, symbolizing the watches. The hand of Justice on the throne implies that Justice has stayed there. And the lightning above the throne represents a power threatening the offender”.17 According to Denon’s concept, Napoleon‘s France was imaginarily protected by the King of Gods, Zeus, himself; his eagle has been guarding the throne of the French Emperor, or commander, who was, strengthened by Zeus’s lightnings, leading his army to punish the offenders. The offenders were the allied monarchs who had declared war on France. The legend around the edge reads L´EMPEREUR COMMANDE LA GRANDE ARMÉE, i.e. The Emperor is leading the Great Army; the motto in the sector specifies the date and the location of the beginning of the cam- 17 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 n°33, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 1.

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paign: LEVÉE DU CAMP DE BOULOGNE XXIV AOUT MDCCCV PASSAGE DU RHIN LE XXV. SEP. MDCCCV, i.e. Leaving the camp in Bou- logne on 24 August 1805, crossing the Rhine on 25 September 1805. The signatures of BRENET F. and DENON D. indicate that the scene was made by engraver Nicolas-Guy-Antoine Brenet (1773–1846) under Denon’s leadership (Fig. 3). The obverse surface of the medallion displays Napoleon‘s antiquizing bust decorated by the victor’s laurels, supplemented by a legend around the edge NAPOLEON EMP. ET ROI, i.e. Napoleon, [the French] Emperor and [the Italian] King, and a signature of DENON DIREX[i]T, DROZ FE- CIT MDCCCVI. This means that the portrait, dated 1806, was created by engraver Jean-Pierre Droz (1746–1823) under Denon’s leadership (Fig. 2).18 The bridge over the Lech on the reverse surface of the following medallion describes the further advance of Napoleon’s army. Napoleon, sitting upright on a horse, speaks with dignity to his soldiers upon the occasion of crossing the river in front of Augsburg and is showing them the place of their future victory. The soldiers, walking over the bridge towards their Emperor, are raising their arms and swearing. Above the heads them all, there is an allegory of Victory, suspended in the air, bringing a laurel wreath and a palm to the victors. “The small allegorical figure of the Lech River serves as an announcement that this river is not an obstacle for the army,” Denon explains and compares the topic of the whole scene to ancient medallions capturing similar gestures of the Roman emperors.19 He mentions a specific example, the preserved part of the tribune in Rimini, from which Caesar spoke to his army after crossing the Rubicon. However, the motto in the sector commemorates the modern Caesar and the source of his military power: ALLOCUTION A L’ARMEE / L’ARMEE FAIT SERMENT DE VAINCRE. XII OCTOBRE MDCCCV, i.e. Speech to the army. The army swears to win. 12 October 1805. The scene is supplemented by the signature of DENON DIREC, which confirms that the medallion was designed under Denon’s leadership (Fig. 4). The obverse surface of the medallion is identical to the previous one.20

18 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 430; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 60, p. 134. 19 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 2. 20 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 432; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 55, p. 126.

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The next three medallions present a series of the first great military achievements of Napoleon’s Great Army in the campaign of 1805. The conquest of Ulm and Memmingen in the territory of Bavaria is to be represented by the figure of the Emperor in ancient clothes on a chariot drawn by a pair of galloping horses on the reverse surface of the medallion. The allegory of Victory is crowning him and the kneeling allegories of the defeated towns of Ulm and Memmingen are giving him keys (Fig. 5). “The Victory is tremendous, bringing a palm and a crown to the victor. The two cities which have surrendered have not slowed down the speed of the hero driving towards new victories,” Denon reasons with passion and affixes his name to the medallion: DEN[on] DIR[exit].21 The author of the design was engraver Louis Jaley (1763–1838), as indicated by the signature of JALEY F[eci]T. The motto in the sector points out the disastrous results of the defeat for the Austrian army: LE XVII OCTOBRE MDCCCV / CAPITULATION D’ULM ET DE MEMMINGEN / LX MILLE PRISONNIERS, i.e. 17 October 1805 / capitulation of Ulm and Mem- mingen / 60 thousand prisoners.22 The impersonation of Napoleon’s unyielding force into the figure of the mythic Hercules represents the most radical and the most daring stylization of the French Emperor into a mythic hero as has ever been submitted by Denon for approval to his client. “Napoleon, as Hercules, is relaxing, [leaning against] his club“.23 The kneeling allegories of two cities – Vienna and Pressburg – are humbly surrendering their keys to him. A similar motif of the defeated cities is repeated by Denon also in the next medallion; however, this time, the topic is treated in a new, impressive artistic way. The figure of Napoleon, laureled and clothed only in lion leather, is so heroized as to be completely deprived of its earthiness and raised to the Pantheon of the Olympian Gods and heroes, which controlled the ancient world. Thus, the spiritual isolation, pervading the expression of the modern Hercules, is in an even greater contrast to the distressful emotions and defeatist gestures of the two allegories of the cities. The motto in the sector explains the reason: PRISE DE VIENNE ET DE PRESBOURG. MDCCCV, i.e. Conquest of Vienna and Pressburg. 1805. Accord- 21 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 3. 22 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 433; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 56, p. 127. 23 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 4.

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Fig. 5 Fig. 6 ing to the signature, DENON D[irexit]. GALLE F[ecit], the reverse surface of this medallion was created by engraver André Galle (1761–1844) under Denon’s leadership (Fig. 6).24 When Napoleon’s Marshal Michel Ney (1769–1815) had captured Inns- bruck, his units found, in the armoury of the city, several banners originally born by the Tyrolean Regiment of the French Republican Army. As pointed out by Ambroise Tardieu (1822), this finding made a big impression on the soldiers.25 Denon, in order to capture this event, uses an analogy to the Ro- man commander Germanicus (15 B.C.–19 A.D.) and his campaigns to the Germanic territory on the right bank of the Rhine, aiming to revenge the defeat of Varo’s legions by Germanic Chief Arminius in the Teutoburg For- est in 9 A.D. Three Roman legions had been slaughtered in this battle. Ger- manicus later managed to get back two of the three eagles, the symbols of the legion seized in that battle, which provoked great enthusiasm in the Romans. Therefore, Denon only presumes that “it will be better to create just a copy of a medallion analogous to this event by translating its Latin inscription « Signis receptis devictis

24 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 443; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 57, p. 128–129. 25 TARDIEU, Ambroise: La Colonne de la Grande Armée d’Austerlitz ou de la Victoire, monument triomphal érigé en bronze sur la place Vendôme de Paris, description accompagnée de 36 planches représentant la vue générale, les médailles, piédestaux, bas-reliefs, et statue dont se compose ce monument. Paris 1822, p. 16.

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Fig. 7 Fig. 8

Germanis » as: Austrians defeated. French banners regained“.26 The legend in the field of the scene LES AUTRICHIENS VAINCUS / LES DRAPEAUX FRAN- ÇAIS REPRIS is supplemented by the figure of a warrior in the Roman cui- rass, holding a Republican military banner in one hand, and an allegory of Victory in the other, on the reverse surface of the medallion (Fig. 7). The signature of BRENET F[ecit]. DENON D[irexit]. indicates that the scene was created by engraver Brenet under Denon’s leadership. The motto dates the whole event to Denon‘s era: INSPRUCK / LE XVI BRUM[ai]RE / AN XIV. MDCCCV, i.e. Innsbruck, 17 November 1805. The obverse surface of the medallion is decorated by Droz’s stylized portrait of Napoleon in the form of a bust, with a mention of Denon’s leadership and the date of coinage of the medallion, 1806, which is the same as in the previous pieces.27 As observed by Isabelle Le Masne de Chermont (2001), if painting was to represent the Battle of Austerlitz as a spectacular performance of the operating military units, as captured by painter François-Pascal-Simon Gérard (1770–1837), or to bring forth emotions and admiration for the braveness of General Valhubert, who was tragically killed in the battle field, as recorded by

26 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 5. 27 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 442; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 58, p. 130–131.

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Jean-François-Pierre Peyron (1744–1814) in his canvas, the parallel kind of artistic expression – the medallists‘ art – often uses the symbolism of various memorable events to process these motives.28 The next medallion was decorated by the symbolism used for the victory of the French Emperor over the two European monarchs, reflecting Napo- leon’s amazing power, both persuasive and threatening. The medallion was created by engraver Jaley; we may see lightnings coming out of the winged imperial sceptre of Charles the Great – the original symbol of the French Empire (Fig. 8). Denon specified this motif in his report to the Emperor of 25 May 1806 under serial number 6 and heading of “Battle of Austerlitz”: “The imperial sceptre armed with wings and lightnings. The war of the two emperors owing to Russia’s refusal to acknowledge the French Empire; we thought that the sceptre of Charles the Great, covered by ligthnings, was the best thing to express the motif and the result of this battle“.29 The medallion, which was to serve as another sparkling jewel of the festive calendar called Histoire napoléonienne, was once more to bear the exact date of Napoleon’s triumph: Bataille d’Austerlitz, le II xbre MDCCCV, i.e. Battle of Austerlitz, 2 December 1805. The medallion was coined with a legend around the edge BATAILLE D’AUSTERLITZ, II DEC MDCCCV, II FRIM AN XIV and signature of the engraver JALEY F.[ecit].30 The Battle of Austerlitz was to be recorded in the history of the Napoleonic era as the victory of the “Western” Empire over the “Eastern” empires, the most famous triumph of legitimate Emperor Napoleon I, the successor of Charles the Great and renewer of the tradition of the powerful Roman emperors. If we evaluate this motif in connection to the portraits of the two defeated monarchs in another medallion which has already been mentioned (Fig. 1), we may assume that Denon planned to create two medals commemorating the same historical event, their motives supplementing each other and their message being intensified by the power of the forming Napoleonic legend. This legend namely sanctified the Maison de France of that time, representing

28 LE MASNE DE CHERMONT, Isabelle: Pour faire vivre un livre qui jamais ne parut. Le projet de publication des bas-reliefs de la colonne Vendôme. In: GALLO, Daniela (ed.): Le vies de Dominique-Vivant Denon. Actes du colloque organisé au musée du Louvre par le Service culturel du 8 au 11 décembre 1999. Tome II. Paris 2001, p. 385. 29 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 6. 30 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 445; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 59, p. 132–133.

42 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE the Bonaparte dynasty, by evoking memories of the Western Empire and by boasting the symbolism of the dynasty of Charles the Great. Napoleon was to be represented here as a legitimate French ruler whose social standing, political reputation and military power were interconnected and supported by each of his victories. Denon looked for pillars for this legitimacy in the relevant symbolism to compass this message clearly and impressively in all its glamour. Therefore, he looked for “useful” iconographic inspiration across the centuries and sophistically designed various eclectic structures of meaning, mixing the symbolism of the Roman emperor and the oriental rulers of the ancient history with the traditional and modern French symbolism. The medallion whose motif is mentioned by Denon in his list under serial number 7, is to commemorate an event which became a favoured topic for other official artistic orders made by Napoleon’s administration. The personal meeting of the two emperors – Napoleon I and Emperor Francis II – at Spálený mlýn between Žarošice and Násedlovice, in the area of the today’s village of Urchitz (Uhřice), was held on 4 December 1805; the Aus- trian ruler was accompanied in this meeting by Johann I Joseph, Prince of Liechtenstein (1760–1836). In the course of their dialogue which took about an hour, the emperors agreed on the basic conditions for peace. “This meeting had, above all, a peaceful nature,” Denon emphasized.31 The reverse surface of the medallion displays the French Emperor as a laureled Roman triumpher, leaning against his sword, which he has just laid down, and giving his hand to Francis II, the ruler of “Barbaricum”, who intends to accept the conditions and assure Napoleon of his loyalty. The erected flagpole with a French eagle and the military trophy at the bottom indicate that this peace resulted from a battle France had won. The eagle with extended wings, with a laurel wreath of the victor and a monogram of the French Emperor underneath, stands on a flagpole erected above the seized crossed banners of Austria and Russia (Fig. 9). The motto in the sector provides more details on this event : ENTREVUE DE L’EMPEREUR NAPOLEON ET DE L’EMPEREUR FRANÇOIS II A URCHITZ LE IV DECEMBRE MDCCCV, i.e. The meeting of Emperor Napoleon and Emperor Francis II at Urchitz on 4 December 1805. The scene is supplemented by the signature of engraver ANDRIEU F.[ecit] and

31 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 7.

43 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE of the client under whose leadership the medallion was designed, DENON D.[irexit].32 The medallion, designed by Denon and approved by Napoleon, indicates that it was the battlefield of Austerlitz which in the “metal” history of the Napoleonic era defined the imaginary border between the East and the West – the border marked out by Emperor Napoleon by his victories in the world of art under Denon’s critical eye. The next medallion, mentioned by Denon in his list under serial number 8, indicates direct inspiration in the ancient mythology and arts. The reverse surface displays the ancient Temple of Janus with a closed gate, which appeared as a motif as early as in the period of Antiquity in the medallions of the Roman emperors. Denon selected for the topic of this medallion one of the oldest ancient Italian gods, Janus, the god of all beginnings, originally seen as the protector of doors and gates. According to the Greek myths, he was the lord of the gates of heaven and earth, guarded all the hostile demons, and controlled years, months and seasons. Therefore, the first month of the year, called Ianuarius, was consecrated to him. The second Roman king, Numa Pompilius, the legendary successor of Romulus, allegedly living at the turn of the 8th and 7th centuries B.C., established a temple for Janus in Rome; the temple was opened after a war had broken out and the army had left and was closed only at times of total peace.33 A portico with a closed gate and an inscription of TEMPLUM JANI, i.e. Temple of Janus, in the attic gable, was to symbolize the atmosphere of peace after the Battle of Austerlitz, which spread in the forthcoming Christmas holidays in connection with the signing of the peaceful treaty between France and Austria. The authorized representatives signed the treaty in the Primate’s Palace in Pressburg on 26 December 1805; the treaty was signed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Charles-Mau- rice de Talleyrand-Périgord, on behalf of France and by the above-mentioned Johann I Joseph Prince of Liechtenstein and Count Ignác Gyulay on behalf of Austria. Afterwards, the treaty was ratified by both the monarchs. Accord- ing to Article 1 of the Peace Treaty, both the parties said: “may it be peace and friendship between His Majesty, the German and Austrian Emperor, and His Majesty, the French Emperor and Italian King, their heirs and successors and their countries and

32 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 452; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. No. 61, p. 135. 33 Group of authors: Slovník antické kultury. Praha 1974, p. 294.

44 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE vassals from this day for ever”.34 The termination of the actual war hardships and a prospect of friendship and peace and the treaty, which was to serve as a line between the past and the future, could also be the reasons for the analogy with the god Ianus, who surmounts the building of his temple in the medallion (Fig. 10). According to the ancient iconography, which was well-known to Denon, Janus was displayed with two or three faces – he continuously and simultaneously observed the future and past affairs. Moreover, in ancient times, Janus was a ruler in Latium, where the overthrown god Saturnus came. Janus received Saturnus kindly and shared his rule with him, which was a beginning of a period of bliss and golden age for Italy.35 The conditions of the Peace Treaty of Pressburg, entered into by the French and the Austrian Em- perors, and the other events which followed in 1806 in the changing map of Europe, were to prove this. The medallion bears a motto in the sector PAIX DE PRESBOURG XXVI. DECEMBRE MDCCCV, i.e. Peace of Pressburg 26 December 1805. The scene is supplemented by the signatures of engraver ANDRIEU F.[eci]T and of the client under whose leadership the medallion was designed, DENON D.[irexi]T.36 The spiritual dimension was to be given to the whole victorious campaign of Napoleon’s Great Army of 1805 by the medallion which recorded St. Ste- phen’s Cathedral in Vienna, i.e. the renowned Stephansdom. Denon mentions this topic in his list under number 9 under the heading of “Viennese Cathe- dral”. After the decisive battle in the Moravian plains, Napoleon moved to the Schönbrunn Palace on the outskirts of Vienna; he did not enter the centre of Vienna. The only act to prove his authority in the capital city of the Habsburg monarchy was the performance of Te Deum in the Viennese Cathedral, one of the most precious Gothic monuments in the territory of Austria, to honour the signing of the Peace Treaty of Pressburg. According to Denon, “this pious act,” performed in an ancient Viennese monument “which could characterize the city, proves not only his [Napoleon‘s] power, but also his modesty”.37 The God stood on the side of the French Emperor during the campaign of 1805; now the 34 The text of the peace treaty was translated and printed in D. Uhlíř’s thesis, see: UHLÍŘ, Dušan: Slunce nad Slavkovem, Třebíč 2000, p. 458–462. 35 Slovník antické kultury, p. 294, 548. 36 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 455; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 63, p. 140. 37 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 9.

45 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE

Fig. 9 Fig. 10

Emperor of all the French was paying tribute to God in the main sanctuary of Vienna in front of the eyes of Viennese citizens (Fig. 11). The legend around the edge of the reverse surface of the medallion reads: ACTIONS DE GRACES POUR LA PAIX, i.e. Thanksgiving to honour the peace; the motto in the sector says: ORDONNÉES À VIENNE PAR L’EMPEREUR NA- POLÉON LE 28 DÉCEMBRE MDCCCV, i.e. Ordered in Vienna by Emperor Napoleon on 28 December 1805. The scene is supplemented by the signature of the client under whose leadership the medallion was designed, DENON D.[irexit], and the signature of engraver ANDRIEU F.[ecit].38 The next group of medallions, complementing the collection coined to commemorate Napoleon’s victorious campaign of 1805, characterizes its political consequences and its territorial and administrative impact on the formation of a new map of Europe as defined in the individual clauses of the Peace Treaty of Pressburg of 26 December 1805. The increasing power of France in the European continent at the expense of the Habsburg monarchy and its former allies was thus recorded in metal. According to clause 4 of the mentioned treaty, “His Majesty, the German and Austrian Emperor, waives, on behalf of himself and his heirs and successors, those territories of the Republic of Venice, which have ceded to him by the Treaty of Campo Formio

38 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 461; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 64, p. 141.

46 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE

Fig. 11 Fig. 12 and Lunéville“.39 The city of Venice and the lagoons and possessions ashore were to be handed over, in compliance with article 23, through a ratification of the Peace Treaty, within fifteen days of the exchange; the Venetian Istria and Dalmatia, the Bay of Kotor, the Venetian Islands in the Adriatic Sea and all the fortresses and places situated here were to be handed over within six weeks. The medallion which was included in this respect in the collection by Denon under serial number 10 was to commemorate the occupation of Ven- ice. The reverse surface of the medallion displays the Rialto Bridge, extending over a broad canal and symbolizing, by its robustness and beauty, the naval power of Venice. Being one of the most important monuments of Venice, the bridge was to characterize the nature of this town as a group of islands interconnected by bridges. The gondola displayed in the field indicates the means of transport, the dolphin indicates that Venice is a seaside harbour, and the eel indicates that the town was built in the middle of marshland (Fig. 12). The inscription in the sector on the reverse surface of the medallion says: VENISE RENDUE A L’ITALIE XXVI. DÉCEMBRE MDCCCV, i.e. Venice returned to Italy on 26 December 1805. The signatures indicate that the scene was engraved by Brenet under Denon’s leadership.40

39 UHLÍŘ 2000, p. 458. 40 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 460; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 65, p. 142–143.

47 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE

Fig. 13 Fig. 14

The topic used for the preparation of the medallion specified by Denon under serial number 11 as “Occupation of Istria“ was the Temple of Au- gustus in Pula in the south of the Istrian Peninsula. This building preserved from the period of the Ancient Rome was well known in Europe already in the 18th century; the prostyle from the 1st century A.D. was recorded by Giovanni Battista Piranesi (1720–1778) in a graphic sheet included in his collection of graphics Alcune vedute di Archi Trionfali, ed altri monumenti.41 The scene presents a view of the front face of the temple with its elegant vertical lines and a closed gate (Fig. 13). The ancient monument was to be one of the most beautiful Napoleon’s architectural triumphs to be merged with the Kingdom of Italy. At the same time, it was the symbol of the greatest harbour of this province and of the city, which, in Denon’s opinion, was naturally to become the most important city in this duchy.42 The scene is supplemented by a legend around the edge TEMPLE D’AUGUSTE A POLA, i.e. Temple of Augustus in Pula; the motto in the sector says L’ISTRIE CONQUISE AN

41 FICCACI, Luigi (ed.): Giovanni Battista Piranesi. The Complete Etchings. Taschen, 2000, cat. no. 96, p. 117. 42 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 11.

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MDCCCVI, i.e. Occupation of Istria of 1806. As indicated by the signatures, the scene was made by engraver Brenet under Denon’s leadership.43 Another architectural jewel to be commemorated by Denon within the triumph of Napoleon’s victories was the Temple of Jupiter in Split on the Dalmatian shore. The Late Antique building from the beginning of the 4th century, part of the complex of the famous Diocletian’s Palace, had been carefully documented and recorded in graphic sheets in the 18th century; it became the subject of study of many renowned architects, who looked for innovations through inspiration in the morphology of the ancient architecture (Fig. 14). The rise of the Roman Emperor Diocletian, who reigned between 284 and 305, could, at the same time, markedly commemorate the way of the French Emperor Napoleon towards his success. The Roman Emperor, originating in a low family, was a great soldier and achieved the title of the Emperor by his abilities; the victorious Roman forces, returning from Persia, proclaimed him Emperor. He came to the throne in a critical situation, when Rome was facing a danger, being threatened on all its borders and being con- vulsed with internal riots. He averted the Barbarian invasions, consolidated the internal situation in the provinces and organized the Roman Empire. Dio- cletian could serve the French Emperor as a strategic analogy especially in the further provincial or satellite territories. Moreover, Napoleon was connected with Jupiter, the King of Gods, to whom the temple in Split was consecrated, by the symbolism of the eagle, which was – the same way as the bearer of the lightning in the ancient mythology – the imaginary bearer of the victory of Napoleon’s Great Army. The medallion which is mentioned by Denon under serial number 12 was symptomatically called the “Occupation of Dalmatia”.44 The legend around the edge reads TEMPLE DE JUPITER A SPALATRO, i.e. Temple of Jupiter in Split; the sector provides more details: LA DALMATIE CONQUISE EN MDCCCVI PAR LA PAIX DE PRESBOURG, i.e. The occupation of Dalmatia in 1806 on the basis of the Peace of Pressburg.45 After the Kingdom of Naples, which had been ruled by the secundo- geniture of the Spanish royal dynasty of the Bourbons, was dissolved in 1799

43 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 512; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 66, p. 144. 44 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 12. 45 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 513; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 67, p. 145.

49 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE with the assistance of the local Jacobins and under the baton of the French army, the Parthenopaean Republic was installed in the south of the Apennine Peninsula; however, this republic did not last for a long time. In 1801 the local domain of the Spanish Bourbons was renewed in consequence of the Rus- sian and Austrian intervention. Being worried by whether he would be able to retain it and owing to the weakness of his military forces, Ferdinand IV of Bourbon became an ally of Russia on 10 September 1805, thus inclining to the side of the third anti-French coalition. However, this activity cost the Bourbons very dear. The French Emperor, who had paralyzed his mortal enemies, Austria and Russia, in the Moravian plains in December, soon turned his attention towards the Kingdom of Naples and sent his units comprising 45,000 men to the south. The capital city of the kingdom, Naples, was occupied on 24 February 1806 while the royal family – the same way as in 1799 – had fled to Palermo. As early as 27 December 1805, one day after the Peace Treaty of Pressburg had been signed, Napoleon announced from the Vien- nese Schönbrunn Palace that the „Naples dynasty stopped ruling“.46 Afterwards, on 30 March 1806, the French Emperor appointed his older brother Joseph, who was the commander of the occupation army, the King of Naples. Thus, the Kingdom of Naples became the first European country to be ruled by a member of Napoleon’s family. Denon understood the importance of this campaign and therefore decided to duly commemorate this further success of France in consequence of the Napoleon’s military campaign, which had culminated in the victory at Austerlitz. He included a medallion on the topic of “Conquest of Naples” under number 13 in the list of medallions commemorating the said campaign.47 In order to find an analogy for the renewed kingdom, which got under the supremacy of the family of Bonaparte, De- non revived the memory of an ancient medallion from the territory of the then Parthenope, the original settlement on the shore of Campania on whose foundations Naples was established in the 7th century B.C. He chose the picture of a bull for the reverse surface of the medallion; the bull had been worshipped in the period of antiquity as divinity due to his power and useful- ness. The Victory suspended in air is bringing a laurel wreath for the victors 46 “La dynastie de Naples a cessé de régner”. Quoted according to: GODECHOT, Jacques: Naples. In: TULARD, Jean (ed.): Dictionnaire Napoléon, II, Paris 1999, p. 376. 47 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 13.

50 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE

Fig. 15 Fig. 16 on its head. In order the make the analogy of this symbol of power with the personality of the French Emperor even more apparent, Denon let the animal be pictured with the bearded head of Jupiter or Hercules. The sacred bull was to impersonate the dexterity of the King of Gods, Jupiter, who rein- carnated to different shapes in order to achieve his aim. At the same time, the bull was to refer to the heroism, power and dauntlessness of his beloved son, Hercules, who had tamed a furious Cretan bull. The scene was supplemented by the head of Vulcan, the god of fire and, as Denon learned from the history of the heroic era, the first ruler of the legendary country of fire, south Italy, which was impersonated by Vulcan in the shape of the volcano Mount Vesuvius (Fig. 15). The scene in the sector is supplemented by the inscription CONQUETE DE NAPLES MDCCCVI, i.e. Conquest of Naples 1806; the signatures indicate that the author of the medallion was Brenet under Denon’s leadership.48 Within the consequences of the Napoleon’s victorious campaign of 1805, Denon also remembered to commemorate the support of the three states in the south of Germany and their alliance with France in this campaign. One of these states was Baden, which served as a topic for medallion serial number 14. In September 1805, Baden provided France with 3,000 soldiers

48 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 516; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 68, p. 146–147.

51 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE in exchange for a vision of territorial gains at the expense of the Austrian Habsburgs. On 12 December 1805, after the Battle of Austerlitz, France and Baden signed a treaty in Brno, according to which the Margraviate of Baden was to be upgraded to a duchy and by which it proclaimed its access to the alliance “of the crowns of France and Italy, Bavaria and Württemberg” for all future times. This military and political alliance was confirmed by a Congress in Munich on 4 January 1806. The prince electors of Bavaria and Württemberg assumed the royal titles, without ceasing to be members of the German Con- federation. According to the relevant clauses of the Peace Treaty of Press- burg, His Majesty, the German and Austrian Emperor, waives, on behalf of himself and his heirs and successors, and on behalf of the princes of his house and their heirs and successors, the mentioned principalities, domains, dominions and territories; he resigns and hands over the said territories to His Majesty, the King of Bavaria, His Majesty, the King of Württemberg, and His Highness, Prince Elector of Baden; he acknowledges their full sovereignty and their titles achieved in the victorious war in their capacity of allies of France.49 The alliance of the three states in the south Germany with France was later strengthened by other diplomatic acts within the intentions of the dynastic marriage policy. The medallion to be included by Denon in the list in this respect aspired to commemorate the consolidated alliance between Baden and France. The reverse surface of the memorial medallion called “Wedding of the Prince of Baden” presents a young man decorated by an ancient monarchic headband, who is yearningly proposing to a young princess, who, in order to guarantee her loyalty, is modestly giving him both her hands. Napoleon’s initials with beams above their heads indicate that this alliance had been created under the influence of a fortunate planet (Fig. 16). The main actors of the captured event were Charles-Frédéric-Louis of Baden (1786–1818), the hereditary Prince of the Grand Duchy of Baden, and Stéphanie-Louise- Adrienne de Beauharnais (1789–1860), the niece of Napoleon’s first wife Jo- séphine, who had been officially adopted by Napoleon in March 1806 and awarded the title of a Princess of the French Empire. The wedding ceremony took place, with all the trimmings, in Diana’s Gallery in the Paris Palace of Tuileries on 7 April 1806. The pomposity of the ceremony declared its strate-

49 UHLÍŘ 2000, p. 458–460.

52 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE gic and diplomatic intentions.50 The young, seventeen-year-old noblewoman, now a member of the monarchic family of Bonaparte, entered, “by the light of the Napoleon’s star“, the ancient monarchic dynasty of Baden as one of the guarantees of the alliance policy between France and Baden, as indicated by the motto in the sector of the medallion above the wedding couple: ALLI- ANCE MDCCCVI, i.e. Alliance 1806. The author of the scene was Andrieu under Denon’s leadership.51 Another memorial piece, which is mentioned by Denon in his list under number 15, represents a direct reference to ancient medallions.52 The scene presented in the medallion is to declare the territorial, administrative and political consequences of Napoleon’s victory over Austria and Russia, as notified in the Peace Treaty of Pressburg, ratified by the Austrian Emperor, Francis I. According to Denon’s concept, this medallion is to commemorate the foundation of the Kingdoms of Tuscany, Bavaria, Württemberg, and Naples, the Electorate of Bavaria, the Principalities of Piombino, Clève and Neufchâtell, the Duchies of Istria, Dalmatia, etc. Denon was inspired by the ancient medallion of Emperor Trajan (53–117), which represents this emperor at the moment of his personally granting crowns to four princes asking him for them. The Napoleon’s artistic adviser once more betted on well-tried symbolism and created a cobweb of symbols combined with sophistication. The reverse surface of the medallion displays the French throne decorated by imperial eagles, the official signs of the French Empire. At the same time, the throne is dotted by imperial bees, the symbols of the family of Bonaparte. The globes, decorated by Caesar’s crowns, surmount the throne and commemorate the world ruler’s ambitions. The imperial cloak and the sceptre of Charles the Great, whose successor the French Emperor proclaimed himself to be, are lying on the throne seat. In front of the throne, there is an antiquizing table with a number of crowns on top of it. According to Denon, there is the crown of the Great Duchy of Tuscany and the crowns of the Electorates of Bavaria and Württemberg, all three of them symbolically interconnected by the sceptre as the sign of alliance guaranteed by the members 50 Group of authors: Stephanie Napoleon. Grossherzogin von Baden, 1789–1860. Badisches Landesmuseum, Karlsruhe 1989. 51 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 522; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 70, p. 150–151. 52 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 15.

53 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE

Fig. 17 Fig. 18 of the Bonaparte family, to whom these crowns would be assigned; furthermore, there is the crown of Naples, an electoral crown and several princely and ducal crowns. The inverted royal, electoral and ducal crowns of Sardinia, Hannover and Venice are lying on the floor. The field displays a French eagle suspended in air with extended wings, grasping the alliance and the sceptre of Charles the Great in his claws, the alliance being strengthened by the sceptre. The alliance impersonates the group of princes under the protection of the French sceptre, which indicates the further development of the French policy on its way to the establishment of the Confederation of the Rhine in July 1806. Besides the eagle, there is an imaginary phantom of the protector of the German states, the central hegemon and renewer of the Western Empire, suspended in the air above the table with the crowns (Fig. 17). The motto in the sector says SOUVERAINETÉS DONNÉES MDCCCVI, i.e. Sovereign- ties granted 1806. This time, the author of the scene is Brenet, led by Denon‘s critical eyes.53 The last topic, which was, according to Denon’s list submitted to Napo- leon, to serve as inspiration for the medallion to complete the narré numismatique of the victorious campaign of 1805 with all its political and economic consequences, was the declaration of a continental blockade, which was to

53 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 553; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 69, p. 148–149.

54 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE economically undermine and weaken the determined enemy of Napoleonic France – the hated England. On 21 November 1806, Napoleon published a decree in Berlin, whose clause I proclaimed the “British Isles to be under blockade“.54 The 15th issue of the Bulletin of the Great Army, published in Le Moniteur on 30 October of the same year, says: “England wanted to come out against France. Thus, it has brought Prussia to its decline (…), and time has come to declare a continental blockade on England”.55 Denon mentions this topic in his list under number 16 as “The harbours in the north closed to England”, using a reminis- cence of a story told according to an ancient Greek myth (Fig. 18). He was inspired by the figure of Antaios (Antaeus in Latin), a giant with unconquer- able power, the son of the god of the sea, Poseidon, and the goddess of the Earth, Gaia. This topic was designed by the Director-General in 1803, at the time of the planned French invasion of the British Isles, for a medallion with a legend around its edge DESCENTE EN ANGLETERRE, i.e. “Disembark- ment in England. Coined in London in 1804”.56 According to a legend, the giant, who lived in Libya, forced everyone who had got in his sight to fight with him; then he defeated him and killed with no mercy. His last opponent was famous Heracles (Hercules in Latin), who got to Libya in his wander to get the golden apples of the Hesperides he was to bring to Mycenae to satisfy an order made by King Eurystheus. During their fight, Heracles discovered the secret of the giant’s power: when Antaios felt that he was getting weak, he firmly nestled close to his mother Earth and his strength returned to him. Therefore, Heracles lifted him up in the air. The giant, torn from his native Earth, lost his strength and soon afterwards died in Heracles‘ grasp. Denon used the figure of Antaios in the topic of the medallion for an allegory of the “ominous” England; Heracles was to symbolize the strength and dexterity of Napoleonic France: “… the French Hercules strangling the seaside Antaeus, who is stretching his hand in vain to touch the element from which he has been drawing his

54 “Les îles Britanniques sont déclarées en état de blocus”. Quoted according to: DUFRAISSE, Roger: Blocus continental. In: TULARD, Jean (ed.): Dictionnaire Napoléon, I. Paris 1999, p. 234. 55 “L’Angleterre a voulu exciter contre la France. Eh bien, elle a conduit la Prusse à sa ruine (…), et le temps approche où l’on pourra déclarer l’Angleterre en état de blocus continental”. The same source. 56 DELMAS, Catherine: Denon directeur de la Monnaie des Médailles. In: DUPUY 1999 (ed.), cat. no. 260.

55 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE power”.57 The allegory was supplemented by the inscription: “Toto divisos orbe Britannos” (transl. “The British totally isolated from the rest of the world”, i.e. a verse from Vergilius’ Bucolics (I, verse 66), borrowed by the British Secretary of State, Charles Fox (1749–1806), in his speech on the mobilization of the Brit- ish military forces on 3 April 1806, presented in the House of Representatives of the British Parliament. In his speech, Fox informed the members of the parliament of the worrying situation of England after the continental harbours in the satellite states of France had been closed to it. Denon knew his speech from the press because it had appeared in the French translation in Le Moniteur universel on 28 April 1806; his reaction was almost immediate. Several days afterwards, on 4 May, he promptly described his suggestion to Napo- leon: “Sir, Your Majesty has just closed the northern harbours and rivers to the English; subsequently, Mr Fox quoted a Latin passage in his speech, according to which the said Minister acknowledged the situation by which Your Majesty has limited England. I think that there will not be a more suitable opportunity for the use of the design I have created long before, displaying the French Hercules strangling the seaside Antaeus, stretching his hand in vain in order to touch the element from which he has been drawing his power. I have added the Latin passage quoted by Mr Fox to the legend: ‘toto divisos orbe Britannos’. I will show this medallion (to the public) only after Your Majesty has seen and considered it”.58 May Denon’s action in this case be classified as an exemplary case of an action made by a conscious promoter? According to Miloslav Homola (1979), the topicality, specificity and connection to life are the basic principles of the psychological operation of propaganda. A propagandist makes use of topical events and important information about people in the right time, com- bines historical and up-to-date materials and simultaneously is very particular about his ability to convince the receiver of the truthfulness of the up-to-date

57 Denon’s list of medallions on the topic of the campaign of the Great Army, 25 May 1806, see Appendix I and II, medallion no. 16. 58 „Sire, Votre Majesté vient de fermer les ports et les fleuves du nord aux Anglais; M. Fox vient de citer dans une discussion un passage latin par lequel ce ministre avoue l’état où Votre Majesté a réduit l’Angleterre. J’ai pensé qu’il n’y avait point de circonstance plus favorable pour faire usage d’un carré que j’avais fait graver depuis longtems, sur lequel est représenté l’Hercule français étouffant l’Antée maritime qui étend en vain la main pour toucher à l’élément d’où il tire sa force. J’ai mis pour toute légende le passage latin cité par M. Fox : toto divisos orbe Britannos. Je ne montrerai cette médaille que lorsque Votre Majesté l’aura vue et jugée“. Denon’s letter to Emperor Napoleon, 4 May 1806, Archives nationales AF 1050 dr 2 no 30.

56 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE facts.59 Denon’s action did not fall flat in this case. In October of the same year, the prefect of Parma and Piacenza successfully asked for a permission to devote a colossal bronze statue on the same topic to the Emperor: “Hercules overcoming giant Antaeus represents Your Majesty destroying the monsters which still want to stain the Earth with blood and build powerless barriers to general endeavours for welfare and peace in the world”.60 However, according to L. Bramsen (1904), the medallion on this topic has never been coined; only a leaden maquette and several specimens have been preserved. Many years later, a copy of this medallion was coined in England with just one modification – the Napoleon‘s portrait on the obverse surface of the medallion, originally created by engraver Vin- cent Jeuffroy (1749–1826), was substituted by a Napoleon’s portrait made by Droz.61 Although Denon’s list of medallions of 25 May 1806 ends here, engraver Ambroise Tardieu (1822) completed the collection, which was documented in his thesis, by three other medallions with scenes which may not be omitted in relation to Napoleon’s victory at Austerlitz. The reverse surface of the first medallion displays the triumphal arch raised in the Carrousel Square to honour and celebrate the triumphant French army and to commemorate, by its monumentality and its character of a festival gateway, the memorable campaign of Austerlitz. Napoleon decided to raise the arch on 26 February 1806, not long after his return from the said campaign. The ceremony held on the occasion of laying the foundation stone took place on 7 July 1806; the building was ceremoniously unveiled on 15 August 1808, on Napoleon’s birthday. The building was designed by renowned architects, the performers of imperial orders, Charles Percier (1764–1838) and Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine (1762–1856). They were inspired by the form and proportions of Septimius Severus‘ triumphal arch in Campo Vaccino in Rome, raised in 203 to commemorate the successful military campaigns made by the Roman Emperor against the Parni. The impressive sculptural decorations of the arch, created by several artists, were made under Denon’s leadership. The six low reliefs,

59 HOMOLA, Miloslav: Základy psychologie propagandy a agitace. Ostrava 1979, p. 92. 60 „Hercule terrassant le géant Antée, est l’image de Votre Majesté exterminant les monstres qui veulent encore ensanglanter la terre et mettre d’impuissantes barrières à ses efforts généreux pour le bonheur et le repos de l’Univers“. Letter of 1 October 1806, Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 no 41. 61 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 364, 365.

57 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE

Fig. 19 Fig. 20 made of Carrara marble, were used to decorate the vast areas and to commemorate the crucial events of Napoleon’s victorious campaign in compliance with iconographic rules determined in advance. The arch was crowned by the Venetian Quadriga, a copper, formerly gilded, sculptural group of horses, which had originally decorated the front facade of St. Mark’s Basilica in Venice (Fig. 19). The work was transferred to Paris as a war trophy on the decision of General Bonaparte in consequence of his first Italian campaign. Denon placed an antiquizing statue of Napoleon as a Triumpher in the carriage drawn by the famous four-in-hand; however, the statue was later, in compliance with Napoleon’s order, removed. The scene on the reverse surface of the medallion, which thoroughly recorded the whole monument, was created by engraver Brenet under Denon’s leadership. The attic gable of the monument bears the inscription NAPOLÉON EMP. ET ROI…, i.e. Napoleon, the Emperor and King…, the frieze bears the inscription NAPOLÉON / EMPE- REUR DES FRANCAIS ROI D’ITALIE, i.e. Napoleon / French Emperor, Ital- ian King. Brenet created the medallion on the basis of Fontaine’s and Denon’s drawings only; no other drawer is known with respect to this medallion.62 Denon mentioned the name of Fontaine, the main architect of the monu-

62 DELMAS, Catherine. Denon directeur de la Monnaie des Médailles. In: DUPUY 1999 (ed.), cat. no. 266.

58 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE ment, in the sector around the edge of the medallion. The dedication in the sector clearly indicates to whom the triumphal arch in the Carrousel Square was to be dedicated, in compliance with Napoleon’s wishes: AUX ARMÉES MDCCCVI, i.e. To the armies 1806.63 The triumphal arch in the Carrousel Square was not the only monument to be raised to commemorate Napoleon’s campaign of 1805. On 1 January 1806, the French Emperor signed, after his arrival in Munich, a decree to build a memorial column, which was soon sent to the Minister of Interior with an authorization to execute the decree. The column was to be built of the bronze from the cannons seized or damaged in the Battle of Austerlitz and delivered by the Viennese armouries. The Director-General of Museums Denon and architects Jacques Gondouin (1737–1818) and Jean-Baptiste Lep- ère (1761–1844) were charged with the design of the structure of the column in the Paris Vendôme Square. The ceremony of laying the foundation stone took place, without any greater pomp, on 23 September 1806; the building was finished four years later. The column was festively unveiled on 15 August 1810 on the occasion of Napoleon’s birthday. The creators were inspired by Trajan’s column in Rome, finished in 113, whose transfer to Paris as a war trophy had been originally considered in consequence of Bonaparte’s first Italian campaign. Trajan’s last victorious campaign against the Dacians at the beginning of the 2nd century, impressively captured in the spiral low reliefs made of white marble, was to serve as an analogy for the achievements of Bonaparte’s so-called Italian army, i.e. the French army operating in the territory of Italy. The thought of glorification of the war achievements and of honouring the soldiers who had participated in the victories, became once more popular after Napoleon’s victory at Austerlitz. This time, a campaign of a modern Germanicus, who had conquered Barbaricum and returned as a triumpher to his native country, was to be captured. Denon recorded an impressive performance in the spiral low reliefs of the Paris memorial column, the main actors being the French Emperor and his Great Army. The adventure captured in the reliefs starts on 25 August 1805 by the armies leaving the Boulogne harbour at the waterfront of the English Channel, continues by their crossing of the Rhine, the conquest of Ulm, the occupation of Vienna and the

63 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 557; TARDIEU 1822, p. 20–21; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 72, p. 153.

59 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE victorious Battle of Austerlitz, and finishes by the ratification of the Peace Treaty of Pressburg, the return of the imperial army and the festive entrance of the Emperor in Paris with war trophies on 27 January 1806. Denon placed a heroized statue of Emperor Napoleon à l’antique at the top of the column; this statue was to complete the festive principle of the monument based on the Trajan’s model. The medallion displays a statue of Napoleon, placed on the top of the column, clothed as a Roman emperor and grasping the Hand of Justice and a sceptre in his hands. On the sides of the monument, there are outlines of classicist buildings (Fig. 20). The reverse surface of the medallion, recording the triumphal column in the Vendôme Square in detail in compliance with Denon’s instructions, was created by engraver Brenet under Denon’s leadership The preparatory drawing of the monument was made by architect Lepère.64 The legend COLONNE DE LA GRANDE ARMÉE, i.e. The Column of the Great Army, is supplemented by the motto in the sector CAMPAGNE DE MDCCCV, i.e. Campaign [of] 1805.65 The triumphal arch in the Carrousel Square and the triumphal column in the Vendôme Square were to glorify the achievements of Napoleon’s army in the campaign of 1805 by artistic means.66 The medallions in which these achievements had been immortalized were to preserve these architectural and artistic jewels, which had been built on the basis of a decision made by the Emperor in order to decorate the public areas of Paris, for the future generations. They were to symbolically close the history of Napoleon‘s campaign of 1805 in metal as guards of the historical memory. The reasons for Denon’s not including these medallions in the list submitted to Napoleon of 25 May 1805 are apparent. The designs for the medallions were prepared only later – before the completion of both the monuments, as Denon informed the Emperor in his letters.67 The group of sixteen medallions was exhibited in

64 DELMAS, Catherine. Denon directeur de la Monnaie des Médailles. In: DUPUY 1999 (ed.), cat. no. 265. 65 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 463; TARDIEU 1822, p. 21; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 71, p. 152. 66 You will find more details on Napoleon’s triumphal architecture in: BIVER, Marie- Louise: Le Paris de Napoléon. Paris 1963; BOYER, Ferdinand: Napoléon et les monuments à sa gloire en France et en Italie. In: Revue de l’Institut Napoléon, janvier 1958, 21–25. 67 Denon’s report to Napoleon, 3 June 1806, Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 n°38; Denon’s report to Napoleon, 22 February 1808, Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 4

60 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE the Paris Salon of 1806; the medallions with the motives of the triumphal architecture and the subsequent medallion were presented to the public only in 1808. The mentioned third medallion included by Tardieu (1822) in the collection commemorating Napoleon’s campaign of 1805 could not have been included in the Denon’s list mentioned above. The director of the Mint namely had his rivals in the field of the medallists‘ craft – directly among the ranks of artistic critics and designers of the French Institute. Denon was theoreti- cally threatened in his projects by this new institutional authority; however, in practice, the designs of the institute did not overshadow his achievements at all. The Commission for Medallions, which had five members, had been established within the third class of the Institute and whose member was even the prominent expert in the Roman antiquity, Ennio Quirinio Visconti (1751– 1818), designed a medallion called “Députation des maires de Paris à Schönnbrunn”, i.e. Deputation of the mayors of Paris in Schönnbrunn, in relation to the mentioned Napoleon’s campaign. The scene on the obverse surface of the medallion displays the moment when, after the entrance of the French army in Vienna, the city of Paris sent its deputation to Napoleon to congratulate him on the success of his weapons. The Emperor, who received this diplomatic retinue after his return from the victorious Battle of Austerlitz, was accompanied in Schönnbrunn by Marshal Murat, the governor of Paris of that time. Napo- leon, clothed in armour, is carrying an olive tree of peace in his hand. At the feet of the victorious Emperor and his Marshal, there is a sitting woman, an allegory of the Seine, leaning against the urn out of which the river flows. Two mayors – Dupont and Bricogne, members of the deputation – are coming from the opposite direction and greeting the Emperor, paying a tribute to the Emperor by bowing their heads. After Napoleon had answered them, he charged the two delegates with taking the seized banners of the enemies to decorate the Paris cathedral (Fig. 21). The legend around the edge says PANNONIA SUBACTA, i.e. Austria captured. The motto in the sector says: AEDILES. PARIS. IMP. NEAPOLIONI. A. VICTORIA. REDUCI. IN. SUBURBANO. CAESARUM. GRATES. AGUNT. PR. ID. DECEMBR. MDCCCV, i.e. The mayors of Paris are paying their tribute to Emperor Napoleon,

n°27; Denon’s report to Napoleon, 15 August 1808, Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 4 n°34b.

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Fig. 21 Fig. 22 brought by Victory to the city (villa) of Caesars. First days of December 1805.68 The reverse surface of the medallion displays Renommee with extended wings, blowing her trumpet and grasping a document in her hand, which says: IMP. URBI. SUAE, i.e. The Emperor to his capital city. The floor at the feet of the allegorical figure is sprinkled with war trophies and seized banners of the enemies (Fig. 22). The legend around the edge reads DE GERMANIS, i.e. The victory over the Germanic people; the motto in the sector says PRIMITIAE. BEL- LI. ARMA. ET. SIGNA. MILITARIA. E. MANUBIIS. VERTINGENS. CI- VITATI. DONATA. VI. ID. OCT. MDCCCV, i.e. Weapons and banners, the first war consequences, transferred to Wertingen and donated to the city of Paris, 6 October 1805. The medallion was created at the expense of the city of Paris and was intended as a gift to the Emperor.69 The author of the design was sculptor François-Frédéric Lemot (1772–1827); the obverse surface of the medallion

68 TARDIEU, Ambroise: La Colonne de la Grande Armée d’Austerlitz ou de la Victoire, monument triomphal érigé en bronze sur la place Vendôme de Paris, description accompagnée de 36 planches représentant la vue générale, les médailles, piédestaux, bas-reliefs, et statue dont se compose ce monument. Paris 1822, p. 17–18. 69 Report by the General Secretary of Napoleon’s Museum to the preservers of the Imperial Library, 8 December 1808, Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA7, p. 91.

62 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE was engraved by Galle, the reverse surface was made by Brenet.70 The Com- mission of the Institute decided not to use the traditional Denon’s concept for this medallion – the portrait of the Emperor in the form of a bust on the obverse surface and an epical or symbolical scene on the reverse surface. The commission did so apparently in order to differentiate its own concept from Denon’s designs. However, it favoured the ideological concept of the French Emperor as a modern Germanicus, whose victory in Barbaricum had brought fame and protection to his native country. Denon used this concept in the case of the triumphal column in the Vendôme Square. The government required from the Director-General of Museums that these medallions be made fast. Besides the “suitable” timing and the possibility to record a course of numerous events, such as the signing of the Peace of Pressburg and its consequences for the old Austrian possessions, the medallions of such kind have two other specific features: they may be spread fast and dexterously, using the desirable symbolic expression or historical tradition, which is peculiar to them, for such purpose. The medallist, being authorized by the government, may multiply the coinage and distribute these medallions commemorating famous acts of his ruler among high governmental officers and foreign delegations, ambassadors, politicians and de- serving soldiers. In fact, this enables him to take part in the formation of collective memory. Great part of these medallions were placed by Denon in the foundations of the triumphal arch dedicated to the glory of the Great Army in the Carrousel Square and of the triumphal column with a spiral band of low reliefs, presenting the iconographic program of Napoleon’s campaign of 1805 in the Paris Vendôme Square.71 The message of these medallions and of

70 BRAMSEN 1904, cat. no. 453; TARDIEU 1822, p. 17–18; ZEITZ – ZEITZ 2003, cat. no. 62, p. 136–139. 71 Denon’s report to Napoleon, 3 June 1806, Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 n°38; Denon’s report to the Chief Court Marshal, 26 June 1806, Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA 5, correspondance supplémentaire, p. 243; Denon’s report to the Chief Court Marshal, 8 July 1806, Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA 12, correspondance supplémentaire, p. 114; Denon’s report to the General Intendant, 12 July 1806, Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA 12, correspondance supplémentaire, p. 114; Denon’s report to the General Intendant, 12 September 1806, Archives des musées nationaux, registre *AA 12, correspondance supplémentaire, p. 120; Denon’s report to Napoleon, 22 February 1808, Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 4 n°27; Denon’s report to Napoleon, 15 August 1808,

63 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE the glorifying sculptural and architectural wholes, which sparklingly mirrored the victory of Napoleon’s “Eagles” at Austerlitz, was to be preserved in this way for the future generations in case the said buildings were destroyed. “They are to serve the history”, Denon wrote to Napoleon in one of his letters.72 The medallions were created in order to be immortal. The myth of Austerlitz and its “Glory to the Victors”, captured in metal or canvas by the unrestrained imagination of Dominique-Vivant Denon, became immortal for the Napole- onic history as well.

Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 4 n°34b. 72 Denon’s report to Napoleon, 22 February 1808, Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 4 n°27.

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APPENDIX I

Denon’s Letter to Napoleon Paris, 25 May 1806. Collection of medallions concerning the campaign of the Great Army.73

No. 1: Leaving the Camp in Boulogne. This medallion presents an empty throne. The eagle next to the throne, coming out of a royal cloak, is the symbol of the watches. The hand of the Justice on the throne implies that Justice has stayed there. And the lightning above the throne represents a power threatening the offender. Inscription: The Emperor is leading the Great Army. Motto: Leaving the camp in Boulogne on XXIV August MDCCCV Crossing the Rhine on XXV September MDCCCV.

No. 2: The Bridge over the Lech [River]. This act was sanctified by the Romans by memorials preceding great events. You can still see part of the tribune in Rimini, from which Caesar spoke to his army after crossing the Rubicon. We know a lot of medallions of emperors to display such an act, e.g. Galba, Trajan, Hadrian, Septimius Severus, etc. This [medallion] presents Napoleon on horseback. He is on the bridge in front of Augsburg: he is speaking to his soldiers and showing them the place of their future victory. The soldiers are raising their arms and swearing. The small [allegorical] figure of the Lech [River] is announcing that this river is not an obstacle for the army. Inscription Motto: Speech to the army The army swears to win. XII October MDCCCV.

No. 3: The Conquest of Ulm and Memmingen. The Emperor in a chariot drawn by a pair of galloping horses; [The allegory of] Victory is crowning him. Two towns on their knees are giving him their keys. The Victory is tremendous, bringing a palm and a crown to the vic-

73 You will find the letter in the original French version in Appendix II.

65 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE tor. The two towns which have surrendered have not slowed down the speed of the hero driving towards new victories. Inscription Motto: 17 October MDCCCV Capitulation of Ulm and Memmingen, 60 thousand prisoners.

No. 4: Conquest of Vienna and Pressburg. Napoleon, as Hercules, is relaxing, [leaning against] his club. Two cities [allegories] on their knees are giving him their keys. Inscription Motto: Conquest of Vienna and Pressburg MDCCCV

No. 5: Banners Regained. French banners regained in Innsbruck. A similar event was sanctified by the Romans: the gaining of military coat-of-arms by Germanicus in the period of Tiberius‘ reign; Germanicus regained, [by his victory] over the Ger- man nation of the Marsi74, the Roman eagle carried away by Arminius five years before, surprising the Roman legions led by Varo. We may assume that it will be better to create just a copy of a medallion analogous to this event by translating the Latin inscription “Signis receptis devictis Germanis” as: Austrians defeated. French banners regained. Motto – date of the event: Innsbruck / VII November MDCCCV

No. 6: Battle of Austerlitz. The imperial sceptre armed by wings and lightnings. The war of the two emperors owing to [Czarist] Russia’s refusal to acknowledge the French Em- pire; we thought that the sceptre of Charles the Great, covered by ligthnings, was the best thing to express the motif and the result of this battle. Inscription: Battle of Austerlitz, II December MDCCCV

No. 7: Meeting of Emperor Napoleon and Emperor Francis II. This meeting had, above all, a peaceful nature.

74 Marsi – a West Germanic tribe living in the territory between the rivers Rhine, Rur and Lippe, i.e. in the territory of today’s north-western Germany, in the 2nd century B.C.

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Napoleon, leaning against his sword, which he has just laid down, is giving his hand to Francis II, who intends to accept the conditions and assure [Napoleon] of his loyalty. The erected French flagpole and the military trophy indicate that this peace resulted from a battle France had won. Inscription Motto: The meeting of Emperor Napoleon and Emperor Francis II at Urchitz [on] IV December MDCCCV

No. 8: Peace of Pressburg. The ancient Temple of Janus with a closed gate, such as may be seen in the beautiful medallions of the Roman emperors. Motto: Peace of Pressburg, XXVI December MDCCCV

No. 9: Viennese Cathedral. Napoleon, who did not want to proclaim his sovereignty in Vienna, intended to order Te Deum to be sung to honour the peace signed in Pressburg in order to prove his reign. This pious act proves not only his power, but also his modesty. The medallion represents the cathedral in Vienna, where Te Deum was sung, [i.e.] the very monument situated in this city which could characterize it. Motto: Thanksgiving to honour the peace, ordered by Emperor Napoleon in Vienna on 28 December MDCCCV

No. 10: Occupation of Venice. This medallion displays the Rialto Bridge, one of the great monuments of Venice characterizing the environment of this city, the group of islands interconnected by bridges. The gondola in the field indicates the means of transport, the dolphin indicates that [the city of Venice] is a seaside harbour, and the eel indicates that [the city] was built in the middle of marshland. Motto: Venice returned to Italy MDCCCV

No. 11: Occupation of Istria. This medallion displays the Temple of Augustus in Pula: this monument, one of the well-preserved beautiful relics of the Roman Antiquity, commemorates, by its situation, the greatest harbour of this province and the

67 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE city, which must, absolutely naturally, become the most important city of this duchy. Motto: Istria gained MDCCCVI

No. 12: Occupation of Dalmatia. The same way as in the case of Istria, this medallion displays the main monument of the torso of the Diocletian’s Palace, the Temple of Jupiter, which is well-preserved among the ruins of what used to form this large building. Motto: Dalmatia gained MDCCCVI

No. 13: Conquest of Naples. In order to characterize this kingdom, a kind of ancient medallions from [the territory] of ancient Parthenope75 may be used: a bull with Jupiter’s or Hercules‘ head; above him the head of Vulcan, the first king, who ruled this country of fire according to the history of the heroic era. Motto: Conquest of Naples MDCCCVI

No. 14: Wedding of the Prince of Baden. This medallion represents a young man decorated by an ancient monarchic headband; he is yearningly proposing to a young princess, who, in order to guarantee her loyalty, is modestly giving him both her hands. [The capital letter] N with beams above their heads indicates that this alliance has been created under the influence of a fortunate planet. The field includes the names of the Prince and Princess: Charles-Frédéric- Louis of Baden and Stéphanie-Napoléon. Motto: Alliance MDCCCVI

No. 15: Sovereignties Granted. This medallion is intended to commemorate the foundation of the King- doms of Tuscany, Bavaria, Württemberg and Naples, the Electorate of Bavar- ia, the Principalities of Piombino, Clève, Neufchâtell, the Duchies of Istria, Dalmatia, etc. We know an ancient medallion of [the Emperor] Trajan, which represents this emperor at the moment of his personally granting crowns to

75 A region of Naples.

68 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE four princes asking him for them. The same matter may be explained by symbolic means in the form of the French throne decorated by an eagle, globes surmounted by Caesar’s crown and decorated by bees; the imperial cloak and the sceptre of Charles the Great are lying on the throne seat. In front of the throne, there is an antiquizing table with the crown of the Great Duchy of Tuscany and [the crowns] of the Electorates of Bavaria and Württemberg, all three of them symbolically interconnected by the sceptre; the crown of Naples, an electoral crown and several princely and ducal crowns. Inverted royal, electoral and ducal crowns of Sardinia, Hannover and Venice are lying at the feet of the table. The field displays a French eagle with extended wings, grasping in his claws an alliance with the sceptre of Charles the Great in the middle, the symbol of the group of princes under the protection of the French sceptre. Motto: Sovereignties granted MDCCCVI

No. 16: Northern Harbours Closed to England. The verse of Vergilius‘ Georgics, quoted by Mr Fox, determined that time has come for this medallion. Hercules is lifting Antaeus, who is stretching his hand to touch the Earth in order to draw his power from it. The verse quoted by Mr Fox: Toto divisos orbe Britannos serves as an inscription for this medallion.76 Motto: Sovereignties granted MDCCCVI

Director-General of the Medallion Mint.

DENON

76 The meaning of this quotation was explained by Denon earlier in his letter to Napoleon of 4 May 1806, Archives nationales AF IV 1050 dr 2 n° 30.

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APPENDIX II

Suite de médailles relatives à l’expédition de la Grande Armée.

N° 1 Levée du camp de Boulogne. Cette médaille représente un trône vide. L’aigle qui est auprès, et qui sort de dessous le manteau royal, est l’emblème de la surveillance. La main de justice, qui est sur le trône, exprime que la justice est restée là. Et le foudre qui est au-dessus du trône indique la puissance qui menace le coupable. Inscription : L’Empereur commande la Grande Armée. Et dans l’exergue : Levée du camp de Boulogne le XXIV août MDCCCV Passage du Rhin le XXV septembre MDCCCV.

N° 2 Pont du Lech. Cette fonction a été consacrée chez les Romains par des monumens lors- qu’ils ont précédé de grands événemens. On voit encore à Rimini l’espèce de tribune d’où César harangua son ar- mée après le passage du Rubicon. Il y a plusieurs médailles d’empereurs où cet acte est représenté, telles que celles de Galba, de Trajan, d’Adrien, de Septime Sévère, etc., etc. Celle-ci représente Napoléon à cheval. Il est sur le pont qui est devant Augsbourg : il parle aux soldats et leur montre où la victoire les attend. Les soldats étendent les bras dans l’acte de prononcer un serment. La petite dimension de la figure du Lech annonce que ce petit fleuve n’est pas un obstacle que l’armée a eu à surmonter. Inscription À l’exergue : Allocution à l’Armée. L’Armée fait serment de vaincre. XII octobre MDCCCV.

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N° 3 Prise d’Ulm et de Memmingen. L’Empereur sur un char conduit deux chevaux au galop; une Victoire le couronne. Les deux villes à genoux lui présentent les clefs. La Victoire est immense, elle présente la palme et la couronne au vainqueur. Les deux villes qui se rendent ne ralentissent pas la rapidité des mouvemens du héros courant à de nouveaux triomphes. Inscription À l’exergue : Le XVII octobre MDCCCV Capitulation d’Ulm et de Memmingen LX mille prisonniers.

N° 4 Prise de Vienne et de Presbourg. Napoléon sous la figure d’Hercule se repose sur sa massue. Les deux villes à genoux lui présentent les clefs Pour inscription Dans l’exergue : Prise de Vienne et de Presbourg MDCCCV

N° 5 Drapeaux repris. Les drapeaux français repris à Insprück. Pareil événement a été consa- cré par les Romains pour la reprise d’enseignes militaires par Germanicus, sous le règne de Tibère, qui avait repris sur les Marses, nation allemande, une aigle romaine enlevée cinq ans avant par Arminius, en surprenant les légions romaines commandées par Varus. On a cru ne pouvoir mieux faire que de copier cette médaille qui a tant d’analogie avec cet événement, en traduisant l’inscription latine « Signis receptis devictis Germanis » par : Les Autrichiens vaincus Les drapeaux français repris Et à l’exergue, la date de l’événement : Insprück VII novembre MDCCCV

N° 6 Bataille d’Austerlitz. Le sceptre impérial armé des ailes et des éclairs de la foudre. La guerre entre les deux Empereurs n’ayant pour objet que le refus de la part de celui de Russie de reconnaître l’Empire dans la Maison de France, on a pensé que

71 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE le sceptre de Charlemagne, revêtu de la foudre, était ce qui pouvait le mieux exprimer le sujet et le résultat de cette bataille. Pour inscription : Bataille d’Austerlitz le II xbre MDCCCV

N° 7 Entrevue de l’Empereur Napoléon et de l’Empereur François II. Cette entrevue a pour premier objet un armistice. Napoléon, appuyé sur son épée, qu’il a baissée, tend la main à François II, qui est dans l’acte d’accepter des conditions et de protester de sa loyauté. L’étendard français debout et un trophée d’armes au pied, annoncent que cet armistice est la suite d’un combat où la France est restée victorieuse. Inscription À l’exergue : Entrevue de l’Empereur Napoléon et de l’Empereur François II à Urchitz le IV décembre MDCCCV

N° 8 Paix de Presbourg. Le temple antique de Janus avec la porte fermée, tel qu’on le voit dans les belles médailles des empereurs romains. À l’exergue : Paix de Presbourg le XXVI Xbre MDCCCV

N° 9 Cathédrale de Vienne. Napoléon n’ayant voulu faire aucun acte de souveraineté à Vienne pour constater le tems qu’il y a régné, on a cru devoir consacrer l’ordre qu’il y a don- né de chanter un Te Deum en action de grâce de la paix signée à Presbourg. Cet acte pieux prouve tout à la fois et sa puissance et sa modération. La médaille représente la cathédralle de Vienne où a été chanté le Te Deum, le seul monument qu’il y ait dans cette ville et qui puisse la caractériser; À l’exergue : Actions de grâces pour la paix, ordonnées à Vienne par l’Empereur Napo- léon le 28 Xbre MDCCCV

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N° 10 Occupation de Venise. Cette médaille représente le pont Rialto, un des grands monumens de Ve- nise, celui qui caractérise la nature de l’existence de cette ville, groupe d’îles rassemblées par des ponts. Dans le champ, une gondolle indique les moyens de communication, un dauphin qu’elle est un port de mer, et une anguille qu’elle est bâtie au milieu des marais. À l’exergue : Venise rendue à l’Italie MDCCCV

N° 11 Occupation de l’Istrie. Sur cette médaille est représenté le temple d’Auguste à Pola : ce monument, un des beaux restes de l’antiquité romaine, l’un des mieux conservé [sic], rappelle aussi par sa situation le plus grand port de cette province et la ville qui, par cela, doit tout naturellement devenir la plus considérable de ce duché. À l’exergue : L’Istrie conquise MDCCCVI

N° 12 Occupation de la Dalmatie. De même que pour l’Istrie, cette médaille représente le principal monument des restes du palais de Dioclétien, le temple de Jupiter, qui est ce qu’il y a de mieux conservé parmi les ruines de ce qui composait ce vaste édifice. À l’exergue : La Dalmatie conquise MDCCCVI

N° 13 Conquête de Naples. Pour caractériser ce royaume, on a pris ce qui était l’ancien tipe des mé- dailles de l’antique Parténope, un taureau avec la tête de Jupiter ou d’Hercule; au-dessus est une tête de Vulcain, premier roi que l’histoire des tems hé- roïques nous dit avoir régné sur cette terre de feu. À l’exergue : Conquête de Naples MDCCCVI

N° 14 Mariage du prince de Bade. Cette médaille représente un jeune homme ceint du bandeau antique des princes; il sollicite amoureusement une jeune princesse qui, pour garant de sa

73 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE foi, lui donne modestement les deux mains. Une N radiée au-dessus de leur tête annonce que cette alliance a été faite sous l’influence d’une planette heureuse. Dans le champ sont inscrits les noms des prince et princesse : Charles-Frédéric-Louis de Bade et Stéphanie-Napoléon À l’exergue : Alliance MDCCCVI

N° 15 Souverainetés données. Cette médaille est destinée à rappeller la création des royaumes de Toscane, de Bavière, de Virtemberg, de Naples, de l’électorat de Bade, des principautés de Piombino, de Clève, de Neufchâtell, des duchés d’Istrie, de la Dalmatie, etc., etc. Dans l’antiquité il y a une médaille de Trajan qui représente cet empereur donnant de sa personne quatre couronnes à des princes supplians. On a cru exprimer la même chose par des moyens emblématiques en représentant le trône de France décoré de l’aigle, de globes surmontés de la couronne de César et ornés d’abeilles; le manteau impérial et le sceptre de Charlemagne sont sur la foulée du siège. Devant ce trône est une table à la manière antique sur laquelle est premiè- rement la couronne du grand-duché de Toscane, celles des électeurs de Bavière et de Virtemberg, toutes trois traversées d’un sceptre; la couronne de Naples, une couronne d’électeur et nombre de couronnes de princes et de couronnes de ducs. Au pied de cette table sont renversées les couronnes royale, électorale et ducale de Sardaigne, d’Hanovre et de Venise. Dans le champ est l’aigle de France éployé te- nant dans ses serres un faisceau traversé au centre par le sceptre de Charlemagne, emblème de la ligue des princes sous la protection du sceptre français. À l’exergue : Souverainetés données MDCCCVI

N° 16 Les ports du nord fermés à l’Angleterre. Un vers des Géorgiques de Virgile, cité par M. Fox, a déterminé l’époque de la mise au jour de cette médaille. H ercule enlève Antée qui cherche à toucher la terre d’où il reprend sa force. Le vers cité par M. Fox : Toto divisos orbe Britannos sert d’inscription à cette médaille.

Le directeur général de la Monnaye des médailles. DENON

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Résumé „Sláva vítězům!“ Ikonografie napoleonova válečného tažení roku 1805 a bitvy u slavkova na pamětních medailích i. Císařství ve francii Marian hochel

Napoleonovo tažení do střední Evropy, završeno bitvou u Slavkova a podepsáním bratislavského míru v prosinci roku 1805, si v duchu oslavy jednoho z největších ví- tězství napoleonské historie podmanilo nejen výtvarné umění, ale i obor medailérství. Pro francouzského císaře Napoleona I. posloužilo jako další (účinný) prostředek, jak připomenout významné osobnosti či události jeho vlády, a zároveň ponechat o nich důstojným způsobem historické svědectví příštím generacím. Administrátorem, je- muž byla přiřčena role neúnavného propagátora prostřednictvím numismatiky, byl od roku 1802 generální ředitel muzeí Dominique-Vivant Denon (1747–1825), ředitel pařížské Mincovny medailí. Denon sám navrhoval motivy medailí a jeho skice se mnohdy staly předlohou či modelem pro pověřené kreslíře, již jeho návrhy dotvořili. Jindy byly Denonovy návrhy jako již hotové postoupeny rytcům, kteří je následně rea- lizovali v kovu. Ikonografie, kterou Denon nechává mistrovsky zhmotňovat v matérii kovu, prezentuje zakladatele nové panovnické dynastie ve Francii, vládce, jenž svou prezentací plnohodnotně navázal na tradici svých předchůdců. Napoleonova podobizna se prostřednictvím medailérského umění stává symbolem francouzské státnosti a zařazuje svého nositele do rangu evropských monarchů, s jejichž obrazem tato podobizna ikonograficky korespondovala. V určitých případech však tato prezentace překračuje hranice propagandy či Napoleonova osobnostního kultu. Tyto principy jsou Denonem uplatněny i při projektování série medailí vyražených na počest Na- poleonova vítězného tažení v roce 1805. Jedná se celkem o soubor 18 medailí, které byly pod dohledem Denona připraveny a předloženy ke schválení císaři. Celkem 17 medailí z tohoto souboru bylo vyraženo, vystavováno nebo šířeno v letech 1806 až 1808, jeden návrh medaile zůstal pouze v maketě. Devatenáctá medaile, připomínající Napoleonovo tažení završeno bitvou u Slavkova, byla připravena speciální komisí Francouzského institutu. Průběh Napoleonova tažení roku 1805 je zde prezento- ván formou narré numismatique, tj. „numismatického vyprávění“. Začíná koncem léta přesunem Napoleonových vojsk z tábořiště v Boulogne a vítězstvím nad Rakušany u Ulmu, pokračuje vstupem do Vídně, rozhodující bitvou u Slavkova na moravských pláních a následně je završeno podepsáním bratislavského míru dne 26. prosince

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1805. Další skupina medailí, doplňující tuto kolekci, charakterizuje politické důsledky tažení a územně správní dopad na formování nové mapy Evropy tak, jak byly defino- vány v jednotlivých klauzulích bratislavské mírové smlouvy. V kovu je tak působivě zaznamenán mocenský vzestup Francie na evropském kontinentu včetně její válečné kořisti a uměleckých výdobytků, a to na úkor habsburského mocnářství a jeho dřívěj- ších spojenců. Oficiálním pamětním medailím, jež měly připomínat okolnosti Napo- leonova válečného tažení roku 1805, je fakticky přiřčena role strážců historie, kteří mají zvěčňovat vzpomínku na jedno z nejzvučnějších vítězství francouzského císaře.

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The Deposition of Patriarch Nikon from the Foreign Perspective

Olga Čadajeva

Abstrakt: The article is devoted to the perception of the deposition of Patriarch Nikon in the foreign sources and its transformation in time. The aim of the article is to illustrate the shift in the perception of the event from a political incident to the issue of cultural changes. The foreign accounts then prove that the role of the patriarch started losing its political weight, which finally led to the abolishment of the Russian Patriarchate and the establishment of the Holy Synod in the beginning of the eighteenth century. The foreign accounts are treated as a valuable source of information, which, however, need to be ‘deciphered’ in order to avoid misinterpretation. Keywords: Patriarch, Russian Society, Ortodox Church, Nikon

Patriarch Nikon is undoubtedly one of the key figures of the seventeenth century Russian history, as well as the history of the Russian Orthodox Church in general. His rise and his fall were both most abrupt–an ambitious man of a low origin, he became a Patriarch, and then, fourteen years later, was sum- moned before an ecclesiastical council, declared wrong in his behaviour, and forced to resign for good. Numerous works have been written about Nikon, but both his role, personality and the trial itself are so contradictory, that they still cause numerous debates and attract attention of not only historians, but the wider spectrum of public, especially the religious part of Russian society. In the last decade, we can observe a rise of interest in Patriarch Nikon and the

77 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE period of the Church schism, which results in numerous publications, mono- graphs, dissertations and conferences1. The general approach to the fate and the role of the patriarch remains open. As Georges V. Florovsky stated in his major theoretical study Ways of Russian Theology, ‘Even during Nikon’s lifetime (1605-1681) contemporaries spoke and wrote a good deal about him. Rarely has anyone written disinterestedly and dispassionately or without any ulterior motive and preconceived aim. Nikon is the subject of arguments, reassess- ments, justifications, or condemnations2‘. Moreover, even almost 350 years after the Great Moscow Synod, the interpretation of the event and in the way it influenced the development of Russian society, Church, state and culture remains a topical problem. The bibliography of works, devoted to Nikon both in connection with the Russian seventeenth century schism or the conflict of the Church and state, represented by the Patriarch and the Tsar, is extensive3. However, the problem of the immediate reaction of the society to the deposition of the

1 See, e.g.: TITKOV, E.P. (eds.): Pjatye arzamasskie sobornye vstrechi: Patriarh Nikon kak cerkovnyj i gosudarstvennyj dejatel’: materialy Vserossijskogo nauchno-prakticheskogo seminara 17-19 fevralja 2005 goda. Arzamas: AGPI, 2005; AVDEEV, A.G. (eds):. Sbornik posvjashhennyj 400-letiju so dnja rozhdenija i 325-letiju so dnja predstavlenija Nikona Svjatejshego Patriarha Moskovskogo i vseja Rusi. Moscow: Pravoslavnyj Svjato-Tihonovskij gumanitarnyj universitet. 2006; JURCHENKOV, V.A. (eds): Patriarh Nikon: istorija i sovremennost’: materialy vseros. nauch.-prakt. konf. (Saransk, 27-28 sent. 2005 g.). Saransk: Nauch.-issled. in-t gumanitar. nauk, 2007. In 2004, V.V. Shmidt published collected works of Nikon, although his attempt was controversially received in academic community. See: SHMIDT,V.V. (eds):. Patriarkh Nikon. Trudy. Труды. Moscow: Izdatelstvo Moskovskogo universiteta, 2004. In 2007, the Account of Birth, Life, and Upbringing of His Holiness Nikon, Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia was translated into English. See: SHUSHERIN, I.K.: From Peasant to Patriarch: Account of the Birth, Uprising, and Life of His Holiness Nikon, Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia. Lexington Books, 2007. In 2011, a TV series “Raskol” premiered on Russia-K, causing debates on the consequences of the Schizm and the role of the official Russian Orthodox Church, not only in the context of the seventeenth century events, but also with regard to contemporary situation. 2 FLOROVSKI, G.: Ways of Russian theology, Belmont: Nordland Pub. Co., 1979, Chapter III. http://www.myriobiblos.gr/texts/english/florovsky_ways_chap3.html 3 See SHMIDT, V.V.|: Patriarh Nikon i ego nasledie v kontekste russkoj istorii, kul’tury i mysli: opyt demifologizacii. Avtoreferat dissertacii na soiskanie uchenoj stepeni doktora filosofskih nauk. Moscow: 2007

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Patriarch has not been in the focus of the majority of scholars, who mostly dealt with the global and long-term impact the event had4. In this article, we neither intend to discuss the council, the trial and Nikon’s deprivation of all sacerdotal functions, nor focus on the general interpretation and impact of the deposition of the patriarch. The article aims to study the reactions of the foreigners and their understanding of Nikon’s fall from power. The information we obtain from the foreign sources is of the utmost interest as, on the one hand, the reflection of unbiased and uninvolved observers of the ongoing events, and, on the other, the way how the case could be interpreted by the representatives of a different mentality, who, due to their world perception specificity, saw the core of the conflict from another perspective. The aim of this article is to trace various foreign sources, related to the reflection of the events of the Great Moscow Synod of 1666, as well as to the personality of Nikon himself, written after the patriarch’s exile. We do not intend to investigate historical accuracy of the sources, but rather focus on the interpretation of the historical event by private persons. The sources we intend to use can be classified as follows: the first group is presented by the testimonies of Nikon’s contemporaries, who could personally meet him or knew some of the actors of the conflict, and the second group is formed with later reflections of the events, recorded by travellers, merchants, diplomats or historians. It is important to note, that we do not intend to discuss the sources that originate from the Orthodox authors personally involved in the trial, e.g. Paisius Ligarides, Patriarch Paisius of Alexandria, Patriarch Macarius of Antioch, Paul of Aleppo. These sources are strongly influenced by the personal involvement, and, being an invaluable source of information, they cannot be used for our purpose, since they represent a biased view of a prevailing party5. In this article, we plan to focus on the West- ern account, as it represents the observation of outsiders, strangers, and thus

4 See e.g. S. Zen’kovskij, Russkoe staroobrjadchestvo. Duhovnye dvizhenija semnadcatogo veka. Munich: 1970. http://www.sedmitza.ru/lib/text/439535/ 5 The account of Paisius Ligarides, the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch of Patrirach Nikon and his deposition and Paul of Aleppo’s The Travels of Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch were studied in detail by W. Palmer (See PALMER, W.. The Patriarch and the Tsar. History of the Condemnation of the Patriarch Nicon by a Plenary Council of the Orthodox Catholic Eastern Church, held at Moscow A.D. 1666-1667. Written by Paisius Ligarides of Scio. London: 1871-1876. Vol. 1-6.)

79 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE can reflect the changes and development of a general image of the fall of the patriarch. The foreigners’ understanding and interpretation of what happened during the Great Moscow Synod, and why the patriarch was deposed do not present an insight into the deep reasons and details of the patriarch’s downfall, but they reflect the outer effect the case entailed. As J. M. Lotman pointed out, ‘the sources of such kind should be treated as texts which need to be deciphered, decoded. Observing the same reality, a foreigner and a local citizen create different texts, at least by the reason of the opposed direction of their interests. An observer of his own culture notes down a deviation from the norm, but does not record the norm itself, because it is both obvious and imperceptible, whereas a foreigner considers the norm, the usual, ‘right’ behaviour to be interesting and worth describing. On the contrary, facing an unusual situation, a foreigner is inclined to describe it as a custom6.’ We will later illustrate, that such a unique event, as deposition of a patriarch, is mentioned by the foreigners as a kind of a noteworthy, but not outstanding fact. The time constraints for our purpose should be based on the reflection of the situation immediately after the conflict between Tsar Alexei and Nikon and the later response to the event, which was still well remembered at that time. Therefore, the latest source we use is the account of Philip Johan von Strahlenberg Das Nord-und Ostliche Theil von Europa und Asia, published as late as in 1730, well over 50 years after the patriarch’s deposition. However, the information this work contains mostly comes from the period when Strahl- enberg personally spent some time in Russia, being a prisoner of war in 1709- 1722. The earliest foreigner’s account of the conflict chosen for our study is The Present State of Russia by Samuel Collins, written between 1660-1666. The above mentioned author was a British doctor, a physician of Tsar Aleksey in 1659-1666. His book The Present State of Russia, published in 1667, is considered to be a valuable source of description of Muscovy and Russian court. In chapter III, devoted to the patriarch and different religious ceremonies, he states: ‘The Patriarch is Supream Head in all Church-Affairs, highly honoured by his Majesty: But upon some pett he retired himself to his Coun- trey-house about two years ago: Some say he began to innovate certain things, 6 J.M. Lotman. “K voprosu ob istochnikovedcheskom znachenii vyskazyvanij inostrancev o Rossii,” in Sravnitel’noe izuchenie literatur. Sbornik statej k 80-letiju akademika M.P. Alekseeva. (Leningrad: Nauka, 1976). 125.

80 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE or rather reform them, for he is no lover of Images, to which the Russes are grosly devoted. The see continues vacant, and they cannot chuse another in his place7’. Apparently, the testimony comes from the period around 1660, and was not edited later, because Collins left Russia before the final decision of the Great Moscow Synod, which passed its verdict on Nikon on 12th De- cember, 1666, while the doctor set off back to England in the summer of the same year. It is important to focus here on is the way the author interprets the reasons that led to the conflict between the Tsar and the patriarch. The doctor connects the mentioned reforms or innovations to the events of 1654, when the patriarch ordered to burn the icons, painted according to the ‘new’ canon, or the westernized ones8. This event, which undoubtedly caused strong reaction of the population of Moscow, was not mentioned in the accusations of the Great Moscow Synod. Russian historians pointed it out only as one of the incidents, which happened during Nikon’s reign, usually in the context of the plague epidemic of 1654. On the other hand, the edition of the service books and the change of the rituals, which were the major cause of the Church schism, are not mentioned by Collins. Here we can observe a typical reaction of the foreigner, who focuses on the visible superficial side of the problem and registers only the outer side of the phenomenon. For Collins, the depth and the core of the forthcoming schism were difficult to trace, but he could reflect the disapproval of the population with the actions of the patriarch. Collins is often cited for the confirmation of the thesis, that Nikon’s fall from power was inflicted by the intrigues of the boyars9. It is worth pointing out though, that Collins does not mention them in the context of the conflict of the Tsar and Nikon. As to evaluation of the conflict, Collins states: ‘He [the Tsar Aleksey] disposes of all Ecclesiastical preferments, but has left the

7 COLLINS, S.: The Present State of Russia. In a Letter to a Friend at London; Written by an Eminent Person residing at the Great Czars Court at Mosco for the space of nine years. London, 1671 Ed. by Marshall T. Poe, 2008. http://myweb.uiowa.edu/mapoe/Publications/ Collins.pdf 8 Paul of Aleppo informs about this incident, which was closely related to the epidemic of plague, and caused an outburst of disorders. The ‘iconoclastic’ incident was a trigger for civil unrest, but this fact was not noted in the later accounts, remaining a noteworthy characteristic of the Patriarch. See: LOBACHEV, S. V.: Patriarh Nikon, St. Petersburg: Iskusstvo Spb, 2003, 152. 9 E.g. ZYZYKIN, M.V.: Patriarh Nikon: ego gosudarstvennye i kanonicheskie idei : v treh chastjah. Moscow: Nauchno-izdatel’skij Centr “Ladomir”, 1995, vol. 3, 333.

81 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE election of the Patriarch to lot, having (as he thinks) had ill luck in using his Prerogative for the late Patriarch Nicon’. This reveals the fact, that Aleksey did express regret about Nikon being the patriarch, and their conflict was deep at the time, and shows hesitation of the Tsar about his ability to manage ecclesiastical matters without the assistance of the clergy. However, this note also informs that the authority of the state was on the rise, although the Tsar needed the support of the clergy to legitimate his actions. While Collins attributes the conflict between the Tsar and the patriarch to some misunderstanding, the interesting account is left by a Swedish report from Narva about the quarrel between the patriarch and the Tsar. It states, that the common people wrote a petition to the Tsar, calling Nikon ‘a her- etic, sodomite and troublemaker10’. The report stated that the whole country hated Nikon, and if anybody had tried to free him from guilt, it would have caused an unrest and even rebellion. This testimony differs significantly from the majority of our sources, which do not show hatred of the population; it is rather tension, which is expressed. This can be explained by the role Nikon allegedly played in Russo-Swedish relations, acting in favour of the war of 1656-1658. Therefore, the Swedish representatives attempted to present the personality of the Patriarch Nikon from the most negative angle. The report describes various miracles, related to the patriarch’s exile, which can be interpreted as the fact, that Nikon’s reign was generally perceived as pressure and his exile caused the feeling of relief in the society, affected by his restrictions on Western music, clothes, images and alcohol. Another valuable source are Baron Augustin Meyerberg’s reports on his journey to Moscow within an Austrian embassy in 1661-1663, published as Journey of Leopold’s Ambassadors, Baron Augustin Meyerberg and Horatio Wilhelm Calvucci to Moscow in 1661, originally written in Latin and published first in German, and then in Russian in 187411. Again, this Austrian diplomat wrote his account of Nikon and his case before its final resolution against the patriarch. There is no evidence that Meyerberg personally met Nikon, therefore, his observations came from the accounts of the people he encountered. He gives quite a positive evaluation of Nikon’s personality, stating that ‘there 10 An excerpt from the report dated back to 1658 is published in: LOBACHEV, Patriarch Nikon, 376 11 MEYERBERG, A. F. VON: Puteshestvie v Moskoviiu Barona Avgustina Meierberga, trans. A. N. Shemiakin and intro. O. M. Bodianskii. ChOIDR (1874), bks. 3-5.

82 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE were times, when Patriarch Nikon, whom the Tsar loved most of all, seemed to be almighty, but, having been overthrown by the power of court nobility, has been hiding in a monastery, which he had built. He has abandoned hope to return to the Court, but is aspiring in nobility of his Spirit12‘. Meyerberg notices, that there are different accounts of Nikon’s fall, mentioning the following: Nikon gave way to his mind, that was greedy of novelty his hasty advice let Muscovy involved in a war with Sweden, the same had previously happened with the Russo-Polish War in order to fight with ignorance and barbarism, he founded academies of Greek and Latin in Moscow Nikon removed icons that belonged to private persons from churches he implemented very frequent ablutions, after the fashion of Turks.13 The steps mentioned above, according to Meyerberg, ‘proved the conceived novelties to suspicious minds of the Muscovites who were stubbornly sticking to their old ways. For that reason, they all hated him and called for his exile14‘. Like Collins, the Austrian diplomat draws attention to the incident with icons, but also points out the innovations, introduced by the patriarch, though the character of the novelties is far from being understood. Again, the correction of the texts, ceremonies and rituals are not noted. Compared to the information given by Collins, Meyerberg directly relates the conflict to the court events, emphasizing strong struggle for power in the mid-seventeenth century Moscow. As the only truly negative action of the patriarch, Meyer- berg mentions Nikon’s involvement in the wars with Poland and Sweden, which will be a highly speculated issue in the later testimonies of foreign historians, as will be later illustrated with an example of Strahlenberg. Neverthe- less, Meyerberg‘s general evaluation of Nikon’s undertakings and personality is positive, and the patriarch’s exile is referenced to as a step back in progress.

12 Ibid.. 171. 13 Apparently, the last three points which Nikon was blamed for were misinterpreted by Meyerberg. The last remark, related to ‘ablutions’, attributed to Nikon’s innovations, can serve as an example of hidden criticism or even (and more probable) an account of criticism not understood as such. That originates from the general Western travellers’ perception of ablutions as an Oriental, and, therefore, not a Christian habit. 14 MEYERBERG, A. F. VON: Puteshestvie v Moskoviiu. 172.

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Compared to the Swedish report, the testimony of Meyerberg reflects the change of the attitude towards Nikon which took place after a certain period of the patriarch’s exile. The Austrian diplomat’s account reflects deep cultural changes that Muscovy faced in the seventeenth century, the resistance and unwillingness of certain parts of society to accept them, and the perception of the Patriarch’s exile as a victory of the conservative side of the cultural conflict. The next testimony, which due to its detailed character is of particular interest, comes from Nicolaas Witsen, a Dutch statesman, who participated in an embassy to Muscovy with the envoy Jacob Boreel in 1665. Witsen personally met the patriarch, who was in New Jerusalem Monastery at that time, and the events of his final deposition were yet to come. The Dutch traveller met Paisius Ligarides as well, and, being an impartial observer, tried to provide an unbiased account of both antagonists of the conflict, obviously with no insight into the theoretical and theological basis of the process. The diary, which was written during the journey, was first published in 1692, and in 1996 in was translated into Russian and printed15. Witsen’s opinion of Ligarides is very high; he describes him as an old and honourable man, highly respected by the Tsar, well educated, fluent in An- cient Greek and Latin16. Witsen states, that Ligarides was sent to Moscow to help to solve the religious controversy by the Patriarch of Jerusalem, which, as we know, was not particularly correct, so we may only speculate whether the Dutch representative did not understand the matter or was intention- ally deceived. Witsen’s description of the sacred procession on Palm Sunday provides the evidence of the potent position of the Metropolitan of Gaza 17. Before visiting the disfavoured patriarch, Witsen had many encounters with Ligarides and reported that he found Paisius ‘the man of true erudition’. Dur- ing the conversation with the envoys, Ligarides gives a certain account of his conflict with the patriarch, stating that Nikon blames him for howling with the wolves, receiving Jews, Lutherans and Calvinists.

15 WITSEN, N.: Puteshestvie v Moskoviiu, 1664-1665 (Dnevnik), trans. V. G. Trisman. St. Petersburg: Simposium, 1996. 16 Ibid. 129. 17 Ibid. 146.

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According to Witsen, Ligarides did not express respect towards the Rus- sians, explaining his presence in Moscow and his supportive actions for the Tsar by the need of Greeks to get support from the stronger Orthodox na- tion18. Ligarides told Witsen about his arrival to Russia, when Nikon refused to listen to him, ‘believing only Russian language to be the Christian one’ and recalls having been blamed for his study of Latin 19. If we compare this account with the statement of Meyerberg, we can notice that they are quite contradictory. While Meyerberg records the will of the patriarch to promote the studies of the foreign languages, Ligarides blame him for being ignorant and unwilling to accept any language apart from Russian. It is evident, that both statements are biased: Meyerberg heard the accusations of the enemies of the patriarch for his Westernizing activity, while Ligarides was interested in presenting Nikon as an outdated and rigid person. The blames were adjusted to the position of those, who blamed, and the image of the patriarch remained negative. Witsen also undertook a secret visit of the patriarch, pretending to be a Dutch merchant. His motives are not quite clear, but we can suggest that because the case was still not solved and Nikon officially remained patriarch, although in exile, he still was believed to be a potent side. Thus, the young Dutch diplomat decided to encounter Nikon with no specific purpose. The detailed description of the visit represents a historical document of great importance. During the first meeting with Nikon, the visitors (Witsen was accompanied by Jeremias van Troijen, a genuine Dutch merchant) discussed the current situation and expressed complaints about their affairs in the Second Anglo-Dutch War and the reception of the Dutch envoy, which led to the following reaction of Nikon: ‘That is how now the things are going, when I am not there and they are deprived of my blessing; they make enemies of everybody, including the Tatars. When I was in Moscow, I used to be always accused of such misfortunes, but who is to blame now20?’ This little complaint reveals that Nikon was well informed about the situation in Moscow and believed in the importance of his return, not only for the personal reasons, but as a fact of restoration of order, which 18 Ibid. 155. 19 Ibid. 163 The criticism for Latin studies refers not to scholarly matters or education, but rather to the ecclesiastic polemics, because Latin was considered to be the language of heretics. 20 Ibid. 179.

85 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE could happen only with presence of the blessing of the highest Church representative. The reason for such attitude originates not only in the Nikon’s alleged pride and will for power, but rather in the patriarch’s belief in being the appointee of God on Earth. Therefore, the order should be re-established with divine intervention, then ‘the blessing’ will return. The quote is followed by Witsen’s comment on it: ‘There is a need to know, that this patriarch, having fallen from grace of the Tsar, wilfully left the service, took his crosier and secretly left Moscow. Now he lives far from Moscow in a voluntary exile. This all is too long to be told. But since Nikon is such a sacrosanct and highly placed person, the Tsar cannot or does not want to punish him and leaves him all the temporalities21”. The last remark is worthy of notice, indeed, not only as a historical fact, but as a reflection of different scheme of values, represented by the Dutch statesman. The inner reasons of Nikon’s fall do not attract Wisten’s attention, because they seem to be too complicated, while the temporalities, or financial matters, are noteworthy. The financial issues for the author become the proof of the high position and strength of the patriarch; therefore, he does not perceive him to be a completely fallen power. The financial details of Nikon’s case drew attention of foreign observers, as opposed to the religious background of the conflict. We will see this tendency later, discussing the testimonies of Jacob Reutenfels, Foy de la Neuville and Philip Johan von Strahlenberg. Witsen gives a detailed description of the visit, the monastery and the patriarch, depicting him as an inquisitive and easy in communication, bad- mannered, inconsiderate and reckless man. His physical description is far from being flattery. Comparing the descriptions of Nikon and Ligarides, we can conclude that Witsen’s preference is definitely on the side of the latter, although the description of the patriarch is much more vivid. The patriarch told Witsen about having been blamed for not praying for the Tsar (which, according to Witsen, was not true, as he personally heard the prayer). Another noteworthy piece of information refers to the mentioning of a portrait of Nikon, which was painted for the patriarch, but he was afraid to place it on the wall because of the accusations of sanctifying himself22. This testimony proves that the pressure on Nikon was really high at the time, and he was

21 Ibid. 179. 22 Ibid. 187.

86 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE doing everything in his power to defend himself. On the other hand, Nikon considered himself to be a person of great importance, as he accounts the obstacles the Tsar faces for the absence of his blessings. Witsen also mentions Nikon’s low respect for icons and the conflicts it caused. Summarizing the information that can be excerpted from the diary of the Dutch statesman, we can conclude, that for the foreign observer the conflict between the Tsar and the patriarch was not the issue of powers of authority of the state and Church, but, on one hand, it was the result of the intrigues of the court, too difficult to be traced, and, on the other, the conflict reflected the resistance of Russian society to the introduced ‘novelties”, its ignorance and outworn habits, although the sides of the conflict were not particularly clear for the observer. There is no reflection of the impact of the patriarch’s exile or the reaction of the society, but it shows the situation of insecurity right before the Great Moscow Synod. Next we are going to examine the sources that are dated back to the time after the Great Moscow Synod, which condemned Nikon, and his fall was then ultimate. This event undoubtedly could not escape the foreign traveller’s attention, because of the two Eastern patriarchs, who took part in the Synod. The first account of this kind comes from the delegation of Polish envoys, who came to Moscow in 166723. The fall of Nikon is referred to as an attempt to change the articles of belief and inclination to interfere in public affairs. Here we can see that the interpretation of the deposition after the event took place differs from the previous sources. The information presented to the Polish envoys aimed to justify the condemnation of Nikon. Although officially Nikon was pronounced guilty of reviling the tsar and the whole Musco- vite Church, apart from other misconduct such as deposing Paul, bishop of Kolomna, beating and torturing his confessor and anathemizing the Eastern patriarchs, the issue of correction the service books was stated as his main fault, despite the fact, the corrections were accepted. The testimony of the Polish envoys shows, that even after the end of the Great Moscow Synod, the situation and the attitude towards the corrected service books and rituals were still unsettled.

23 “Istoricheskij rasskaz o puteshestvii pol’skih poslov v Moskoviju, imi predprinjatom v 1667 g.” in Proezzhaja po Moskovii (Rossija XVI-XVII vekov glazami diplomatov) GERASIMOVA, G.I.: Moscow: Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, 1991. 339.

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Another early mentioning of the conflict after it took place is the testimony of Jan Jansen Struys, a Dutch traveller, who visited Russia in 1668- 1670. His Voyagien door Moscovien, Tartarien, Oost-Indien, was published in Am- sterdam in 1677, and, entitled as Journey to Russia was published in Russian in 1880 and 193524. The character of his observations is of different nature compared to the aforementioned ones; while Collins, Meyerberg and Witsen were introduced to at least some, if not to the majority of the actors of the conflict, Struys relied on the information he received from his interpreters and the people he met during his journey. Not being a person of high rank, he operated with information coming from a different communication and cultural layer. He also interprets the grounds of the conflict as a kind of an iconoclastic controversy. The remark that patriarch disposes of unlimited ecclesiastical power can lead us to conclusion, that the deep impact of the patriarch’s loss was yet to be realized. Struys also points out the financial side of the patriarch’s position, mentioning his huge income and his involvement in warfare25. Struys informs, that the Tsar is hardly ever stands against the patriarch, apart from the cases of heresy or changes in church service. He also mentions the ‘iconoclastic’ ambitions of the former patriarch as the reason for his deposition. Comparing the earlier sources with the later ones, we can observe the transformation of the interpretation angle of the patriarch’s fall. From vague notes about the court intrigues, novelties, introduced by Nikon and his iconoclastic actions, it shifted to incrimination of the major changes in divine service books and heresy. The possible interpretation of this change is the need to justify the resolutions of the Great Moscow Synod and an attempt to blame the former patriarch for the Schism, which became ultimate after the council. Another account of Nikon’s fall was left by Jacob Reutenfels, a person, we know little about, but whose work De rebus Moschoviticis ad Serenissimum Mag- num Hetruriae Ducem Cosmum Tertium, written around 1676 and published in 1680, is an invaluable source on the period26. His record about Nikon is very

24 The first publication was translated from French and contained several factual mistakes, e.g. in the description of the aftermath of the Great Moscow Synod, it was the Tsar who was said to have been sent to exile. See “Puteshestvija po Rossii gollandca Strjujsa,” Russkij arhiv. No. 1. 18, (1880).. 55. 25 Tri puteshestviia, ed. and trans. BORODIN, E.:. Moscow: 1935. 175. 26 REUTENFELDS, J.: “Skazanie sviatleishemu gertsogu toskanskomu Koz’me

88 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE short. Like Collins, Reutenfels mentions the fact, that it is the Tsar who disposes of all ecclesiastical powers, but he still expresses certain respect towards the patriarch. The respect then was the reason why Aleksey, intending to de- grade Nikon, called the Eastern patriarchs, bearing large expenses, so that they could discuss it in the best way and deliver a fair judgement27. The author then mentions, that the patriarch even possesses certain judicative authority, although concerning the minor cases only. This message can be viewed as the reflection of a certain change of the position of the patriarch: while the aforementioned authors had been pointing out the importance of the highest Church representative, the situation had been changing as the years passed, and the function of the patriarch, though still respected, became a less powerful one. Another noteworthy fact is the repeated pointing out of the Tsar’s expenses on the invitation of the Eastern patriarchs. These two notes from the work can say a lot both about the author as well as about the subject of his writings. The fact of marking these details itself points out that the author was interested in the authorities and power institutes and in the Russian politics towards the Eastern churches (i.e. establishing Russian influence). Viewed as generosity of the ruler, this financial aid of the Tsar to the Eastern patriarchs becomes the fact of the same importance, as the deposition of Nikon. The same will be pointed out by a much later source, Foy de la Neuville. Relation curieuse de la Moscovie, a later account of a foreigner’s journey to Russia, dated back to 1689, also contains a short mention of Nikon’s depo- sition28. Although comprising several factual mistakes29, this message is still noteworthy from a perspective revealing the fact, that Nikon’s deposition was neither forgotten, nor tabooed. It still remained a widely discussed issue, as even more than twenty years after the Great Moscow Synod, a traveller was

Tret’emu o Moskovii,” trans. A. Stankevich. In Utverzhdenie dinastii, eds. A. Liberman and S. Shokarev. Moscow: Fond Sergeia Dubova: Rita-Print, 1997. 231-406. 27 Ibid. 366. 28 NEUVILLE, J. DE LA. Zapiski o Moskovii, eds. V. D. Nazarov and Iu. P. Malinin, trans. A. S. Lavrov. Moscow, 1996. 170. 29 The patriarchs that could depose the Russian highest Church representative are referred to as the Patriarchs of Constantinople and Antioch, though the ones that came to the Great Moscow Synod were Patriarch Paisius of Alexandria attended by Patiarch Macarios of Antioch. The author also believes, that it happened during the reign of Tsar Feodor III, while it was his father, Tsar Alexey.

89 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE informed about it. De la Neville, as Reutenfels did, specifically pointed out that it was the Tsar to bear the expenses on the invitation of the Eastern patriarchs. Thus, in the perception of the foreigners the trial was a pure administrative matter30. However, the locals put in a different meaning into the information they passed to travellers. Emphasizing the financial aid for the Eastern patriarchs, they accentuated the dependent position of the Eastern Orthodox Church to the Russian Tsar and his major role in the deposition of the Russian patriarch. It also reflects a generally negative attitude towards the Greeks, who were often called ‘vagabonds’ and ‘beggars’31. De la Neville notes, that the latest patriarch was chosen ‘only for the beauty of his beard’, and this again underlines the fact, that after Nikon’s fall from power, the role of the patriarch was losing its importance. As stated above, the name of Nikon was definitely not omitted after his deposition, and, although the perception of the event has changed from that of iconoclastic and court intrigues character into a somewhat noteworthy administrative issue, it still gave rise to various speculations and interpretations. Among the most interesting ones, we can mention Balthasar Coyet, who, in his Voyagie vann den Heere Koenraad van Klenk, Extraordinaris Ambassadeur van haer Ho: Mo: aen Zyne Zaarsche Majesteyt van Moscovien, dated back to 1675, noted down a curious rumour about Stenka Razin. According to his report, the leader of the uprising of 1670-71 had a boat, covered with black velvet, and claimed that Patriarch Nikon was inside it, as a trick to attract more fol- lowers32. This statement can draw attention particularly given the context of a negative public image, generally attributed to Nikon. The rise of such a rumour can be interpreted as a change in public perception of the patriarch,

30 E.g. Johann-Georg Korb, an Austrian diplomat, who visited Russia in 1699, also mentions the Tsar’s expences on the invitation of the patriarchs, but only in the context of their participation in the condemnation of the Old Believers, his work does not contain any reflection of the Nikon’s case. See: Johann Georg Korb, “Dnevnik poezdki v moskovskoe gosudarstvo Ignatiia Khristofora Gvarienta, posla impertora Leopol’da I, k tsariu i velikomu kniaziu, Petru Pervomu, v 1699 gg., vedennyi sekretarem posol’stva Ioannom Georgom Korbom,” Rozhdenie imperii. Moscow: Fond Sergeja Dubova. 1997. 210. 31 See: KAPTEREV, N: Harakter otnoshenij Rossii k pravoslavnomu Vostoku, Tipografija L.G. Smezhireva,1885. 181—207. 32 KLENCK, K. VAN. Posol’stvo Konrada van Klenka k tsariam Alekseiu Mikhailovichu i Fedoru Alekseevichu, trans. A. Tsepkov. Ryayan: Aleksandrija, 2008. 453-445.

90 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE who, having lost his power, gained the image of a man who was suffering from injustice, thus possessing the spiritual authority. One of the most developed accounts of Nikon was left by Johan von Strahlenberg in his work Das Nord-und Ostliche Theil von Europa und Asia, published in German and later translated into English, French, Spanish and, finally, into Russian in 1797. An important source for studies of Russian cartog- raphy and ethnography, it contains some historical information and, among other notes, an account of Nikon. Although the book was published as late as in 1730, the information Strahlenberg used mostly came from an earlier period, as stated above. Apart from the information Strahlenberg learned during his captivity in Russia, there are grounds for believing that his detailed report about Nikon was influenced by his communication with a Russian historian V.N. Tatishchev, who Strahlenberg met in 172433. The first remark about Nikon in the treaty refers to the rebellion which Strahlenberg supposed to have happened at the instigation of the Patriarch34. Then Strahlenberg devotes a separate part to the case of the deposed patriarch. He describes him as a haughty and ambitious man, who, not being much educated, was a lover of books. The author interprets the translation activity induced by Nikon as an aspiration to introduce the ‘policy of Romish church’ in Russia35. This interpretation of Nikon’s policy was widely accepted mainly among the Old Believers, but, on the other hand, it reflects the interpretation of the patriarch’s actions as an attempt to gain unlimited power in the manner of a Pope. For a protestant like Strahlenberg that was one of the most negative characteristics for a Church official. Strahlenberg’s work is represents a turning point in the foreign accounts about the deposed patriarch, since from the ‘state description’ character it definitely turns into ‘history’. Therefore, the way Strahlenberg views the events of Nikon’s fall differs significantly from the previous sources. It is Nikon’s

33 KATANOV, N.F.: Shved Filipp-Iogann Stralenberg i trudy ego po Rossii i Sibiri (nachala XVIIIveka): Dolozheno v Obshh. sobr. O. A., I. i E. 30 apr. 1902 g. / Kazan‘ : tipo-lit. Imp. un-ta, 1903. 3. 34 Strahlenberg apparently referred to the plague unrest of 1654. See: Philipp Johann von Strahlenberg, An Historico-geographical Description of the North and Eastern Parts of Europe and Asia: But More Particularly of Russia, Siberia, and Great Tartary; Both in Their Ancient and Modern State W. Innys and R. Manby, 1738. 221. 35 Ibid.,.297.

91 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE will to power what is stated as the reason for the conflict between the Tsar and the patriarch. As the evidence of the patriarch’s power ambitions, Strahl- enberg gives the following: ‘He acquainted the Patriarch of Constantinople by a letter, that he was called to that dignity by the immediate spirit of God, and that therefore it was not proper for one Patriarch to depend on another; He altered his title, and instead of Most Hollowed, as the former patriarch had styled themselves, he took the title of Most Holy; He augmented the number of archbishops and bishops; He built four large convents, and by his artful eloquence, and other intrigues, obtained several estates, and perpetual revenues, as well as of the crown, as of private people […]; He altered the canons of the church, to his own advantage, under pre- tence, that, in the former translations, many things were given wrong; This not only caused great disputes and schism in the church, but is one reason, why roskolschiks remain separated to this day; He claimed the right to sit in the Senat with the Czar, and to have a vote in the temporal affairs, especially in justiciary matters, and the making of new laws […]; He insinuated, that the Czar had not power to make peace or war […] without his advice. […] But it afterwards appeared, that the great sums of money, which the king of Poland had remitted him for this purpose, and his own exorbitant ambition, were the true motives of his pretended holy care.’ 36 Here we can observe that all Nikon’s actions, even his successful building activity, as well as the process of correction of divine service books, are seen as a demonstration of the patriarch’s struggle for power. The author summarizes all the accusations against Nikon, presenting both the side of the Eastern patriarchs, who were displeased with Nikon’s attempt to strengthen the position of the Russian Orthodox Church, and the Russian Monarchy, which excluded the Church from the process of governing the state affairs. The absence of the reference about the ‘iconoclastic’ activity, which was frequently mentioned in the earlier sources, proves the fact, that this episode

36 Ibid., 298. Strahlenberg was not the only one to blame Nikon on aiding the Poles, see e.g. Christian Kelch, Liefländische Historia, oder kurze Beschreibung der denkwürdigsten Kriegs- und Friedens-Geschichte Ehst - Lief und Lettlandes . . . Revall, 1695,. 569.

92 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE became insignificant from a historical perspective. On the other hand, the correction of the divine service books and canons, which was not widely discussed in the earlier sources, is put into the forefront and presented as one of the elements of Nikon’s power ambitions. Therefore, Nikon is designated responsible for the Schism in order to diminish the responsibility of the state for this traumatic event. The Great Moscow Synod, which was called to resolve the conflict between the Tsar and the patriarch, is referred to as a massive event, which took place at the expense of the Empire. Again, the emphasis on the financial side of the problem shows the leading position of the Tsar both in the relations with the Eastern patriarchs and in Church affairs in general. Strahlenberg presents the council as the event which ultimately limited the power of the patriarch, prohibiting him to introduce new bishops without the Tsar’s approval, establishing control over the financial affairs of the Church and fixing the Tsar’s involvement into the choice of a new patriarch. It is also pointed out that the council limited the authority of the Patriarch of Constantinople in the Russian church affairs along with abolishment of passing revenues of the tithes to the Greeks. All these resolutions confirmed the superior position of Russian Monarch both in the internal Church affairs and his relations with the Patriarch of Constantinople. Describing the following events, Strahlenberg states: ‘These intrigues, oc- casioned, at that time, a great deal of disclosure about the authority of patriarchs, and of prejudice they had always been to the Empire’37. Strahlenberg could be named the first foreign historian, who tried to analyze the impact of Nikon’s deposition on the development of the relations between Church and state. He was the one to come to the conclusion that the wave of intrigues, in- stigated by Nikon, eventually led to the abolishment of Moscow patriarchate and establishment of the Holy Synod in 1721, governed by the state. The above studied sources vary in origin, genre, language, style and the intention of the author. Some of the writers, like Collins or Meyerberg, aimed to provide some noteworthy information about the habits, court affairs, geography, political situation and trade, other authors, like Witsen, were primarily driven by curiosity. The reports of the Swedes and Polish diplomats focused on the political situation, while e.g. Struys was focusing on the customs

37 Strahlenberg, An Historico-geographical Description, 300.

93 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE and habits, as a support for a tradesman willing to cooperate with Muscovy. The reports written by Reutenfels and Meyerberg are comparable, because they both aim to provide a complex view on the political, cultural, economical and geographical description. The work of Foy de la Neuville was seen more as a pamphlet at its time, as it contains a lot of negative information about Russian customs. Finally, for Strahlenberg it was important to make an attempt to provide a complex historical overview about Russia, its geography and history. Comparing the sources, we can trace the change of the image of Patri- arch Nikon and the attitude towards his fall. The loss of the patriarch in his conflict with the Tsar, first perceived as a matter of court intrigues and an event caused by unpopularity of Nikon resulting from his iconoclastic actions was then interpreted either as a matter of heresy, or an administrative issue. The focus shifted from a political incident to the issue of cultural changes, traditions and mutual accusations of the parties of the conflict. Not being fully understood by foreigners, the conflict revealed the depth of the cultural transformation that Muscovy was undergoing at that time. The later travellers note the unimportance of new patriarchs and the decrease of the political role of the Church as a consequence of Nikon’s fall. Moreover, they implicitly point out the fact that the Tsar overtook some of the duties of the Church (i.e. managing the relations with the Eastern patriarchates), which can imply that a strong position of the patriarch was an obstacle for political affairs of the Tsar. Finally, after the patriarchate was abolished, Nikon was chosen as a symbol justifying the actions of the state towards the Church. Since then, his figure became the focus of interest any time the role and position of the Russian Orthodox Church was changing, as it happened at the turn of the nineteenth century and the same situation can be observed in the last two decades.

Acknowledgements: This work has been supported by the project CZ.1.07/2.2.00/28.0271. The author would like to express her sincere gratitude to Mgr. Jitka Komedová, Ph.D. for her guidance, to Anna Adashinskaya for her valuable remarks, and to RNDr. Pavel Bakala, Ph.D. for his patience.

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Resumé Sesazení patriarchy Nikona ze zahraniční perspektivy Olga Čadajeva

Osobnost patriarchy Nikona, jehož působivý vzlet a strmý pád byly klíčovými udá- lostmi ruských dějin 17. století, byla a pořád je předmětem široké debaty ze strany jak historiků, tak široké veřejnosti. Hodně studií bylo věnováno jak působení Nikona, tak dopadu jeho činností a pádu na vývoj ruské pravoslavné církve a společnosti, přičemž zahraniční prameny tvořily významný zdroj informací pro interpretaci této událos- ti. Nicméně, nebyla věnovaná dostatečná pozornost zkoumání zahraničních zdrojů jako nezávislého druhu pramene, spíše se tyto prameny používaly jako podklad pro argumentaci v obhajobě určitého názoru. Tento článek se zaměřuje na analýzu širo- ké škály zahraničních pramenů anglického, švédského, polského, rakouského a ni- zozemského původu, včetně deníků, diplomatických zpráv, cestopisů a deskriptivní literatury, se speciálním zaměřením na vývoj interpretací sesazení patriarchy. Při po- zorování diachronických změn v obsahu, úhlu pohledu a interpretaci v zahraničních dokumentech, zkoumáme posun ve vnímání pádu patriarchy. Událost byla začátku interpretována jako výsledek dvorních intrik, implementace „západních“ zvyklostí a zároveň byla výsledkem nepopulárních „obrazoboreckých“ kroků, následně se úhel interpretace přesunul bud‘ do obvinění z kacířství nebo vnímání pádu jako čistě ad- ministrativní záležitosti. Pro dokončení procesu historizace se ve středu zájmů zahra- ničních autorů ocitl dopad činností samotného Nikona na církevní rozkol a následné zrušení patriarchátu jako instituce. Při kritické analýze zdrojů, nezbytné pro přístup k zahraničním pramenům, ukazujeme, že bezprostřední reakce na Nikonův pád se značně lišila od toho, jak jí představovaly pozdější zdroje. Vzniklý pohled na Nikona jako strůjce církevního rozkolu a jednoho z hlavních viníků zrušení patriarchátů byla výsledkem reflexe pozdějších událostí a postupného přehodnocení role patriarchy v ruských dějinách.

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Cultural Identity of the Lichnowsky Family at the Intersections of the 19th and 20th Century

Jaromíra Knapíková

Abstrakt: The Lichnowský´family left a distinct mark in the history of Silesia. The Lichnowsky lived here from the Middle Ages till to the last century. The present study aims to remind their cultural, social and political role in the region. Keywords: Lichnowsky family, cultural Identity, Silesia

The Lichnowsky Family have left a distinct trace in the history of Silesia. The Lichnowsky Family lived there already in the medieval ages. First, for the services at the court of the Silesian dukes they gained the Voštice manor and after Jan of Voštice, a Provincial Judge, married the widow Sophie of Drahotuš in the year 1491 in Lichnov, so they gained also the Lichnov manor and a fortified settlement in the Krnov area. Since then their descendants were titled The Lichnowsky of Voštice.1 If we talk about their cultural identity at first they can be connected with the environment of Czech humanistic culture – Václav – (Senior) Lichnow- sky of Voštice (* 1597 † 1650), although he was a good German, he wrote 1 GÁLFFY-IGÁLY, Ludwig: Stammtafel der Ritter, Freiherrn, Grafen und Fürsten Lichnowsky v. Woszczyc vom 14. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart. Adler. Zeitschrift für Genealogie und I Heraldik. 9/10. Heft 1954, s. 117-181. To acquisition of Lichnov, see Contributiobs to the historical topography of the Opava and Krnov principalities. From the inheritance of Leopold Svoboda, The Bulletin of Opava Foundation 15/ 1907, p. 48-50.

97 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE in Czech2 a family chronicle completed in October 1646 with a dedication to his wife,. Even on the ground of the Silesian provincial offices they negotiated in Czech. In the position of a Provincial Judge of the Opava principality, Charles Maximilian (* 1635 † 1688), a skilful family economic organizer, ex- celled particularly. That is, he increased significantly the inherited family possessions (through marriages and using other tactics) of manors as Bořutín, Dolní Benešov, Kobeřice, Rohov, Strahovice, Štěpánkovice and Chuchelná. The Chuchelná Manor was specifically held by the Lichnowsky Family since the year 1608, after the sale of an older manor in Lichnov. And at the end of his life Karel Maxmilian had bulit a castle in Chuchelná on the site of an earlier fortified settlement. At that time the Lichnowsky family lived in Opava, in the house in Mnišská street opened to the Lower Square and further, they owned a farmstead in the Ratiboř suburb of the town.3

After the Prussian and Austrian sovereigns had divided the territory of Silesia between themselves, the stage on which Lichnowsky family moving was not only that in the Silesia environment. As early as in the year 1702 the son of Karel Maximilian, František Bernard Lichnowsky (* 1664 † 1747) gained the title of Baron (Freiherr) and in the year 1727 even the Czech (and later also the Imperial) Counts title. But he still persisted on communication in Czech with the Silesian provincial authorities. However, the Silesia of the 18th century became a “mere” border area of both monarchies and any opportunities for advancement were elsewhere - at the courts of the Austrian Empress and the Prussian King. In Vienna and Potsdam the members of the Lichnovsky Fam- ily moved so often that the former provincial nobility of little import earned the title of the Duke of Prussia in the year 1773 for the oldest member of

2 Memoirs of Vaclav Senior Lichnowsky of Voštice (*1597 †1650 ) were editted by Josef Zukalas a „Report of an unknown Czech writer“ in the Bulletion of Opava Foundation 16/1908, pp. 50-58. 3 Information about Karl Maxmilian Lichnowsky was taken from the Family archives inventory , see KNAPÍKOVÁ, Jaromíra – MORAVCOVÁ, Irena: Family Archives and Central Administration of the Lichnowsky Family, in Chuchelná. The inventory and Catalogues of the Provincial Archives in Opava,. Opava 2013.

98 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE family and his eldest son thanks to their loyalty.4 To prevent in the future the family property against comminution, the Prince asked the Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm II for establishment of the family trust. Into the inalien- able assets held in trust twenty-three manors (!) situated in the Upper Silesia, based in Chuchelná was included there. The Lichnowsky family owned a residence In Vienna, Schauflergasse 15, since August 1783 but simultaneously they continued to take care of economic prosperity and enlargement of land holdings in Silesia. From all those sources –we emphasize only breeding and sale of unique Merino sheep in grading up of which they participated personally - with mixed success supported by establishment of new villages from cancelled courts in their demesnes and their representative outgoings were covered by purchasing the Odry Dominion.5 The first duke Johann Carl Lichnowsky (* 1721 † Odra Opava 1788) took advantage of fears of others not so knowledgeable members of the local nobility of renewal of the military conflict between Prussia and Austria and its transfer to the Opava region – so in October 1778 he purchased advanta- geously the demesne in Hradec near Opava from Baron Neffzern. Then the chateau Hradec became an official seat of the Family, in addition to the castle in Odry, with a specific status to the other estates of the Lichnovsky Fam- ily in Silesia up to the year 1945. Under Johann Carl the Lichnowsky Family began to stipulate some alliance agreements with other important Families such as with the Monarchy Althann of Vranov and the Monarchy Thun of Klášterec. And if we focus (despite the handicap resulting from destruction of the Family archives and libraries in February 1796) on the way of their communication we can see before us the high aristocracy conversing with members of other noble families in trendy French, but their native language and

4 Thus they were included in the inventory ŽUPANIČ, Jan –FIALA, Michal – STELLNER, František: Encyclopedia of Dukes Families in the Czech Crown Landsé. Prague 2001,pp.. 67-69. 5 To the very successful breeding and grading-up of the Merino sheep by the Lichnowsky Family see the very recent work WOOD, Roger – OREL, Vítězslav: Genetic Prehistory in Selective Brreding: a prelude to Mendel. Oxford 2001, p. 159. Or optionaly in more details ELSNER, Johann Georg: Die Schafzucht Schlesiens. Breslau 1842 – Die Majoratsherrschaft Kuchelna und Allodherrschaft Grätz. Ratibor 1903.

99 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE the language of family intimacy was German6 at that time. Also, a possibility of education they searched outside Silesia.7 Their cultural niveau was successfully developed thanks to contacts with celebrities of Austrian culture - Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart and Ludwig Bee- thoven. So they invited those personalities to the Silesian country – The Cha- teau in Hradec nad Moravicí has made reference to dedication some musical compositions by Beethoven to the Lichnowsky Family, even though it was the place where happened a dramatic rift between the quick-tempered artist and his Maecenas. The Family (namely Moritz Lichnowsky) engaged in the region in other respects, e.g. in building of a theater in Opava. In Vienna in the year 1829 the Duke also supported the debut of very young Fryderyk Chopin8 by lending him a private grand piano (the Lichnowsky Family themselves were active musicians). And when he was on business in Italy he attended concerts of Nicola Paganini. However, we are talking about the Third Duke Edward (* 1789 † Vienna, Munich 1845), who transferred the family contacts to a different level - to cognition of the culture of Hungary and ultimately thanks to linguistic tal- ents of their children to getting acquainted with Hungarian through an advantageous marriage with Countess Eleanor Zichy, a lady at court of the Austrian Empress. The Third Duchess Lichnowsky came specifically from Oroszvar (today‘s Rusovce near Bratislava) and was a daughter of the Austrian Minis- ter Karl Zichy. Her branched-out Family offered to the Lichnowsky Family plenty of connections in the Hungarian Lands. The third son of a married couple Edward and Eleanor - Count Robert Lichnowsky (* 1822 † Hradec Rome 1879) - studied the divinity in Raab and Belgrade (Székesfehérvár) in the Hungarian Lands where the sole language of intellectuals was Latin.9 6 Eduard III., the Duke Lichnovwsky corresponded with his wife Eleonora, née Zichy and with children in German, but with a family friend and a cousin of his wife, Duchess Melanie Metternich in French. 7 The first Duke studied law in Prague. His son Karl Alois then the University of Göttingen.. 8 LISZT, Franz: Fr. Chopin. Praha-Přerov 1947.- BOŽENEK, Karel (ed.): Schloss Grätz, das Adelsgeschlecht Lichnowsky und Ludwig van Beethoven. Praha-Ostrava 2000-2002. The same: The Chateau of Hradec nad Moravicí and its musical traditions In: The Chateau of Hradec. Hradec nad Moravicí –Opava 1997, p. 26-32. 9 Robert Lichnowsky studied in Belgrade (Székesfehérvár), because there was his uncle as a bishop, apart from other things. He mentioned in his correspondence that despite

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And his younger brother Othenio (* 1826 † Hradec Merano 1887) served in the Hussar‘s Regiment where prevailed soldiers from the Hungarian Lands.10 They both also often visited Perkata and the Chateau Hédervár where their sisters lived after their marriages. Duke Edward Lichnowsky has remembered not particularly as an inter- preter from French and a playwright of romantic tragedies “Zaire”, “Roderich” played on the stage of the Vienna Burgtheater, but rather as an author of representative publications of the monuments of medieval architecture, and art of painting in the Austrian Empire.11 Under the patronage of the husband of his cousin Melanie Zichy, the Chancellor Metternich, he further studied in the exclusive and hard to reach archive collections - in the archives of the Habs- burg Family in Vienna and also in the archives of Vatican. On his travels, he often met with a renowned Czech historiographer - František Palacký. And the Czech historian thought highly of Eduard Lichnowsky for his thorough- ness and stylistic brilliance. The eight volume unfinished work “Geschichte des Hauses Habsburg” by Eduard Lichnowsky (the Austrian Duke since Sep- tember 1824) reached notionally the year 1493.12 Those scientific activities of the Duke however turned him away from the administration of the Family estates in Silesia. So, his wife together with the eldest son Felix had to engage in but they failed to prevent major economic difficulties ended by bankruptcy and their landed property selling off to the Belgian Banking House of Lejeune. Yet even in this field Eduard Lichnowsky the initial problems he mastered Hungarian and he had to deal undoubtedly with the fact that all authorities in Hungary communicated in Latin. In detail: KNAPÍKOVÁ, Jaromíra: The Dean of the Olomouc Metropolitan Chapter, Count Robert Lichnovsky, Central Moravia 12/2001, p. 4 to 23. 10 Reference to service of Othenio, the Count Lichnowsky, the future significant Duke, the Grand Prior of the Order of Jerusalem Knights of Malta, at the 8th Hussar’s Regiment, see Militär- Schematismus des Österreichischen Kaiserthumes 1856, p. 465. In detail POŘÍZKA, Jiří: The Order of Jerusalem Knights of Malta in Bohemia and Moravia 1870-1998. The Czech Grand Priory of the Order of Jerusalem Knights of Malta and its representatives. Olomouc 2002. 11 LICHNOWSKY, Eduard: Denkmale der Baukunst und Bildhaurei des Mittelalters in dem österreichischen Kaiserthume, 4 Hefte. Wien 1817-1822. 12 Palacký in the Journal of the Czech Museum 11/1837, pp. 222-225. The most important work of Eduard Lichnowsky was published also in the 20th century, see LICHNOWSKY, Eduard: Die Geschichte des Hauses Habsburg. Bd. 1-8. Wien 1836- 1844, Osnabrück 1974.

101 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE scored some successes in relation to economic policy that had been established by his father. We can mention e.g. foundation of horse breeding in Al- bertovec in the Opava region which is still very successful and sale of sheep to European diplomats and monarchs during The Opava Congress in the Autumn of the year 1820. And subsequently, the herds numbered thousands sheep , including trained personnel, were directed from Silesia, for example, to sheep breeding of Tsar Alexander II. and his Minister Nesselrode. The eldest son, Duke Felix (* 1814 † Vienna, Frankfurt a. M. 1848), the enfant terrible of his Family, chose however a different way of life. First he began to study law externally at the University of Olomouc, where a young lawyer Franz Hein (the future Minister of Justice in the Schmerling’s Aus- trian Government) became his private preceptor. Service in the army was considered to be a valuable life experience for young aristocrats by the society of that time. However, during the one-year stay at the 6th hussar‘s regiment in the Prussian Prudnik he began to have problems with his debts and love affairs. His youthfully thoughtless behaviour and undue presentation beyond the usual standard of members of the high society, which negatively affected the course of admission procedure into the diplomatic service of the Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm III. After some scandals at the Prussian Court and in the army Felix Lichnowsky was looking for his fulfilment in the turbulent atmosphere of the Iberian Peninsula suffering within the years 1837-1839 from the events of the Spanish Civil War. At least he enjoyed confidence of Don Carlos, the pretender to the Spanish throne. The Duke did not refuse (in addition to his active participation in battles in which he had been wounded) working as a negotiator of a support in legitimist circles outside the borders of Spain. He became a “real” celebrity.13 And soon an arrest warrant was issued for him, but his non European exotic appearance - protected him , as well as his language skills (Felix Lichnowsky mastered spoken and written Spanish and Portuguese) and thanks to it he smoothly got to the environment of the General Staff of Carlists, and although his name the Po- lice at the Franco-Spanish borders considered to be Hungarian or Polish, he

13 About not very serious behaviour of Felix Lichnowsky in the salon of Bettina von Arnim, who wrongly believed that that well-travelled aristocrat would ask for her daughter’s hand in marriage, as written by Jürgen BEHRENS:: Bettine von Arnim und Felix Prinz Lichnowsky. Eine Episode. In: Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst, Heft 59/1985, p. 327-346.

102 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE travelled „incognito“ as a wine merchant from Pressburg.14 For his courage and facing danger that nearly 30-year-old young man was named a Spanish Brigadier General. Coincidentally, when Carlists were on the defensive and retreated towards Bordeaux - Felix Lichnowsky in the place of an involuntary exile of Francisco de Goya gained a highly-valued graphic series of social satires “Caprichos”. That is why he is quoted in the chapter of the History of Spain.15 Then he turned up in the French art salons (there he met Victor Hugo - among others) and after his toying with the Paris Freemasonry, he returned to Prussia. In Brussels he also became friends with Franz Liszt, he subsidized his concert tour in the Western Europe and participated in it in the year 1842, and then the artist accepted his invitation to two visits of Silesia, where he lived in castles in Křižanovice and Hradec in the years 1846, 1848 giving public concerts in Opava and Ratiboř.16 At that time Felix Lichnowsky wrote in a living language very popular memories of the events in Spain and Portugal, he wrote to prominent journalistic media and thus rehabilitated himself he could engage in the events on the local political scene. Finally he achieved a political mandate for negotiations on the United Provincial Assembly in Berlin and on the so-called All- German National Assembly in Frankfurt am Main. There he surprised with his unfailing engagement in the debates about solving pressing social problems, but he also curiously attracted the attention due to his voice pitched uncharacteristically for man and a non-standard language culture.17 Unfortunately, just the extrovert personality of Felix Lichnowsky “disguised” the undeniable

14 See memoirs of Felix Lichnowsky – LICHNOWSKY, Felix: Erinnerungen aus den Jahren 1837, 1838 und 1839 I., II. Frankfurt am Main 1841, 772 s. And the memoirs of his comrade-in-arms, the „ Last Lancknecht“ Bedřich Schwarzenberg (ed. Karel Schwarzenberg): Španělský deník a zrození revolucí.(The Spanish daily and the birth of revolutions), Prague 1937, p. 28-29. 15 KAŠPAR, Oldřich: Česko-španělské vztahy v 19. století. In: Dějiny Španělska.( Czech- Spanish relations in the 19th century. In: History of Spain.), Prague 1995. p. 794. 16 Franz Listś Briefe an den Fürsten Felix Lichnowsky. In: Bayreuther Blätter 30/ 1907. s. 25-48 – WOLNY, Reinhold: Franz Liszt und Felix Lichnowsky – eine legendäre Freundschaft. In: Sudetenland 1987. 17 Non-literary German of Felix Lichnowsky with numerous grammatical mistakes (influenced by his frequent stay abroad?) became a popular target of political satire in Frankfurt, see the files of the press clippings of that time in the Family archives ( The Provincial Archives of Opava, f. RAUSL, sign. C IV 14, cart. 18).

103 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE abilities of the young Duke, moreover, his bold visions, social overview and valuable experience of living in Spain and Portugal (he stayed here till his captivity in 1842)18 and the understanding for the philanthropy. And it was fatal for him within civil unrest.19 After the tragic death of Duke Felix Lichnowsky an unexpected heir- ess turned up, an influential, comfortably situated girlfriend of the deceased, Duchess Dorothea von Sagan. The younger brother of the Duke, Count Robert Lichnowsky purchased from her the Hradec demesne. When you take a closer look at activities of Robert Lichnowsky, we can see an interesting image of a cultivated intellectual who was of friendly terms with personalities such as Bede Dudík, Frederick Sylva-Taroucca being in open contact with the Czech national movement, but who rigidly insisted on the privileged position of the Olomouc Chapter headed by him as a Dean, because he could not imagine a Czech priest of low birth working together with all intellectual elites of that time. And he was similarly sceptical regarding a provincial self- government of Silesia. So, it is quite understandable that he was not very popular with the local Czech nationalist press. Despite all those unexpected ups and downs, Felix’s younger brother Karl Maria (* 1819 † Hradec Hradec 1901 became an heir of the Lichnowsky Trust (fideicommissum) as the fifth Lichnowsky Duke, who was by profession a vigorous Prussian officer and who was totally identified himself with the policy of emancipation of Prussia and the formation of the German Empire. In June 1866 Major Lichnowsky actively participated in the Prussian annexation of the Austrian Silesia, and even occupancy of Opava.20

18 LICHNOWSKY, Felix: Portugal. Recordacoes do anno de 1842 pelo Principe Lichnowsky. Lisboa 1844, 207 s. – Erinnerungen aus dem Jahre 1842. Mainz 1843, 207 p. 19 To the memory of Duke Felix Lichnowsky there on the occassion of an anniversary of his tragic decease in Frankfurt on the 18th September 1848 in the year 1998 were dedicated series of special studies and popular articles by Jaromíra Kramná, Ryszard Kincel, Reinhold Wolny . however there is quoted only the study by SCHOLZ, Joachim J.: Als Abgeordneter aus Ratibor im Frankfurter Parlament. Zum letzten Akt im dramatischen Leben des Fürsten Felix Lichnowsky. Tl. 2: Briefe und Zeitdokumente. In Oberschlesisches Jahrbuch 14/15, 1998/1999, pp. 71-108. One of the authors (Dušan Uhlir) finally completed his research with the publication: Slezský šlechtic Felix Lichnovský: poslední láska kněžny Zaháňské. (The Silesian nobleman Felix Lichnovský: The last love of Duchess of Sagan. Litomyšl 2009. 20 It was recorded in the Chronicle of the Prussian invasion deposited in the State

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After the end of that war conflict he was logically a person non grata in the territory of Austria and his access to the Hradec dominion (acquired from his brother Robert in July 1857) was limited as well. As a titular Austrian Duke he cared about owning some landing properties in Austria, but he did not engage in the Austrian Silesia Self-Government in any way. His aversion to the Austrian Monarchy emerged also from serious legal problems following a fatal duel with Count Nemés and a dramatic unsuccessful attempt to arrest him in the park of the Hradec Chateau. In memory of his successful escape from the Austrian Gendarmerie, and because he felt offended by it, he decided to erect a memorial of that event in the local park. And further, his effort to establish a family forgery to the chateau iconography is also worth mentioning - the ceiling of the ostentatious dining room was redecorated with the scene referred to an authentic historical story of the Czech Queen Kunhuta taking place in her dowry seat in Hradec near Opava with the Silesian nobles bowing down to her, while one of the knights is holding a red shield with the sign of the Lichnowsky Family : two green stems of grapes, each with one leaf and one bunch of blue grapes. It was narrated that in the Family archives there was originally preserved a charter of the Czech King George of Poděbrady addressed to a mythical ancestor Hugo Granson and thus the prosaic origin of the oldest ancestors of the Lichnowsky Family was transferred without any solid evidences from Silesia to the viniferous Burgundy. Karl Maria clearly declared his political attitudes by way of the construction of a new economic background of the Hradec Chateau, so-called Red Castle designed in the spirit of the architecture typical of the north German brick neo-Gothic style21 and by moving the family tomb from the Austrian Hradec to Chuchelná22 placed in the Prussian territory. As a reward there was his unwavering position at the courts of Emperors Wilhelm I and Wilhelm II. Those German monarchs also visited him in Silesia for several times.

District Archives of Opava, the file of The Archives of Opava City , Inv. No. 484. 21 KOUŘILOVÁ Dana: Carl Johann Bogislaw Lüdecke and his vision of rebuilding the chateau in Hradec above Moravice. We cannot return time, but we can return in time ... Acta historica Universitatis Silesianae Opaviensis 3/2010, pp. 95-120. 22 Therefore, after the death of Duke Lichnowsky who had been treated for a long time in Opava complicated protracted official negotiations including an official postmorten examination followed because the remains should be transported across the Austrian-Prusian border to nearby Chuchelná.

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In May 1859 he married to Mary, a daughter of the Lieutenant General of the Prussian Army and the Aide of the Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm IV, Prince Philip Croy- Dülmen.23 In his dominions there Karl Maria developed industrial business, he engaged in the sugar industry, considered starting mining in the Upper Silesia and in the eighties of the 19th century he positively influenced the construction and had a railway run from Opava to Ratiboř24 through his estates, which was very important for the region. On his sarcophagus the Duke considered to be the true Prussian Founder had the following inscription carved: “Er war ein Treuer Paladin der Hohenzollern. “25 Such well-established social contacts were,of course, fostered by his only son, Duke Maximilian Karl also shortly called “Karl Max” (* 1860 † Křižanovice Chuchelná 1928) who was the last great figure of his Family. Since he became head of the family as late as in the early 20th century, in the meantime he chose (after an intermezzo in the German Army) a more delicate career in an environment of the European diplomacy. But then with him“anglophilia” came into the family, as an admiration for the life habits of the English Elite, e.g. a curious attempt to orchestrate a fox hunt through the lands of farmers of Hradec and acquiring English blood horses for the Duke’s stables, including the English staff.26 Although his career took him to plenty places (Stockholm, Constantinople, Bucharest) he never forgot his first post of the attaché at the German Embassy in London from 1884 to 1885. As

23 JUNG, Jiří: Osobnost kněžny Marie Lichnowské (Personality of Duchess Maria Lichnowsky) (1837-1915). In: Slezsko v 19. století. (The Silesia of the 19th century) Opava 2011, p. 247-260. 24 MYŠKA Milan: The Lichnowsky Family of Voštice. In: Biografický slovník Slezska a severní Moravy. sešit 6. (The Biographical Dictionary of Silesia and Northern Moravia. Workbook 6th, Ostrava 1996. pp. 78-87. 25 An interesting reference in relation to Lichnowsky and German sovereigns was aken from a study by Jiříe Jung “Chuchelná-Berlín“ - cultural and social contacts of Karel Max, Duke Lichnowsky and his wife, Mechtilde with the society of Berlin during the first third of the 20th century. In: The Noble in the Upper Silesiau. Katowice (Katowith)-Ostrava 2011, p. 304. 26 Resolute responses of farmers of Hradec to an attempt to foxhunt across their lands are described in memoirs of Karel Škrobánek (ed. Ladislav Sonnek): Jak se žilo v Hradci nad Moravicí na počátku 20. století (What was the life like in Hradec nad Moravicí in the early 20th century), Hradec nad Moravicí 2003, pp. 27-28.

106 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE a diplomat, he also practised, inter alia, as a secretary of the German Embassy in Vienna. By the way, the Duke’s children attended schools in England when he held an exclusive but for the Family finance very expensive post of the English ambassador (after a long period of a working holiday and living life in privacy after marrying the Bavarian countess Mechtild Arco-Zinneberg ). Wilhelm, the last Duke (he gave his name in memory of his famous godfa- ther, the German Emperor Wilhelm), attended lectures of law at the Oxford University since the autumn of the year 1925. And in Silesia, in his early childhood, he had besides an obligate woman teacher of French an educator teaching him the English language. In England, the Duke Karl Max had even a possibility of regular contact with a part of his Family – the family of his maternal cousin, the Russian ambassador, Count Alexander Konstantinovich Benckendorff, a well-known creator of the Anglo-Russian Alliance.27 Many friends of German art circles (we can mention e.g. the son of Rich- ard Wagner and his mother Cosima) were replaced by not less famous representatives of English culture (G.B. Shaw)28 in the renowned Salon of Lich- nowsky in London. That Salon was led by Duchess Mechtilde , a writer and a painter and even a collector who admired paintings of Pablo Piccaso. Her successful book of travels: “Götter, Könige und Tiere in Ägypten” originally published in Munich in 1912 was also translated into English at that time.29 After the unexpected political convulsion in European politics, and after the outbreak of the First World War, Prince Karl Max decided resignedly to spend the rest of his life on his estates in Silesia. Due to his dislike for solving strained international relations by way of war conflicts, towards which the German Emperor Wilhelm II. (a former Family patron) headed inevitably, he became virtually the persona non grata for the circles surrounding the

27 In the Hradec park there is a place referred to his mother Louisa von Benckendorff, née Princess Croy Dülmen. The letters of Cosima Wagner Liszt filed in the Famile Archive edited by WOLNY, Reinhold: Cosima Wagners Briefe an Karl Max Fürst Lichnowsky, Sudetenland 3/1988, p. 270 -287. 28 The letter of G. B. Shaw dated on 16/ 04/ 1914, See the Provincial Archives in Opava, Fund of the Lichnovsky Family Archives, inv. No. 783 in cartoon 55. 29 Czech authors about Mechtilde Lichnowsky, see ŠÍROVÁ, Šárka: Mechtilde Lichnowsky: Spisovatelka, mecenáška, múza básníků, Historický obzor, (The writer, patron muse of poets), The historical horizon No.3-4, 12/2001, pp. 75-81.

107 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE sovereign and was dismissed from the imperial service. The remaining ten years of his life, the prince spent drafting embittered writings and edition of documents advocating his political positions before the outbreak of the First World War.30 And after the end of the war he never accepted the Weimar Re- public, a successor of the Wilhelminian Empire, when the Family Lichnow- sky had prospered.. The situation was so complicated because the postwar arrangement of Europe on the base of the Treaty of Versailles notionally “threw-apart” all estates of that old Silesian noble family in three new countries - Czechoslovakia, Germany and Poland. And further, in February 1920 the Lichnowsky Family had to deal with the incorporation of the Hlučínsko sub-region (where their central seat was located in the Chateau Chuchelná) to the Czechoslovak Republic and with considerable economic loss due to the implementation of the Czechoslovak land reform in the estates in Hradec and Chuchelná, and even with a devastating fire in the prospering factory for flax processing in Chuchelná.31 Gloomy and depressing atmosphere in the Chateau of Chuchelná augmented with carefully maintained social arrangements “of the court without courtiers” affected Prince Karl Max relationships with younger, vital wife, Mechtild - among other things, all that was written down in a book of memoirs of Golo Mann, a German historian, who was in touch with the Lichnowsky Family before emigration of the Mann family from the Hitler’s Germany as a schoolmate of children of that aristocratic couple. And thus nothing could affect the wishes of old Duke as for his elder son - the heir of the Family Trust - so the Heir of the Family Fortunes learn up Czech and continued his further studies in Prague.

30 LICHNOWSKY, Karl Max: Krieg oder Frieden. Breslau 1912 – The same: Meine Londoner Mission 1912-1914. Berlin 1918, 1919; Le mémoire du prince L. Paris 1918. In Czech it was published by NEUBERT, Karel: Memoiry knížete Lichnowského bývalého německého velvyslance v Londýně (Memoirs of Duke Lichnowsky, the former German Ambassador in London. Prague s. d. – The same: Auf dem Wege zum Abgrund. Londoner Berichte. Erinnerungen und sonstige Schrifte. 2 Bde. Dresden 1927. 31 In detail about the economic entrepreneurship of the Lichnovsky Family in the Hlučín micro-region, see PLAČEK, Vilém: Prajzáci aneb k osudům Hlučínska (Prussians or about the fate of the Hlučín micro-region), 1742-1960. Kravaře 2000, pp. 48-50. Or ŠTĚPÁN, Václav: Dějiny obce Chuchelné. (The history of municipality Chuchelná) Chuchelná 2009.

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Prince Wilhelm (* 1905 † Hradec Rome 1975) lived in a rather costly style as a “bon vivant”, with an exclusive fleet of vehicles.32 When he visited performances in the Opava theatre (there exchanged in part the town’s Elites after the Republic constitution) he was surprised of Czech to which he did not understand.33 Nevertheless, all members of the Lichnowsky family were un- prejudiced as for religious creed - Duchess Mechtilde purchased paintings into her valuable collections at the Jewish art dealers, and she published books in the publishing house whose owners belonged to the Jewish minority.34 After the social ostracism of that ethnic group, she continued to communicate with her friends. Indeed, the same can be said about her daughter, Countess Leonore, who continued writing to his friend Golo Mann.35 Just that part of the family, who resorted during the war to England, at least notionally, after the war a right on partial ownership rehabilitation was recognized to them. 36Because Wilhelm VII, Duke Lichnowsky, decided to keep German citizenship for him and his closest family all property of the Lichnowsky Family was confiscated in the year 1945 according to the President Edvard Beneš Decrees.

32 HAVRLANT, Petr: Beginnings of automotive transport in tomobilismu v Hradci nad Moravicí, aneb „španělský šlechtic“ (The beginnings of automotivee transport in Hradec nad Moravicí, or “Spanish nobleman”/Hispano-Suiza H6B/ of the Hradec Chateau. In: Proceedings of the National Heritage Institute in Ostrava 2011, p. 108-111. 33 The letters of Karel Maximiliana, The 6th Duke of Lichnowsky Family to his older son Vilémi (The Provincial Archives in Opava, f. RAUSL., Inv. No. 794 in cart.55). And answers of Vilém to his father (Ibidem, Inv. No. 700, in cart.50). 34 ŠÍROVÁ, Šárka: Osobnost kněžny Mechtildy Lichnovské ve světle dochované korespondence, (Personality of Duchess Mechtild Lichnovská from the preserved correspondence), Rkp. Opava 1998 (Deposited in the Historical Library of the Silesian University in Opava), p. 84. 35 KRAMNÁ Jaromíra: The letters of Golo Manna to Leonora Lichnowsky in the Provincial archives in Opava, Periodical of local history of Silesia and Northern Moravia, No.. 1/2000, p. 22-24. 36 The widowed Duchess Lichnowsky Mechtilde married Peto, an English baronet, but within the Third Reich she was not allowed to leave Silesia due to decrees of the German authorities. After nationalization of the property of her son in the year 1945 by the Czechoslovak state, she negotiated a handover of her artistic and personal archives through the English embassy and thanks to the intervention of the Minister Jan Masaryk. Mechtilde Lichnowsky then lived near London where used to meet Baroness Sidonie Nadherný.

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After the war the Lichnowsky Family demonstrated again their adaptability, they moved to South America, where a younger brother of Duke, Count Michael lived in Argentina, because he bought there some landed estates of tobacco plantations for money of the family settlement agreement. And just from there, from Brazil, one of the grandsons of the last owner of the Chateau and estates in Hradec nad Moravicí Eduardo Lichnowsky has temporarily moved to Europe with intent to reestablish his contacts with Silesia and at present he is carries out his cultural activities as a photographer.37 So if we summarize orientation and visions of Dukes of Lichnowsky Family after outlining life stories of each of them, we can see here persisting on the legitimism, and undoubtedly their artistic, intellectual ambitions and language skills, including economic dexterity. They needed culture, researched it and participated in its creation. Regarding their national identity they were torn for a long time between Prussia and Austria, but after 1866, under Carl Maria Lichnowsky orientation to Prussia prevailed distinctly, and then to Ger- many, of course ...

Resumé Kulturní identita knížat Lichnowských na křižovatkách 19. a 20. století Jaromíra Knapíková

Rod Lichnowských v historii Slezska zanechal výraznou stopu. Lichnowští zde žili již ve středověku. Nejprve za služby u dvora slezských knížat získali statek Voštice a po sňatku zemského sudího Jana z Voštic s vdovou Žofií z Drahotuš na Lichnově roku 1491 i tvrz a statek Lichnov na Krnovsku. Odtud se jejich potomci psali Lichnovští z Voštic. Jejich další osudy na území Opavska mapuje výše uvedená studie.

37 http://opavsky.denik.cz/kultura_region/kultura-pozvanka-edoardo-lichnowsky 30042014.html

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The Jewish Pogrom as the Consequence of the Economic Decline of the Community in the Middle Ages

Hana Komárková

Abstrakt: The study deals with the causes of anti-Jewish sentiments manifested in Euro- pean society and intensity, varying degrees of discrimination, persecution and social exclusion of members of this ethnic group, not only throughout the Middle Ages. The conflict between the majority Christian society and Jews can in fact viewed as not only ideological (religious) but also an economic problem. Keywords: Middle Ages, Juwish Pogrom, Economic a Cultural Identity

If we consider the causes of anti-Jewish sentiment manifested in Europe- an society by varying degrees and intensity of discrimination, persecution and social exclusion of members of that group, not only throughout the Middle Ages, we must include in this consideration several important factors affecting their emergence and escalation. The conflict between the majority represented by Christian society and the Jews can be in fact viewed from several levels of meaning. First of all, the religious, theological or ideological level is considered. From the very beginning, Christian doctrine was establishing a specific relationship to Judaism and its representatives. Jews, by their own existence confirming the credibility of the very foundations of the Christian religion1, members of this God-chosen nation, which was predestined to play 1 KRIEGEL, M.: Encyklopedie středověku – headwort „Židé“, J. LE GOFF[ed.], Praha Vyšehrad, 2008, p. 898-910.

111 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE its crucial historic role in the Last Judgment, strictly observing the regulation of God‘s Law, thanks to this not only gained the favor of St. Augustine, but also enjoyed a certain degree of tolerance of Christian society, which, however, varied considerably over time in connection with their activities within the economic sphere of public life. 2 Precisely, the economic dimension of relations between Christians and Jews can be considered as another important aspect affecting negatively and gradually the symbiotic and almost conflict- free coexistence of both groups.3 The gradual development of economic life of European medieval society, initially depending upon Jews as the providers of shortage cash and guarantors of circulation of money, became eventually – according to an array of theoretical concepts – fatal to them, right at the moment they began to interfere with it.4 In addition to the entire duration of the existence of anti-Jewish sentiment and persecutions concurring religious and economic reasons, there is one important factor affiliating with them that stimulates the growth of anti-Judaism in the medieval society. It is the social instability, so closely related to the previous two factors, being caused by economic and political shocks or by deterioration of the living conditions of the majority population in general.5 Targeted incitement of hatred against the representatives of the Jewish community appears then andin this light not only as a tool of more or less coherent economic policy or as part of an ideological struggle, but also as a result of social decay and a kind of natural resource to its solution, the natural reaction of the system, which has led to consolidation and reassurance of the social situation. The Jew, anyway, represents an ideal object for creating the image of a common enemy - his occurence being so necessary for the valuable existence and the smooth running of each community, as Umberto Eco recently pointed out in one of his essays.6 On that account, the pogroms and the escalation of hatred against the Jewish population in the cities of late medieval Europe can be perceived

2 See eg. VALTROVÁ, J.: Středověká setkání s „jinými“, Praha Argo, 2011, p. 92 ff. 3 COHEN, M. R.: Pod křížem a půlměsícem, Židé ve středověku, Praha Vyšehrad, 2013, p. 61 ff. 4 In this context quotes forementioned KRIEGEL, M.: Encyklopedie středověku, p. 898 ff, the theoretical conception created by German economist Wilhelmem Roscher. 5 See GRAUS, F.. Pest – Geissler – Judenmorde, Das 14. Jahrhundert als Krisenzeit, Göttingen Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994, passim. 6 ECO, U.: Vytváření nepřítele a jiné příležitostné texty, Praha Argo, 2013, p. 9-28.

112 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE as a response to the overall change (and natural deterioration) of living conditions and as a kind of indicator of these changes.

The Jew as an ideal public enemy As it was formulated by the above mentioned Eco, human society consists of „beings having needed an enemy“7, who would serve as a mean of self-awareness, to demonstrate the „right“ social and public values and to provide overall „stabilization“ and the consolidation of social order. It is then quite natural that the principle of „making the enemy“ is used by official circles during the periods of social instability, crisis and social decay, in order to prevent the „collapse of its own identity.“8 The position, which was adopted by a Jew in the structures of European society of the late Middle Ages, had been creating him as the more than suitable candidate for the „Model of identification of the enemy“, as this phenomenon was submitted by the Italian philosopher. That is because the Jew seems to fulfill the main and most important criterion, which is the „otherness“. This otherness, whether real or the connected mythic one, comprises an essential prerequisite for a potential „deleteriousness“ and creates space for the demonization of the enemy. The different customs are then associated with different manners, different speech and different physical attributes and qualities of character, and because „the other“ is considered a hostile entity, it is evident that the difference here is understood as the difference towards the ideals of the community, thus the more negative (im- morality, morbidity, ugliness). All those features have the idea of a Jew, which was created and maintained in social awareness during the Middle Ages. A Jew - the enemy - posessed, above the other ones from „others“ one more advantage – the Jewish dissimilarity was a part of everyday reality of inhabitants of the medieval city.9 It was mutual proximity and long-term coexistence of both groups which, in this respect, seem to be negatively acting factors working in favor of an increasing tensions between Christians and Jews.

7 Ibidem, p. 27. 8 Ibidem, p. 10. 9 VESELÁ-PRUDKOVÁ, L.: Židé a česká společnost v zrcadle literatury, Praha Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 2003, p. 7 ff.

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Since the early Middle Ages, there was a specific place reserved for the Jewish element in the life of a Christian society. However, the attitude to the Jews has undergone many changes in the course of time. French historian Maurice Kriegel10 divides the European Middle Ages in terms of analysis of the relationships of the majority Christian society to the Jewish minority followingly : The period of incorporation of the Jewish community in the early medieval Christian society lasting approximately until the 12th century, characterized by rather tolerant approach or even by the support of Jewish activities (eg. long-distance commerce, finance, trade, etc..), especially from the positions of the secular power - the sovereign. This period was terminated by tumultous times of the Crusades, which led not only to consolidation of the Christian community as a whole, but in connection with it also to the escalation of violence against dissenters in general.11 (At that time Kosmas also records a report about the attacks on the Jews in our country and informs about often applied practice of their violent baptism, which he, from his position of clergyman, definitely condemns.) 12 The ideological definition was followed by further efforts to regulate the relationship towards the Jews in the field of economic and social life. This characterizes the beginning of the next period. During this time, there is an increase in legislation governing mutual coexistence between Christians and Jews, both at the level of canon, as well as secular law.13 The efforts to seg- regate the Jewish population went hand in hand with efforts to protect the benefits from financial and business activities of the Jewish minority, and also to legitimize these activities (primarily lending money at interest) in the context of religious doctrine.14 This necessity arose from the actual dependence of the developing European economy in the 12th and 13th centuries on providers of financial services and their capital. At the beginning of the

10 KRIEGEL, M.: Encyklopedie středověku, p. 898-910. 11 Ibidem. 12 „Téhož roku bylo takové hnutí, ba božské zanícení v lidu pro cesty do Jeruzaléma (…) někteří z nich táhnouce touto naší zemí, z dopuštění Božího se obořili na Židy a proti jejich vůli je křtili a ty, kteří se protivili, zabíjeli.“; Kosmova kronika česká (přeložili Karel Hrdina a Marie Bláhová), Praha Svoboda, 1972, volume 3, chapter IV, p. 146. 13 COHEN, M.R.: Pod křížem a půlměsícem, p. 80-116. 14 Not only on the role of Jews in the emerging cash economy of the European Middle Ages see LE GOFF, J.: Peníze ve středověku, Praha Mladá Fronta, 2012, passim.

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13th century these issues were dealt with in regulations adopted by the IV Lateran Council.15 They put into practice a number of discriminatory measures relating to Jews (eg. prohibition of holding public offices, wearing different clothes for easier identification, etc.). They were justified by the alleged permanent and intensive Jewish effort to „harm“ those hated Christians.16 Gradually, what Kriegel referred to as „medieval anti-Semitism“ based on the theological foundation and motivated by a new wave of antipathy associated with Jewish activities in the economy began to take shape.17 The Anti-Jewish „state of mind“ among the members of late medieval society at this stage is increasingly supported by elements of that Eco´s „mythic otherness“ (by information about ritual murders, cult practices associated with the profanation of Christian sacraments, etc.). This trend culminates by designing of various theories of „conspiracy“. The accusations of Jews from poisoning the water wells at the time of the plague spread that decimated society in the late 40‘s of the 14th century appears as a result of them.18 So the last „late medieval“ phase of coexistence of Jews and Christians was, from the very beginning, marked with an increasingly frequented persecution, degradation of the legal status of the Jews and their growing dependence on the goodwill of the sovereign or the changing social situations. In all stages of its development, we can observe different emphasis placed on different aspects - theological-religious, economic and social – which was creating mutual relationship between Jews and the Christian society. The changes of the legal status of Jewish communities and variable argumentation used in justifying attacks on them reflect the development of a wide range of phenomena, such as, among others, development of relationship between secular and spiritual power in the Middle Ages, religiosity of townsmen, or the relations between the urban population and their urban landowners within the urban community. The theory of the genesis of medieval anti-Judaism and mass persecution of Jews is primarily connected with two areas : religious and economic.

15 COHEN, M.R.: Pod křížem a půlměsícem, p. 95-99. 16 KRIEGEL, M.: Encyklopedie středověku, p. 903-904. 17 Ibidem. 18 Ibidem, s. 905.

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Antijudaism itself is not a matter of the Middle Ages. The early Christian society took over the antipathy towards Jews and legal standards confirming their exclusivity as a heritage of the late antique period.19 Initially, however, the relatively tolerant attitude towards people honouring The Law and traditions of their ancestors was not a barrier against the development and gradual consolidation of the ideologies profiting from deeply rooted anti-Jewish sentiments within the society. The origin of the image of The Jew – The Common Enemy – could be seen for instance in such activities as sermons of John The Chrysostom, whose activity in this direction was prompted by threats arising from the conversions of Christian believers, followers of young and still not consolidated religion, who could be greatly impressed by the sophisticated theological and ritual concept of Judaism.20 His rhetoric was later adopted by other anti-Jewish minded authors. However, the generally accepted ideological concept developed by St. Augustine pointing at the highest authority - The Bible - spoke in favour of respect and tolerant coexistence with the Jewish ethnic group. According to his theory, it was necessary to tolerate Jews, because the capital punishment incident to their tribes for wrongdoing to the Son of God and his followers is the very fact that they are forced – in distraction and social isolation – to observe the rise and triumph of the religion hostile to them, Christianity. However, their ethnic group, which by its very existence verified the roots of the Christian religion, should be the subject to unreservedly benevolent domination and their life limits should be determined by the Christian majority.21 Strengthening of this Early Christian „theological anti-Judaism“22 was bound to the continuous consolidation of the Christian religion and its doctrinal system. The Jew here was perfectly playing his role in the process of „making the enemy“ which led to strengthening of internal integrity of the Christian community. This exact theological element played - despite the acknowledged and conciliatory anti-Judaism of St. Augustine - an important role not only in racionalization and justification, but also in the actual escalation of conflict between Jews and Christians. It was no coincidence that their frequency

19 COHEN, M.R.: Pod křížem a půlměsícem, p. 81 ff. 20 COHEN, M.R.: Pod křížem a půlměsícem, p. 65 ff. 21 Ibidem, p. 67. 22 KRIEGEL, M.: Encyklopedie středověku, p. 898-910, passim.

116 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE increased during the battles with the dissenters in the late 11th and 12th centuries, the period which was so important for the ideological maturation of Christian society. During the evolutionary period of the relationship between these two groups, marked by Maurice Kriegel as „the interim period“ (12th and 13th century) the development of various eschatological concepts contributed and added to exacerbating of the situation combining the latest things of the world and of man with the fate of the Jews, especially their mass (and involuntary) conversion to Christianity.23 A good example of such conflicts can be seen in events directed against the Jews and related to the Crusades to the Holy Land in our country, which have already been mentioned in connection with the Kosmas report. Per- secutions connected with violent christianization of Jewish population („… a proti jejich vůli je křtili…“ - „... and against their will they baptized them ...“)24 were certainly not only caused by religious fervor of the crowd but a number of other factors participated within the creation of their origins, while single contribution of each one of them varied from case to case. But the religious layer of meaning of the conflict clearly predominated at this time. However, actions targeted against Jews were also, from the outset, motivated by economic profit arising from the confiscated property of the perse- cuted ones.25 During the aforementioned „interim period“, the importance of the economic factor effect in the development of pogroms significantly grew, this being associated with both cultural and economic development within the European society. The consolidating urban society required its ideology and its enemies. Again, the Jew fulfilled the concept of an ideal enemy deliberately harming the Catholic population well. Also, due to the numerous economic and social restrictions from the beginning of the Middle Ages, the Jew- ish interests were focused onto the sphere of long distance trade and finance and together with the limits arising from the efforts to separate the Jewish element from the majority Christian society and to control their movement

23 According to some conceptions should be the presage of The End of The World and The Last Judgement connected with mass conversions of Jewish population; see VALTEROVÁ, J.: Středověká setkání s „jinými“, p. 93. 24 Kosmova kronika česká (translation Karel Hrdina and Marie Bláhová), Praha Svoboda, 1972, volume 3, chapter IV, p. 146. 25 HOFFMANN, F.: Středověké město v Čechách a na Moravě, Praha Nakladatelství Lidové noviny, 2009, p. 378 ff.

117 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE gradually began to dominate just the business of money transactions (in particular lending money, usury), which was partially legitimized by religious and secular standards.26 Accumulation of capital in the hands of the Jewish population of medieval towns, their importance for the developing economy and their participation in profits of the royal chamber and the privileges resulting out of this as well as other business activities necessarily had to be a pain in the neck for the emancipated bourgeoisie, nota bene, if the townspeople themselves were forced to use the services of the Jewish financiers. The os- cillation among protection, exploitation and persecution applied in relation to the Jews by the land lord, under whose competence and direct authority they usually came,27 was reflected also in its relations to the urban society in the economic and political field.28 The generally widespread theoretical conception that considered the major cause of anti-Jewish pogroms within the medieval urban society in the role that the Jewish population played in the frameworks of late medieval economy, certainly builds on the fact that all legislative interventions, sanctions and measures taken against the Jews were always tied to the economic side of things, whether they benefited to the ruler or just to his townspeople according to the ruler´s wish.29 The requirements of the urban population were reflected in strongly anti- Jewish-focused sermons of members of the establishing monastic communities of mendicants. The new expression of bourgeois religiosity was founded by their activities. Religiosity, that connected theological element with the element of socio-economic life of society. Preachers recruited from the group of the mendicant orders denouncing religious ethics contradictory phenomena unfolding in an urban environment had played the role of a kind of

26 Ibidem, p. 379; COHEN, M. R.. Pod křížem a půlměsícem, p. 91-116. 27 Appears also the phenomenon of „town or city Jews“; see COHEN, M.R.: Pod křížem a půlměsícem, p. 114-116. 28 Thing of eg. the way the king Václav IV exploited his „Jevish policy“ in relation to the urban communities in Holy Roman Empire to his advantage; HOFFMANN, F.: Středověké město, p. 378 a ff. 29 For instance in Wroclaw, all Jewish posession and property was – similarly as in the other European countries – confiscated at the pogroms connected with plaque epidemies (first half of 14th century) and was incorporated to the holding of the town; BOBOWSKI, K.: Ze studiów nad prześladowaniami i pogromami Żydów na Śląsku w dobie średniowiecza, Śląski kwartalnik historyczny Sobótka rocznik XLIV (1989), nr. 1, p. 5-11, partikularly p. 9 ff.

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„enemy creators“ and they greatly affected the creation and justification of all violence against the Jewish minority. For instance if we pursue the Wrocław pogrom in the mid-15th century – an outstanding part of it falls to the personality of the Franciscan preacher John of Capistrano (his influence on the Wrocław events of May 1453, see below). As it was already pointed out by Michael Hohlstein,30 according to many researchers, the Franciscan preachers of the Italian Quattrocento followed especially one goal by their demeanour - the economic and moral revitalization of urban society, which would be able to function within just developing market economy based on profit, without the need to violate basic moral and ethical principles and thus prevent their own salvation, just like with the Jews, to whom it was allowed by their moral sagging business ethics.31 At the same time, in accordance with Eco, he considered so motivated negotiations leading to the marginalization and stigma- tization of „the others“ for „social instinctive reaction“ of societies exposed to the crisis phenomena.32 In the connection with the designing image of a Jew and its use for the purpose of creating a „public enemy“ for the consolidation and stabilization of majority a closer look at the mutual relations between Christians (represented in this case by missionaries) and members of the Jewish community in non-European territories also seems to be inspiring. The role of a kind of gluing agent, the „other“, to define Christian social and cultural reality, was assumed there by a more exotic „dissenters“, this also being reflected in the marginal interest which Cristian authors devoted to Jewish population.33

The economic situation of the late medieval Wroclaw The course of the 14th and the first half of the 15th century found the Lower Silesian metropolis in the political and economic boom and prosperity. And even the first decades of the 15th century, marked by the Hussite wars, failed to slow down the development of Wrocław economy kickstarted by 30 HOHLSTEIN, M.: Soziale Ausgrenzung im Medium der Predigt, Der franziskanische Antijudaismus im spätmittelalterlichen Italien, Köln Böhlau Verlag, 2012, p. 12-31. 31 Ibidem. 32 Ibidem, p. 19-20. 33 See also VALTROVÁ, J.: Středověká setkání s „jinými“, Praha Argo, 2011, particularly p. 91-98.

119 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE favorable economic policies or to break the strong bonds of long-distance trade, which, in case of Wrocław, extended as far as Venice or Nuremberg.34 Even in the situation of the city of Wroclaw, profiting, inter alia, from the political and the economic isolation of Prague and the Czech countries, gradually began to show effects of the crisis phenomena, which were brought by the 15th century. The period in which the largest Jewish pogrom in the medieval history of the city took place (mid 15th century), can be described as a „period of stagnation“ in which, however, Wrocław already had to contend with the first signs of economic decline accompanying the conflict with George of Podebrady since the 60‘s of the 15th century and culminating about three decades later with a trade war against the Polish Kingdom.35 Dynamically changing political situation of the early 15th century, associated with the Hussite danger, the Wroclaw uprising and subsequent consolidation of circumstances by Sigismund of Luxembourg, obviously brought in some economic consequences. Despite the fact that the political status of the city council, which posessed almost continuous tenure since the spring of 1425 (until the mid-17th century) in the Office of Landeshauptmann„ “ (State Captain),36 seemed to be stable, we cannot talk about the real financial stability. Population of Wroclaw, together with incoming merchants, was - in connection with the necessity of settlement of the municipal debt - burdened with a number of indirect taxes. The financial resources were also draining away by the necessary expenditures to military actions against the Hussites.37 The economy of the city was also negatively influenced by the business rivalry with Krakow and Polish rulers, who, in an attempt to limit the economic

34 MYŚLIVSKI, G.: Wrocław w przestrzeni gospodarczej europy (XIII-XV wiek), Centrum czy peryferie? Wrocław Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2009, eg. p. 496 ff. 35 Ibidem, p. 498 ff. 36 In detail dealt with the Landeshauptmann‘s office WÓŁKIEWICZ, E.: „Capitaneus Silesiae“. Królewscy namiestnicy księstwa wrocławskiego i Śląska w XIV i XV wieku, in: Monarchia w średniowieczu — władza nad ludźmi, władza nad terytorium. Studia ofiarowane Profesorowi Henrykowi Samsonowiczowi, A. PIENIĄDZ- SKRZYPCZAK – M. R. PAUK [eds.], Warszawa-Kraków, 2002, p. 169-225 37 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia - tom 1. Od pradziejów do końca czasów habsburských (Cezary Buśko, Mateusz Goliński, Michał Kaczmarek, Leszek Ziątkowski), Miasto w nurcie prądów późnego średniowiecza, Wrocław Wydawnictwo Dolnośląskie, 2002, p. 180 – 181.

120 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE strength of Wroclaw townspeople, supported the development of competitive urban markets.38 Trading and business of Lower Silesian metropolis got even more complicated due to activities of Dukes of Oleśnica, meaning especially their collection of duties on the trading route leading to the Polish inland at the point of crossing the river Vidava in the immediate vicinity of the city.39 Even the friendly financial policy was not able to get the city out of insolvency and financial rehabilitation of municipal debt and costly projects associated with military actions had to be covered from other sources. These were, for example, the loans provied by Jewish creditors.40 And the similar solution of cash shortage was usually chosen not only by the city council, but also by individual townspeople.41

Anti-Jewish pogrom in the spring of 1453 as the response to the economic decline We encounter the presence of permanently established Jewish population in Wroclaw since the early 12th century, and the extension of their activities to the entire territory of Lower Silesia could be detected in the sources primarily of the following century.42 The flow of Jewish immigrants is as- 38 We are talking here primarily about the establishment of competitive so-called „Saint John’s Market“ in Poznan in 1441; see MYŚLIWSKI, G. particularly p. 130, 368, 499 et sub.; to the competitive struggle with Krakow and in general to the connection of economic development with the changing political situation see BORCHARDT, K.: Handel i polityka w późnośredniowiecznym Wrocławiu, Śląski kwartalnik historyczny Sobótka rocznik LXI (2006), nr. 2, p. 249-257, particularly p. 252. 39 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia p. 180. 40 M. Goliński pointed, that between 1425-1445 the city council had borrowed altogether of eleven times; Mateusz GOLIŃSKI, Historia Wrocławia, p. 181. 41 About the praxis of lending money and the necessity of using the services of the usurers by townsmen of Wroclaw, with what were usually bounded such things as for example closing transactions on Sunday see GOLIŃSKI, M.: Wrocławskie spisy zastawów długów i mienia żydowskiego z 1453 roku, Wrocław Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2006, particularly p. 23-76. 42 To the origins of Jewish settlement in Poland for example.Majer BAŁABAN, Kiedy i skąd przybyli Żydzi do Polski, Warszawa Menora, 1931. More particularly to the situation in Wroclaw and Lower Silesia BOBOWSKI, K.: Ze studiów, p. 5-11; pointed some relations of transfer and sale of Jewish real property in the mid 12th and early

121 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE sociated with the waves of immigration from the west due to the escalation of tension within the society during the time of crusades and the Mongol threat.43 Silesia, with its relatively tolerant system of legal norms and guarantees provided by the ruler, constituted a convenient living space for Jews, where, moreover, they were offered a wider range of possibilities than only to assert themself in the area of the financial services all this due to the low level of crafts and trade development.44 The life of the Jewish community in Wroclaw, similar to the existence of the Jewish residents in other Silesian cities, was adjusted primarily by regulations of the ruler, under whose direct jurisdiction Jews came under. However, even a number of privileges and trade regulation did not prevent the emergence of conflicts with the burgers or townsmen in general. For the first time, the Jews were expelled from Wrocław already in the twenties of the 13th century and the violence against the Jewish population arised continuously especially in critical social situations such as the famines (1319), the plague epidemies (after 1348) or situations caused by natural disasters (drought and pestilence 1362).45 According to an European standard, not just the Jews and Christians interfered in Silesia but also those who claimed their right to decide about their own destiny themselves. So in this way, even standards for the mutual coexistence of Christians and Jews announced by ecclesiastic authorities were con- travening the regulations of landlords mentioned above – at first of individual Silesian dukes, later of Czech sovereigns - kings. The global anti-Semitic tone of the ecclesiastic regulations (whether they were issued because of a threat for the Christian religion and its followers by the Jews or motivated by the desire to reduce the economic benefits of local rulers and thus their competence in this area) is already apparent from the enactments of the Synod As- sembly in Wroclaw in 1267, wich was the first to discuss and solve the Jewish question here. The Synod, under the chairmanship of the papal legate Guida, took on a number of discriminatory measures against Jews proclaimed by the 13th century, which illustrate the more permanent character of the Jewish presence in the region. 43 BOBOWSKI, K.: Ze studiów, p. 5-6. 44 BOBOWSKI, K.: Ze studiów, p. 5-6.; COHEN, M.R.: Pod křížem a půlměsícem, p. 367- 368. 45 BOBOWSKI, K.: Ze studiów, p. 8.

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IV. Lateran Council about half a century ago (eg. the ban on trading with the Christians, the ban on holding public functions, the need to distinguish Jews from the rest of the population by wearing special clothing, limiting their business activities, esp. usury, etc.., moreover, dealt with their spatial segrega- tion) and thus it was tending to reduce the tolerated status of Jews guaranteed in privileges emited by landlord in the sphere of economy, government and of contact with the Christian population in legal sense.46 However there are legitimate doubts about the level of implementation of these regulations in Silesia, especially in connection with the frequency of repeated issuance of this regulations and of course with the important role played by the Jewish capital in the medieval economy. Nevertheless, development within the urban community naturally tended to reduce the previously relatively free and protected position of the Jews in the economic sphere of the city (especially in local and long-distance trade), where they competed with more and more self-confident Christian bourgeoisie.47 Some restrictive measures on trade with the Jews (especially the ban to buy „unclean“ meat from Jewish butch- ers) were for that reason later adopted by the decree of Wrocław City Council in 1315. Its acceptance is associated with a significant anti-Jewish action of bishop of Wrocław Henry of Vrbno between 1314- 1319. 48 During the 14th and 15th centuries, various synodal decrees dating back to the 60th of the 13th century appeared again in documents issued by the bishops of Wroclaw (Nanker 1333, Conrad Olešnický 1446).49 It was during the reign of latter mentioned bishop Konrad when an exacerbation of anti-Jewish sentiment took place, both because of the Hussite threat (Jews were believed to be adherents of the Hussites) and also in connection with activities of mendicant preachers, whose participation in the genesis of late 46 RABINA, J.: Kościól wobec Żydów na średniowiecznym Śląsku, Śląski kwartalnik historyczny Sobótka rocznik XLIV (1989), nr. 1, p. 13-33. 47 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia, p. 117-118. 48 To his activities belongs particularly the struggle against arising heresies including Judaism, therefore he supported the activities of mendicants – Dominicans and Franciscans, see DRABINA, J.: p. 19 ff.; GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia, p. 139- 140. 49 The only exception on the field of issuing anti-Jewish restrictions represents the period of administration of bishop Přeclav of Pohořelá, what Drabina connected with the protective tendency towards Jewish population by Curia Romana; DRABINA, J.: Kościól wobec Żydów, particularly p. 25-26.

123 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE medieval anti-Judaism has already been mentioned. His successor on the epis- copal see – Peter II. Novák had to deal with the issue of regulations relating to Jews in the context of the contradictions between him and the representatives of the clergy that flared up around the acceptance of the new statutes of Wrocław diocese.50 His role in events around the Wrocław pogrom in spring 1453 is then documented in a set of letters on the May events, which he addressed to the various participants as the one who holds the position of the head of the Diocese of Wroclaw. As it was already indicated, in addition to ecclesiastic and royal decrees on the field of regulation of social and economic position of the Jewish population the measures taken by the city council were also increasingly applied. Their influence on the solution of the Jewish issue was in appropriate proportion to the economic development of the municipality. Around the end of the 13th century, the aim to regularize the situation of the Jewish community in the city became more and more a part of the municipal jurisdiction and some charges levied from the Jews also rolled into the city coffers.51 For example, there were regulations that reduced the length of their stay in the city.52 There existed mostly monetary penalties imposed on those Jews who would not respect them. It was a balancing act between the use of profits resulting from the Jewish population and the elimination of business competitor and creditor by the representative of the city, what led to a series of contradictory situations, such as for example quick comeback of formerly expelled Jewish population into the city after the famine in 1319 and their smooth reintegration into economic life of the urban community.53 Economic pressure exerted on Jews in the 14th and 15th centuries by both the ruler and the city council, with promises of protection and repeated confirmation of protective decrees or vice versa persecution and confiscation of Jewish property had resulted in an outflow of Jews into neighboring Świdnica and later into Krakow.54 Profits arising from the Jewish community in the landlord‘s treasury also often became means to redeem his debt to the City Council.

50 DRABINA, J.: Kościól wobec Żydów, p. 29-30. 51 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia, p. 118, 140. 52 DRABINA, J.: Kościól wobec Żydów, p. 9. 53 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia, p. 140. 54 Ibidem, p. 156.

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Otherwise featured Jewish property represented a subject of dispute between the landlord and the representatives of the urban community, as it happened for example at the time of the „plague“ pogrom in 1339, when the ownership claims of both parties were finally solved by compromise, the king and the council simply sharing these profits.55 These circumstances support the opinion of mainly economic background of most late medieval anti-Semitic campaigns, although official reasons were based on doctrinal concepts rooted in the anti-Judaism of the early Middle Age theologians supported by the social and economic development in the following centuries. Let‘s look closer at the motivation that influenced the escalation of violence in the case of a series of pogroms that took place in Silesia in 1453. The wave of persecutions started in early May by violent actions against Jews right in Wroclaw, which will be discussed primarily, and then continued in other Silesian cities (Świdnica, Javor, Lwówek Słąski, etc..). The sequence of events follows. At the beginning of r. 1453, as Eschenloer informs us, „Interea Wra- tislaviam venit devotus pater Johannes de Capistrano“,56 the future saint, Franciscan preacher and co-founder of Bernardines, the branch of Franciscan monastic order, invited by the Bishop of Wrocław, Peter II. Nowak, as well as by the General Chapter and the representatives of the city council, to encourage the self-awareness by his sermons of religious war with heretics and morally exhausted bourgeoisie and the clergy of Wrocław and to found the Bernardine monastery in the city. From February to April he preached this „contra hereticos Bohemos missus“57 the sermons on the Salt Square („Plac Solny“) and in front of the Diocesan Assembly about the Last Judgment and heretics and he ignit- ed the religious feelings of Wrocław inhabitants.58 Under the impression of

55 Ibidem, p. 157-158. 56 MARKGRAF, H.: Historia Wratislaviensis von mag. Peter Eschenloer; Historia wratislaviensis et que post mortem regis ladislai sub electro Georgio de Podiebratbohemorum rege illi acciderant prospera et adversa Scriptores rerum silesiacarum, Herausgegeben von Vereine für Geschichte und Alterthum Schlesiens, Bd. 7, Breslau 1872, p. 5. He stay in Wrocław twice that year, his first stay from 13. 2. to 30. 4., the other came after the May events – 19. 5. until 21. 8.; Jan DRABINA, Kościól wobec Żydów, p. 31; 57 MARKGRAF, H.: Historia Wratislaviensis von mag. Peter Eschenloer, p. 5. 58 Texts of his sermons are kept in The University library of University of Wrocław; DRABINA, J.: Kościól wobec Żydów, p. 31-32; about Kapistran generally see; Eugen JACOB, Johannes von Capistrano, Breslau 1903.

125 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE a rousing speech of a charismatic preacher there came up a surge of violence against social and ecclesiastically inadmissible actions (for instance the cubes and playing cards were burning at the stake, etc.).59 Historians generally as- cribe an essential significance for unleashing of subsequent pogrom straight to Kapistrano agitational activity. Social tensions escalated in the first days of May of the same year when, with the substantial assistance of members of the urban community, there were almost all Jewish inhabitants of Wrocław arrested and imprisoned just in two days.60 On the basis of theft and desecration of the Host, which was - as we learn from a letter of Ladislav the Posthumous to Wrocław City Coun- cil - „durch ainen gepawrn von Langenwesen am nagsten zu der Ölsse“ fraudulently acquired by a certain Jew called Mayer for impure Jewish rituals,61 to those imprisoned, all property were promptly seized and then confiscated by the Wrocław city council and alleged culprits were interrogated and tortured before the tribunal chaired by John Kapistran during his second visit to Wro- claw (May - August), then they were forced to plead guilty and subsequently (August 4th) those who refused the offer of baptism and conversion were burned on the more than four dozen stakes on the Salt Sqare.62 The Latin text from the 15th century that is stored in the National Ossoliński Institute in Wroclaw together with the records of legends devoted to Kapistrano’s life informs us about the tragedy and it inserts into Kapistrano´s own mouth the final judgment of the unfortunates; „Hii, qui de blasphemia nil sciverunt prefata, eligant unum ex hiis, si baptizari volunt, ecce fons fidei recte, vivant in fide recta, si autem baptizari noluerint, in ignem vadant ut filii perdicionis.“63

59 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia, p. 198. 60 Altogether there were about five dozen people; GOLIŃSKI, M: Historia Wrocławia, p. 190; persecution of those who had managed to escape, took four days; GOLIŃSKI, M.: Wrocławskie spisy zastawów, p. 7. 61 BONDY, G.: Zur Geschichte der Juden in Böhmen, Mähren und Schlesien, Tom 1, Praha 1906, s. 132-133, č. 243; OELSNER, L.: Schlesische Urkunden zur Geschichte der Juden im Mittelalter, Wien 1864, s. 76-77 (132-133), č. 33.; s. GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia, s. 190. 62 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia, p. 191. 63 De persecutione Iudeorum Vratislaviensium Anno 1453, Monumenta Poloniae Historica, t. 4, issued by KETRZYŃSKI, W. Lwów 1884, p. 5.

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There is certainly no doubt that individual participants in these events as described above were motivated by different reasons. However, the remarkable speed achieved by the city council with which all Jewish property inventory was carried out – there are two inventories compiled by authorized officers immediately after arresting of the Jews on May 4th to 7th64 - at least demonstrates the utilitarism and clear economic context of negotiations of representatives of the city. It’s important to emphasize that in addition to the seized tangible and intangible property, articles of daily use and valuables formed a considerable item in the list of seized goods, and also pawned objects and debentures of the Christian debtors, there is no doubt about their fate in the current situation – they were probably destroyed.65 Despite the fact that the Jews were not the only provider of loans to the city council, the creditors´ share on the debt of the city was certainly considerable. The prag- matic attitude that the city council took on in this very situation is also obvious while observing a communication between the council and the involved representatives of secular and spiritual power. The communication between the representatives of the city and Ladislaus the Posthumous was quite intensive, which logically resulted from the legal status of the Jewish population, falling under the administration of the royal chamber. There is also no doubt that Ladislaus, dwelling at the end of May in Vienna and sending its assignees to Wrocław, aimed to partly calm the situation, but especially to resolve this issue for his own good – especially considered the confiscated property. The letter dated May 22nd was expressing a clear agreement with the negotiation of the City Council,66 about which Ladislaus had been informed by the city representatives earlier, informing them of dispatch of „unser getrewn lieben Sigmunden Potemprunner und Oswalten Reicholf, unser dienner und volmechtig sandpoten“, who should properly investigate this issue – along with the members of the council, of course. Within the next two months, Ladislaus himself adressed another two letters in this matter to Silesia, the first of which dated to June 2667 having informed „allen und yeglichen Fürsten, Haubtlewten, Herrn, Rittern und Knechten, Phlegern, Burggraven, Burgermais-

64 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Wrocławskie spisy zastawów, p. 7 ff. 65 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia, p. 192. 66 OELSNER, L.: Schlesische Urkunden zur Geschichte der Juden, p. 76-77 (132-133), nr. 33. 67 Ibidem, p. 78 (134), nr. 34.

127 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE tern, Ratmannen und Burgern“ of entrusting authority of ambassadors and the second one, released a month later in Brno (July 24) 68 summarizes the results of their investigation. Considering the scope of the anti-Jewish actions and consequent political, social and economic inpact, the special attention paid to the matter by the landlord was understandable, likewise the initiative of the city council. The situation in relation to the supreme authority of Wrocław Diocese was rather different. According to his indignant letter to the representatives of Wroclaw from early July, the bishop Paul II. Nowak, who has been dwelling at his residence in Nisa during May, had not been informed by the city council about the situation at all. With this letter he tried to appeal strongly on thorough and fair investigation of that matter.69 From the city council point of view it can be concluded that for some reason they did not consider it important to immediately inform the Head of the Local Church Admin- istration. In this context, it might be envisaged that city officials could have considered that conflict more as a secular matter - thus beloging into the economic or socio-political than the religious sphere. However, and more likely, it was a reaction to the generally prevailing climate within the Church that did not favor such an extreme solution of socially and religiously critical situation. Think of a bull issued by the Pope Martin V. three decades before, in which the head of the Christian church had, under the penalty of excommunication, forbidden injustness committed at the Jews, especially in connection with un- substantiated accusations of poisoning the Christian wells or of performing other „traditional“ ritual practices against the Christian sacraments.70 This was in clear contradiction with the overall mood of bourgeois society incited by anti-Jewish oriented preachers of the mendicant orders.71 It is also necessary to mention not too harmonious relationship between the head of the diocese and the clergy, who, shortly before the May events, rejected the statutes proposed by the bishop at the diocesan congress.72

68 Ibidem, p. 78-80 (134-136), nr. 35. 69 DRABINA, J.: Kościól wobec Żydów, p. 31. 70 BONDY, G.: Zur Geschichte der Juden in Böhmen, Mähren und Schlesien, Tom 1, Praha 1906, p. 95-98, nr. 211. 71 DRABINA, J.: Kościól wobec Żydów, p. 28 ff; M. HOLENSTEIN (…) 72 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia, p. 188-189.

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In mid-June, the Bishop addressed straight the group of Wroclaw clergymen and John of Capistrano himself with his next letter asking a swift examination and urgent resolving of the issue and at the same time he ap- proached Ladislaus the Posthumous with a request to solve all matters before a Franciscan preacher would leave the town.73 The participation of John of Capistrano in the provocation of the Wroclaw disturbance and its role as the initiator of anti-Jewish actions are usually considered crucial. M. Goliński as- sumes, that from the very beginning this thesis had been supported by bishop Nowak, who had this way partially relieved himself of the responsibility for violence against Jews in his diocese.74 The polemic against the generally accepted opinion about the guilt of Capistrano was proclaimed by the Polish historian J. Drabina. According to him, there are not factual evidences of anti-Jewish content of Capistrano‘s sermons in Wrocław and not only John‘s absence in Wroclaw at the crucial time speaks to the detriment of similar considerations.75 Probably, anti-Judaisic tendentions of late medieval sermons of Franciscan brothers76, together with Capistrano’s chairmanship of the arbitral tribunal, which had made the final cruel verdict, indicate at least the preacher´s direct involvement in the events. Also, his his participation in the outbreaking of the wave of religious fervor among the inhabitants of the city, the listeners of his stirring sermons against heretics is indisputable. The drastic course of the pogrom and subsequent trial with the Jews reveals a deep-seated hatred of Wroclaw population against the Jewish inhabitants that could not stem only from the economic rivalry between these two groups, but found its origin in theological anti-Judaism supported by Eco‘s „mythic otherness“. A view on the situation from the position of marginalized groups of actors - the lower layers of the society of Wrocław – is according to Katrzyński documented by the above-cited record stored in Ossolineum.77 The description of the Jew - the enemy („Iudeis perversis“) and drastic and unclean Jew- ish religious practices don´t appear only there. Even in official documents

73 DRABINA, J.: Kościól wobec Żydów, p. 31. 74 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Historia Wrocławia, p. 190-191. 75 Jan DRABINA, Kościól wobec Żydów, p. 31-32. 76 See for example HOHLSTEIN, M.: Soziale Ausgrenzung, p. 12-31. 77 De persecutione Iudeorum Vratislaviensium Anno 1453, Monumenta Poloniae Historica, t. 4, issued by Wojciech KETRZYŃSKI, Lwów 1884, p. 1-5.

129 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE there are constantly mentioned bleeding sacraments and all desecrating and contemptible Jewish rituals against Christianity and the pillars of its faith. Religious reasons were officially accepted and recognized as relevant and justifiable motives of pogrom and certainly played an important role in the case of personal motivations of townsmen of Wrocław participating in the persecution of accused Jews. So we can agree with Michael Hohlstein that without any theological foundation the economically motivated attacks themselves would have hardly reached similar extent and intensity.78 However, it must be emphasized that at the background of religious conflict, a number of other processes supporting the escalation of violence took place. The society of Wrocław, facing the first signs of crisis culminating in the economy, and influenced by the experience of the Hussite danger, naturally reacted to the situation. A trumped-up trial with the Jews in Wroclaw can therefore be considered as a means of social instability consolidating within the urban community. In contrast with previous pogroms that hit the Jewish population of Wroclaw, we can see the strong impact of socio-economic factors affecting the initiation of spring 1453, for example incipient economic crisis or economic and political strengthening municipality and the townsmen themselves. The evidence of the mentioned tendencies could be the fact that, after the publication of the sovereign‘s privilege expelling Jews from Wrocław „zu ewigen czeiten“79 in January 1455, the Jews didn‘t return immediately and were not automatically involved into the economic life of the city again, as it was usual in earlier times.

78 HOHLSTEIN, M.: Soziale Ausgrenzung, p. 19 ff. 79 OELSNER, L.: Schlesische Urkunden zur Geschichte der Juden, p. 87 (143), nr. 39.

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Resumé Židovský pogrom jako důsledek hospodářského úpadku obce ve středověku Hana Komárková

Uvažujeme-li nad příčinami protižidovských nálad projevujících se v evropské spo- lečnosti různou měrou a intenzitou diskriminace, perzekuce a sociálního vyloučení příslušníků tohoto etnika nejen po celé období středověku, musíme do svých úvah zahrnout hned několik důležitých činitelů působících na jejich vznik a eskalaci. Kon- flikt mezi většinovou křesťanskou společností a Židy lze totiž nazírat jak z roviny ideové (náboženské), tak hospodářské. K nim se přidružuje ještě jeden významný faktor stimulující nárůst antijudaismu ve středověké společnosti. Je jím s oběma před- chozími činiteli úzce související sociální nestabilita vyvolaná hospodářskými a poli- tickými otřesy či obecně zhoršením životních podmínek většinového obyvatelstva. Cílené podněcování nenávisti vůči představitelům židovského etnika se pak v tomto světle jeví nejen jako nástroj více či méně promyšlené hospodářské politiky nebo součást ideologického boje, ale rovněž jako důsledek společenského úpadku a jaký- si přirozený prostředek k jeho řešení, přirozená reakce systému, která má vést ke konsolidaci a uklidnění společenské situace. Žid totiž představuje ideální objekt pro vytváření obrazu společného nepřítele, na jehož nezbytnost pro plnohodnotnou exis- tenci a bezproblémový chod každého společenství upozornil v jedné ze svých statí nedávno Umberto Eco. Pogromy a stupňování nenávisti vůči židovskému obyvatel- stvu ve městech pozdně středověké Evropy tak lze považovat za reakci na celkovou změnu (a přirozeně zhoršení) životních podmínek i za svého druhu indikátor těchto změn. Ozvěny blížící se hospodářské krize vyvolané konkurencí Polského království i celkovým finančním vyčerpáním v důsledku protihusitských akcí se tak staly význam- ným faktorem ovlivňujícím společenské klima v Dolním Slezsku poloviny 15. století. Vlna protižidovských akcí byla vyvolaná vratislavským pogromem z jara roku 1453. Vratislavská společnost stojící tváří v tvář prvním krizovým projevům v kulminujícím hospodářství a ovlivněná prožitkem husitského ohrožení (fyzického i ideologického) přirozeně reagovala na nastalou situaci. Vykonstruovaný proces s vratislavskými Židy můžeme proto považovat za prostředek konsolidace sociální nestability uvnitř měst- ské komunity. Náboženské důvody byly oficiálně přijímány a uznávány jako relevant- ní a ospravedlnitelné motivy pogromu a jistě hrály důležitou roli i v případě osobní motivace vratislavských měšťanů zapojivších se do pronásledování obviněných Židů. Je ovšem nutné zdůraznit, že na pozadí náboženského konfliktu probíhala celá řada dalších procesů spolupodílejících se na eskalaci násilí. Na rozdíl od předešlých po-

131 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE gromů, které zasáhly židovské obyvatelstvo Vratislavi, setkáváme se při iniciaci toho z jara 1453 s výrazným působením sociálně-ekonomických faktorů, jakými byla nejen zmiňovaná počínající hospodářská krize ale i ekonomicky a politicky se emancipující městská samospráva i samotné měšťanstvo.

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The First Silesians behind the Wheel. The Beginnings of Motoring in Central Europe with Austrian Silesia as an Example

Zdeněk Kravar

Abstract: Using the examples of two events which were firsts in their time, the author presents the arrival of motoring in the conscience of the public in Moravia and particularly in Silesia at the beginning of the 20th century. The first event was a grand promotional drive of the Moravian - Silesian Auto Club in Northern Moravia and to Silesia in June 1907. Also the first international motor race in Silesia four years later was similarly significant. Keywords: motoring in Silesia, promotional drive, Moravian - Silesian Auto Club, Au- gust Strasilla, Heinrich Keil

It will be 108 years this November since the establishment of the Moravian - Silesian Auto Club, which is in no way a rounded anniversary. However, it is interesting to note what a huge change the automobile, indispensable today, has made over a mere century. Let us take a look at what the beginnings of motoring were like in (today’s) Czech Silesia and what contributed to the fact that already by the beginning of the Great War the automobile had been established even here as a progressive invention. Two extraordinary events will suit very well to demonstrate this process, that is to say, the first promotional drive of motor cars to Silesia and the first international automobile race in this area.

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Automotive Clubs Automobiles appeared in Silesia as early as the turn of the 19th and 20th century. The first motor car was apparently seen on the streets of Ostrava as far back as 1897. Ernst Weisshuhn, son of businessman and industrialist Carl Weisshuhn, is considered to be the owner of the first automobile in Silesia or, more precisely, in the Opava region.1. As early as 1903 he was supposed to have bought his first automobile, which was said to be a product of the Kopřivnice wagon factory, Nesselsdorfer.2 The oldest motoring club which still exists today was founded in Decem- ber 1894 in Paris. At that time there were allegedly only three automobiles in the entire Hapsburg monarchy and they were of foreign origin.3 The first motoring organisation in the Hapsburg monarchy originated at the end of

1 This information is not confirmed by Weisshuhn’s daughter in her memoirs, where she states that it was not her brother Ernst, but father Carl Weisshuhn himself, who owned the first automobile in Silesia. WEISSHUHN, Ida: Vzpomínky na mého otce. Erinnerungen an meinen Vater. Opava 2001, p. 54: „V roce 1900 první majitel automobilu ve Slezsku“ (“In 1900 the first automobile owner in Silesia”). 2 HAVRLANT, Petr: Počátky automobilismu v Hradci nad Moravicí, aneb „španělský šlechtic“ z hradeckého zámku. (The Beginnings of Motoring in Hradec nad Moravicí, or the “Spanish Nobleman” of the Hradec chateau. Sborník Národního památkového ústavu v Ostravě 2011 (Anthology of the National Institute for the Preservation of Historical Monuments), p. 108–112. SONNEK, Ladislav: Jak se žilo v Hradci nad Moravicí na počátku 20. století. (What it was like to live in Hradec nad Moravicí at the beginning of the 20th century). Opava 2003, p. 100, 113–114. Havrlant also shows a photo, dated after 1906, in which a group in the car with driver Josef Henčl is shown. It is a question whether it is a car procured in 1903, because it could be only Nesselsdorfer of type B, C or D. According to the lists of members of the Moravian and Silesian Automobile Club from 1912 Ernst Weisshuhn owned a car of the marque Turicum Uster, which he had acquired in 1907. The Provincial Archive in Opava (Zemský archív v Opavě (Land Archive in Opava), hereinafter only LAO), the Family Archive and Central Administration of the Estates of Lichnovský, inv. no. 525, carton 33. 3 KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko-společenské podmínky rozvoje automobilismu do první světové války. (Economic and Social Conditions of the Development of Motoring until World War One). In: K dějinám Tatry Kopřivnice. (As regards the history of Tatra Kopřivnice). Anthology of Contributions III, Kopřivnice 1975, p. 35–82. Siegfried, Count Wimpffen, and Count Johann Wilczek junior acquired the first automobile ever in 1891, which was powered by a steam engine and which came from France. The third automobile in the monarchy was bought in 1894 by the Liberec businessman Baron Theodor Liebig.

134 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE the 19th century. On 6th February 1898 the Austrian Automobile Club (Ös- terreichischer Automobil-Club) was founded in Vienna as an association of interested motorists.4 Its goal was primarily to promote and spread interest in this new invention. But automobiles had to become established first, as people were rather distrustful and worried about the operation of such machines among the public. Exhibitions and promotional drives of automobiles, often in the form of a race, were chosen as a suitable means for popularising automobiles. The founding members of the automobile club consisted mainly of rich members of the aristocracy and businessmen, which was related to the fact that buying a car was an extremely expensive matter. Among the founders of the Viennese club, there were also persons with ties to Silesia such as Count Johann Wilczek the Senior. The automobile club presented itself at the Vien- nese Jubilee Exhibition with several cars, not only with petrol engines, but there was also an electric car. The exhibition included the Prezident from the Kopřivnice works, presented here as the first industrially produced automobile in the monarchy. The auto club also held the first driver training with this car. It supported the establishment of petrol stations, which numbered around 70 in 1900. Without doubt, Vienna can be described as one of the first centres of motoring, as in 1899 the 1st international automobile exhibition took place here and other exhibitions followed over the next few years. The development of motoring is documented also by automobile clubs which began to appear at the beginning of the 20th century. The first club in Bohemia was the Czech Motorists’ Club, founded in March 1904 in Prague. The Czech Motorcyclists’ Club also originated in the same year; both merged in 1909. In 1905, the Nor- dböhmischer Automobil Club (North Bohemian Auto Club) was founded in Liberec.5

4 For more information go to: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%96sterreichischer_ Automobil-Club. 5 KRÁLÍK, Jan: 100 let klubového života 1904–2004 (100 Years of the Club Life in 1904- 2004), Dolní Kounice 2004, p. 4–9. Nordwestböhmischer Automobile Club in Teplice was founded in the same year as the Moravian-Silesian Club; other clubs were established in Jablonec nad Nisou, Prague, Žatec, Pilsen, Karlovy Vary and in 1914 in Rumburk. All these clubs were German. The clubs also used similar signs, consisting of two winged wheels connected with a hand and lightning.

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The Moravian - Silesian Automobile Club (Mährisch-schlesischer Auto- mobil Club) was established on 18th November 1906 in the hall of the Mora- vian Trades Club in Brno.6 Its foundation was the work of a trio of motoring enthusiasts, Adolf Petriček, Rudolf von Rohrer and the Olomouc attorney Dr. Viktor Kaplan. The first steps were taken for the establishment of the automobile club in Olomouc, whose initiator was Kaplan himself.7 At the request of motorists in Brno, he joined their preparation committee and most likely at the same time information concerning the foundation of the club spread among enthusiasts in Silesia, which were certainly not many at that time. Therefore, we see the Opavian representative August Strassilla among the twelve members of the first, constituent general assembly8. Dr. Emanuel von Proskowetz was elected president of the club9, and Ru- dolf M. Rohrer its vice-president. And among six members of the committee there was the Opavian representative Heinrich Keil10. The other Opavian member of the executive, Strasilla, became one of two inspectors of the club. Based on his proposal, the members of the assembly agreed unanimously

6 For more detailed information on its history see PROSKOWETZ, Emanuel: Lebensgeschichte. In: 25 Jahre Mährisch-schlesischer Automobil-Club Brünn. In: AZ Motorwelt – Sonderheft 1-2 1932, 25 Jahre Mährisch-Schlesischer Automobil-Club, p. 4–12. Also KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko-společenské podmínky (Economic and Social Conditions), p. 63–71. 7 KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko-společenské podmínky (Economic and Social Conditions), p. 67. 8 August Strasilla (1846–1922), the owner of a printing works in Opava, a great promoter of sports, cycling and, last but not least, also motoring. For more details see the biogram in PELC, Martin in: Biografický slovník Slezska a severní Moravy (The Biographical Dictionary of Silesia and Northern Moravia, hereinafter only BDSNM), new edition 11, p. 120. More details also in PELC, Martin: Zjištění o Augustu Strasillovi. (Findings concerning August Strasilla.) In: Struktury opavského sportu 1850–1938 (The Structures of Opavian Sports 1850-1938) , Opava 2009, p. 59–66. 9 Emanuel Proskowetz from Proskow and Marksdorff jun. (1849–1944), son of the Austrian businessman and politician Emanuel P. (1818–1909), who had run a sugar refinery since 1850 in Kvasice and became a renowned specialist in the sugar industry. His son dedicated himself to water management and in the time of the Czechoslovak Republic he was an honorary doctor of the College of Agriculture and Forest Industry. More information in the entry of authors Jan Županič and Václav Horčička at: www.novanobilitas.eu. 10 MEDKOVÁ, Marta in BDSNM 5, p. 58–59, Heinrich Keil (born 1856), businessman in the iron industry, in Bohumín he dealt with the manufacture of wires; the company later turned into the Ironworks and Wiring Works in Bohumín.

136 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE with the naming of the club in that it bore the names of both provinces, i.e., both Moravia and the smaller Silesia.11 In the next phase of its existence, the members of the club dedicated themselves to the preparation of the statutes and acceptance of new members, whose numbers had already reached 55 by 1st January 1907. The first proper general meeting took place on Sunday 27th January 1907 at 5 p.m. in the hall of the Moravian Trades Club. At the next meeting of the committee towards the end of February 1907 a connection of the club with the Austrian automobile club was negotiated and events that were to lead to the promotion of motoring in Moravia and Silesia were proposed. Proper, extraordinary and supporting members were accepted into the club and various membership fees were assessed to them. In the course of the first semester of 1907 new members were entering the club even from Silesia, where one of the first promotion rides in June of the same year was organized.12 But even without promotion, the awareness of the desirability of automobile ownership grew not only among private businessmen, but also at the official level. Motoring was considered asa means of improving the traffic network in Silesia as early as the beginning of the 20th century. At that time important railway lines were operating, but some lines were either still planned for the future or their construction had been given up, due primarily to the complexity of the terrain. No direct railway line existed from Opava to Vítkov and to Bílovec, and the Opava Town Hall wanted to resolve this issue as far back as 1907 by using automobiles. The city intended to buy three vehicles that could be used as a road link to both these towns. The third vehicle would be used as a back-up for any interruptions on one line or the other. Government support also played a role here, as it was presupposed that the

11 KAPLAN, Viktor: Widmung dem Altpräsidenten Herrn Dr. Emanuel Ritter von Proskowetz. In: AZ Motorwelt – Sonderheft 1-2 1932, 25 Jahre Mährisch-Schlesischer Automobil- Club, p. 13. The author states that, with the exception of himself, all the car owners in Moravia were German. The original idea, that is to say, to establish a provincial automobile club, similarly as in Liberec, was changed in the end on the proposal of President Proskowetz, who had persuaded the committee to accept A. Strasilla. This was originally at variance with the idea that the club should be only an interest organisation with no access for businessmen like Strasilla. However, without his contribution,Silesia would not be successfully integrated into the club 12 PROSKOWETZ, Emanuel: Lebensgeschichte, p. 4–5. The next promotional journey led from Olomouc to Bouzov.

137 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE purchase of vehicles could be subsidised by the government, while the town would provide for their operation. However, this intention was successfully implemented only in 1909. 13 Information concerning the numbers of automobiles at the beginning of the 20th century is available through the official records of their registry. According to the report of the Regional Statistical Office in 1907 there were 20 automobiles and 132 motorcycles altogether in Austrian Silesia.14 Their numbers rose consistently, which the activities of the automobile club most likely contributed to. The next year, 11 automobiles and 31 motorcycles were registered in Opava.15

13 Troppauer Zeitung 7.6.1907. KRAVAR, Zdeněk: Kronikářské zápisy v návštěvních knihách opavského městského muzea – edice (Chronicler’s Entries in Visiting Books of the Opavian Municipal Museum - Edition), Acta Historica Universitatis Silesianae Opaviensis 7, 2014, in the press: Post automobiles. In order to ensure the connection of the provincial capital with Vítkov and Bílovec, on 14th July 1909 3 vehicles arrived in the town. On 30th June a test ride to Bílovec and Vítkov took place, in which invited guests participated. The cars passed through the streets with a speed of 30 km an hour; the first commercial trip took place on 1st July. Křesina states that even automobile transport from Fulnek to Opava had been planned. More in: KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko-společenské podmínky (Economical and Social Conditions), p. 53. 14 LAO, Provincial Statistical Authority for Silesia in Opava, inv. n. 142, cart. 144. There were seven automobiles in Opava. More closely in KRAVAR, Zdeněk: Statistické výkazy počtu automobilů a motocyklů v Rakouském Slezsku. (Statistical Lists of the Number of Automobiles and Motorcycles in Austrian Silesia). In: ŠOPÁK, Pavel a kol.: Město – zámek – krajina. Kulturní krajina českého Slezska od středověku po první světovou válku. (Town – Chateau – Landscape. Cultural Landscape of Czech Silesia from the Middle Ages until World War One). Opava 2012, p. 110–111. 15 KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko-společenské podmínky (Economical and Social Conditions), p. 47. A. Strasilla owned most automobiles; the total number was three passenger cars and one lorry. For the sake of interest, the author mentions the phenomenon that at one place there appeared more cars of one marque; e.g. in Opava 6 cars of 11 were of the Opel marque. He explains it, above all, by sharing good experience of the people who used the automobiles. As regards the registry of the first automobiles see Lao, the Provincial Silesian Government, inv. no. 2166, carton 4360, the allotment of registration numbers to cars and motorcycles and the lists of motor vehicles owners, 1908–1913.

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The Promotional Drive from Olomouc to Opava in June 1907 One of the first promotional trips of the Moravian - Silesian Auto Club focused on the Silesian provincial capital of Opava and it certainly was not by accident. The event was planned for three days and it was to start from Olomouc, as the route from Brno would have been too long. Each day of the three day journey was very well described in the press at the time by a special reporter who participated in the trip apparently in one of the cars.16 The Opavian newspaper Troppauer Zeitung announced well in advance the beginning of the promotional drive from Olomouc to Silesia, which was to take place in any kind of weather, as it was not assumed that there would always be unfavourable weather and rain all the time. Official steps were also taken for a trouble-free course for the trip; in particular, all dangerous curves on the Olomouc – Opava route were to be marked with blue flags. Local authorities were also authorised to supervise the movement of people and animals on the roads. Stops for trip members were designated with yellow flags along the route. Originally, the route was to have a stop in Mladecko, but on the proposal of Heinrich Keil it was moved to Slavkov; i.e., to his large estate17, where Keil offered to prepare refreshments before all the cars gathered, in order to set off together for Opava. 17 car owners registered in advance, and A. Strasilla intended to use his two cars for the trip and Erhard Koebel from Vienna even entered three cars. However, a much greater number of participants was expected, who could still join during Saturday 8th June. On this day, (Saint Medard’s Day), however, the weather shuffled the cards. It rained all day and there were occasional large puddles on the roads. Thus, out of the total number of 25 registered cars and 60 persons, considerably fewer motorists set out on the journey on Sunday 9th June. Their pa-

16 The author of the extended report is not known so far. The series under the name of Die Propagandafahrt des mähr.-schles. Automobilklubs was published in Troppauer Zeitung, 11. 6. 1907, p. 2–3; 12. 6. 1907, p. 3–4; 13. 6. 1907, p. 3–4; 14. 6. 1907, p. 3. Václav Křesina mentions that he draws the reports on the trip upon Deutsche Volkszeitung, see Note 87 in his article. 17 Keil bought the Slavkov estate only in 1907 to sell it the next year to Carl Weisshuhn, Lao, Slavkov Estate, Introduction to the inventory.

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tron, St. Christopher, as the reporter writes, finally had the edge over St. Medard. By morning it had stopped raining and the roads were drying; the sun was even shining. The participants gathered in front of the Hotel Lauer in Olomouc, where it was very lively right from the morning. The presence of several automobiles at one place naturally attracted the attention of the inhabitants of Olomouc. First came the three-member team consisting of the automobiles of the Kopřivnice wagon factory. The first “Nes- selsdorfer” was driven by the factory director, Hugo Fischer von Rösslerstamm, himself, accompanied by The main organisers of the promotional trip from his daughters. The second Olomouc to Opava: Viktor Kaplan, Heinrich Keil, driver was the secretary of August Strasilla. Taken from: AZ Motorwelt – the company Erhard Koe- Sonderheft 1-2 1932, 25 Jahre Mährisch-Schlesis- bel from Vienna and the cher Automobil-Club, p. 7. third car was driven by factory owner Schlosser from Drnholec near Nový Jičín.18 A crowd of people immediately gathered to look

18 KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko-sociální podmínky (Economic and Social Conditions), p. 68 and 73. The Kopřivnice factory officially sent out only two cars; Schlosser’s car probably set out on a test drive, because also the designer Ledwinka went for the trip next to the driver.

140 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE at the cars. In the meantime, other participants were arriving from various sides. Traces of rain were obvious on the cars as well as on their occupants. By 8 a.m. the square in front of the hotel was full of machines and people, so the police were extremely busy keeping order. It was particularly difficult to keep the trams running smoothly as they were passing through the square. Due to the rain, many applicants refused to take part. The Opavian members did not want to turn around right away and go back over the difficult route, especially in those aggravated conditions. In the end, only one car arrived in Olomouc from Opava, that of the businessman Keil, whose occupants were two high officials of the provincial government. The provincial president himself would have participated in the trip if he had not been bound by business obligations to Karviná. The other Opavian car, which belonged to August Strasilla, had to stay behind in Šternberk due to a defective tyre. Strasilla decided to wait for the pack and join it in the direction to Opava. After arriving at the hotel, the cars pulled up next to each other in a row according to the instructions of Dr. Viktor Kaplan who took the role of host and personally welcomed the occupants of each car and immediately took care to make sure that each car was immortalised by the photographer present. He officially welcomed those present on behalf of the provincial governor, building councillor Braun. Among the participants of the promotional drive was a single woman – a driver. Elfriede Hatschek of Vienna started off from the Imperial capital in her “Piccolo”, but she had to give up the trip near Prostějov because of a breakdown. Shortly after 10 a.m. the cars headed off on the journey in three-minute intervals. A total of 16 cars took off with the most powerful ones going first and those with the weaker engines leaving last19. The streets through which the cars passed were completely packed with spectators. During the journey, two more vehicles joined the pack – Isidor Schwarz20 from Moravian Ostrava 19 They took off in the following order: Viktor Thonet (Bystřice), Otto Hückel (Nový Jičín), Bruno Pollak (Vienna), Hugo Hückel (Nový Jičín), Paul Wandel (Prostějov), Fischer von Rösslerstamm (Kopřivnice), Erhard Koebel (Vienna), Schlosser (Drnholec), Heinrich Keil (Opava), Emanuel Rytíř von Proskowetz (Kvasice), Zdenko Vodicka (Uničov), Fritz Hückel (Nový Jičín), Arthur Drucker (Brno), Rudolf M. Rohrer (Brno), C. J. Kudla (Olomouc), Viktor Kaplan (Olomouc). 20 Isidor Schwarz became the first president of the Moravian Ostravian Automobile Club, which originated in 1910. More details in DANĚK, Radoslav: Slavná historie ostravského motoristického sportu do roku 1939. (The Famous History of Ostravian Motoring

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Participants of the first promotional trip in June 1907 during the stop in Slavkov. Taken from: AZ Motorwelt – Sonderheft 1-2 1932, 25 Jahre Mährisch-Schlesischer Automobil-Club, p. 6. and Viktor Lustig from Bohumín. In Pavlovičky, in the suburbs of Olomouc, the author of the report noted an interesting and for him unusual phenomenon: “While mostly in the country people threw stones at the cars, here the occupants of the automobiles were bombarded with blossoms of meadow flowers”.21 The journey to Šternberk followed a road littered with stones and newly created puddles, the depth of which the drivers had no idea of until they drove into them with their cars. As a result, all the travellers were soon covered with mud and beyond recognition. On the other hand, the reporter acknowledged with satisfaction the perfect organisation of the trip on the part of the towns

Sports until 1939.) Vlastivědné listy Slezska a severní Moravy 33 (Papers relating to National History and Geography of Silesia and Northern Moravia 33), 2007, no. 1, p. 19–22. 21 KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko-sociální podmínky (Economic and Social Conditions), p. 57, there are some other cases of similar incidents, also from other countries in Europe. It is probable that throwing flowers was more of an organised activity than the spontaneous manifestation of dissatisfied people, when the car was passing by.

142 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE and villages through which the route led. Policemen on the roads ensured that neither adults nor children ran about on the road and they also checked the movement of animals. People lined the roads everywhere the cars passed forming a kind of a guard of honour. In Dvorce, the firemen welcomed each passing automobile with their trumpeter, who announced the arrival of each car with a blast on his trumpet. Further on to Harta and Hořejší Kunčice, the road led up to the provincial frontier. When they crossed the border, as if by magic, the road changed in the eyes of the reporter. Suddenly, there were no more bumps, as if the cars were sliding on smooth ice. The route led over Deštné, Mladecko and Litultovice to Slavkov. The cars arrived here in adequate time intervals between 12 p.m. and 2 p.m. on 9th June. A pleasant surprise awaited them here, prepared by the owner of the large estate, Heinrich Keil, in a nearby barn, where a buffet was prepared. Cold refreshments were prepared by the ladies from Opava at the incentive of the main organiser, A. Strasilla. After a strenuous journey, the guests could wash up and change, and they enjoyed themselves until 3 p.m., when it was time to set out on the last stage to Opava. Before that, the photographer captured the entire group in front of the barn in a group photograph. The president of the club, Emanuel von Proskowetz, can be seen in the place of honour, in the middle.22 The procession of cars arrived in Opava around 4 p.m. In the village of Latarna, on the outskirts of Opava, the pack was awaited by crowds of curious Opavians, and cheering was heard in the streets of the town for the entire journey. Through the Upper Square, the procession arrived at the hotels Římský císař (The Roman Emperor) and Slezský dvůr (Silesian Court) on Panská Street (today Masarykova), where A. Strasilla had arranged accommodation for the guests. The conclusion of the first day of the promotional drive was assessed by the reporter very optimistically. With only one exception, all the cars managed the 76-km-long track without accident. This exception was the car of the Vice-President of the club, Rudolf M. Rohrer, who was set upon by bad luck immediately upon leaving Brno and he suffered several minor breakdowns

22 PROSKOWETZ, Emanuel: Lebensgeschichte, p. 6, the representation of women is surprising – according to the photograph, 11 women participated in the drive 11.

143 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE during the journey to Olomouc. The same fate befell Rohrer near Šternberk, which was the reason for his withdrawal. The fastest car was Schlosser’s Nesselsdorfer, which completed the route in less than two hours. The car was equipped with a new type of clutch, developed by Kopřivnice’s design engineer Hans Ledwinka. Even the slowest car, with an engine output of 9 horsepower, managed the route in 3 1/2 hours without incident. In the evening, the participants met in Springer’s restaurant23 for a festive banquet, where the garrison band of the Opavian infantry regiment “The Emperor” played. The hotel owner Springer and A. Strassila took the roles of host upon themselves. The Opavian liqueur producer Lichtwitz had prepared a speciality for the visitors. On each table stood a bottle of liqueur, called “Jungbrunnen” (Fountain of Youth) for each guest for the journey the next day, which received a storm of applause. As the Opavian burgomaster Rochowanski was ill, the visitors were welcomed on behalf of the town by the commissioner Kingner. The company enjoyed itself very well until midnight – the gentlemen in travel clothing still bearing traces of the strenuous journey, but ladies in smart evening gowns. Motorists are early risers – as the reporter opened the next day of his narration. The second day of the journey was reserved for Jeseníky. By half past five the engines could be heard starting in the square in front of both hotels, because at six o’clock the cars were to gather in front of the provincial government buildings. The provincial president Heinold-Udyński24 also intended to participate in the ride on that day, specifically, in the car of H. Keil, where a vacancy appeared after his wife backed out due to illness. The only female driver in the trip, Elfriede Hatschek, caused a bit of a stir. After she had managed to put her car back in order again, she set out on the journey to Opava, where she had arrived before five o’clock in the morning. Her Piccolo, however, did not remain there long, as she immediately set off for the destination of the trip – Karlova Studánka. She could not thwart her destiny though, as this time the breakdown put her car out of operation near Horní Benešov.

23 Springer’s restaurant was located in Opava at Upper Square No.25. 24 KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko-sociální podmínky (Economic and Social Conditions), p. 57.

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The cars gathered on Panská Street and from 6:45 they headed out in time intervals, this time with the cars with the lowest horsepower rat- ing leaving first. The last car left Opava around eight o’clock. The number of participants was lower than the previous day, as some had already left Opava for home due to work. However, the car of Camillo Ra- zumovský25 then joined the tour. Among the occupants of his car there was the French military attaché. Strasilla’s second car – a voiturette Puch – was driven by Strasilla junior. A total of 19 cars started off for Karlova Studánka. The weather favoured the trip in open cars; Advertisement of August Strasilla from the period pre- there was no dust on ss. Troppauer Zeitung 18. 6. 1907. the roads and no wind. The route led over Jaktař, Velké Heraltice, Horní Benešov, Bruntál, Andělská Hora, Vrbno pod Pradědem to Karlova Studánka, where a lunch was planned.

25 STIBOR, Jiří in BDSNM, new edition 8, p. 99–100. Camillo Razumovsky (1852– 1917) was owner of several large estates in Silesia; the centre of his domain was the chateau in Dolní Životice. According to the registry from 1912 Razumovsky was owner of two cars of the Opel marque.

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The cars arrived there between 9 and 11 a.m. The Bruntál county warden Weichs zur Wenne welcomed them. The electric car from Frývaldov belonging to hotel “Altvater” met them halfway. The guests toured the spa, and during lunch in A. Riedel’s restaurant, the provincial president praised the organisation of the trip and welcomed everyone. After that, a letter of greeting was sent to the Grand Master of the Order of German Knights, Archduke Eu- gene, as Karlova Studánka was located within the domain of the order. Shortly after noon, the cars set out on a strenuous climb up the hills, with the target destination being Frývaldov (today Jeseník). All the cars managed to climb the hill Vidly, reaching a height of 900 m above sea level, which is higher than the (then) dreaded rise from Strengberg to Linz. The author of the report repeatedly pointed out the perfect quality of Silesian roads, even in the strenuous mountainous environment. The automobiles passed along the White and Black Opava Rivers on twists and turns, where the curves were designated with warning signs reading “Automobilisten Achtung”. The journey led throug Domašov, Adolfovice, and Buková, where crowds of observers stood everywhere along the road sides. The first cars arrived in Frývaldov around 1 p.m. The whole town was on their feet, not only because of the drive, but also because there was sunshine after several rainy days. The cars gathered near the Hotel Altvater. Passengers washed up and set out for Gräfenberg to see the spa. In the evening the company gathered for a festive dinner in the glass hall of the Hotel Altvater, where the provincial president Heinold-Udyński and other high representatives of the State authorities proposed a toast. In his speech, the President of the club, von Proskowetz, again praised the condition of the roads in Silesia. Then he read a telegram of thanks by Archduke Eugene, who wished everyone a successful drive on the remaining part of their ride. Even a greeting telegram from the Vice-President of the club, Rohrer, who had had to give up near Prostějov, arrived in Frývaldov. The proof of tirelessness of motorists was given by the reporter in his description of the further course of the evening. Even after two days on the road they were still in motion and they ended the evening by dancing, accompanied by the spa music band. There was one more surprise during the evening around 11 p.m., when the President of the club appeared in the hall in the company of the beaming E. Hatschek, who had managed to get to the

146 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE destination of that day’s stage. The entertainment finished around midnight, as the motorists were planning to set off again early the next day. “The later to bed, the earlier to rise” – as the last part of the report about the “indestructible characters of these motorists” ran. After an evening of dancing, the ladies began to meet at 6 o’clock the next morning for breakfast on the hotel terrace and by 7 o’clock the gentlemen had also gathered. All the cars were lined up in front of the hotel with the bonnets facing the town and the last group photograph was taken, with the driver of each was standing next to it. Then they all loaded up their luggage and under the leadership of Keil’s automobile, where the Silesian provincial deputy was sitting again, they set out towards Červenohorské sedlo. A fascinating view of the surrounding mountains opened up to the travellers at a height of 1,040 m above sea level. After light refreshments at a mountain chalet, the President of the club, Proskowetz, from the automobile with the provincial president, gathered everyone present. Seeing that the procession would soon leave Silesia, he thanked everyone for their helpfulness and the excellent reception in the crown land of Silesia, which was best displayed by the excellent organisation of each departure. Heinold-Udyński returned the toast and then the cars set off to descend through the twists and turns. The reporter highlighted here the extraordinary character of the situation – which apparently was not captured by the photographer – that is to say, as the automobiles descend one after another on serpentines, always five or six cars were seen and once one disappeared from view, another one appeared above. The motorcade left Silesia, which made the writer again stress the difference in the state of the roads in Moravia and Silesia. The quality of the roads changed; appeared puddles again as well as stony surfaces and after raining, even more puddles appeared. The author noticed one more difference – unlike in Silesia, where motorists were welcomed by the local inhabitants with enthusiasm, in Moravia clenched fists and curses appeared again. After 40 minutes they arrived in Velké Losiny, where the director of the local spa prepared a breakfast for the excursionists in the garden of the spa house, which was decorated with flags as a tribute to the guests. At 11 a.m. the procession started off again, but this time in two directions. Participants said goodbye to each other and wished each other a good trip home.26 The Silesian group set

26 Troppauer Zeitung 26. 6. 1907, a short message gives information concerning the

147 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE out in the direction of Rýmařov, Bruntál, Horní Benešov to Opava, while the Moravian motorists headed off to Šumperk, Uničov and Litovel, in order to terminate their joint journey in Olomouc.27 The writer expressed contentment with the whole event, which contributed also to a closer mutual acquaintance of the members of the club. The total route for the three days exceeded 250 kilo- metres, mostly on unsurfaced roads with sharp mountainous rises.28 As can be seen from the description of such promotional drives, travelling in open cars at that time was really an extraordinary experience, which brought with itself many accompanying negative phenomena. Apart from horse-drawn vehicles, the roads in towns and villages were full of dogs and chickens running about. The quality of the surface was insufficient for the conditions of automotive travel and was particularly dependent on the weather. All these external in- fluences made themselves felt not only on the drivers, but also on the occupants of each car. Generally they all reached the destination covered with dust or mud. It was in the interest of the club to accept other members from the top levels of domestic politics. At the assembly of the committee on 28th January 1908, Prince Jan II of Lichtenštejn was accepted as an honorary member. At the same assembly29, Dr. Karl, the freeman of Heinold-Udyński, who was known as a keen supporter of motoring, became a member. At the second general assembly, which took place on 29th March 1908 in Brno, another Silesian representative, the owner of the estate in Dolní Životice, Camillo Razumovský, took on a role in the leadership of the club, when he was elected the 1st Vice-President of the club. Local groups of the automobile club slowly began to appear. Coinciden- tally, the first of them was established on 27th October 1907 in Moravian

accident, which happened to the Bohumín burgomaster Viktor Fischer on the way home. He chose a route through Prussian Silesia and was passing through the Hlučín region, as it was the shortest way. The driver did not notice that one back door opened in his car during the ride. As a result of this, almost all his luggage fell out, which Fischer noticed only in Bohumín at the railway station. In the article there is not only the description of the lost items, which must have fallen out somewhere along the straightaway between Kravaře and Bohumín, but also a promised remuneration for their discovery. 27 Troppauer Zeitung 14. 6. 1907. 28 KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko-sociální podmínky (Economic and Social Conditions), p. 68. 29 In reality, Heinold-Udyński was Silesian Provincial President until 26th January 1908, when he became Moravian governor. In 1910 he was accepted as an honorary member.

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Registry of the registration numbers issued in the town of Opava, the first one belonging to A. Strasilla (R 401), the second to H. Keil (R 402) and the third to Karl Wei- sshuhn (R 403). LAO, Provincial Silesian Government, inv. no. 2166, carton 4360.

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Ostrava. In 1910 the Moravian-Ostravian Automobile Club was created and its first president was an enthusiastic promoter of motoring, Isidor Schwarz. The number of automobiles was growing here, just as in Silesia. In 1908, 11 automobiles and 45 motorcycles were registered in Moravian Ostrava.30 Cooperation between automobile clubs was reaching an international level. In 1908, Austrian motorists were negotiating the conditions of a hill race, which was to take place in cooperation with the Wrocław Automobile Club31 and soon afterwards a promotional drive took place by the Moravian- Silesian Auto Club to Liberec and then to Prussian Silesia. On 10th – 12th August 1907 the Moravian-Silesian Auto Club organised a meeting with the members of the neighbouring Silesian Automobile Club, for which the town of Cukmantl (today Zlaté Hory) was chosen. On Saturday 10th August, 12 cars arrived from Wrocław, one of which was driven by the president of their club, Count Arthur Kospoth. From the Austrian side, 11 cars participated in the meeting, including President Proskowetz, who travelled with his two sons. The procession set out on a journey through Mnichov and Vrbno pod Pradědem to Karlova Studánka. A group climb up Praděd and a ride to Vidly were planned for Sunday. As usual, festive banquets were held on both evenings. The presidents of the clubs proposed ceremonial toasts and both organisations sent greeting letters to Archduke Eugene. The friendly atmosphere was strengthened by the proposal to hold a trip of Austrian motorists to Wrocław the following year.32

International Race Opava-Ostrava The Moravian-Ostravian Automobile Club did much to organise the first international automobile race in Austrian Silesia. Perhaps it was caused also by organisational troubles of similar big events, which were intended for a “large audience”. Fortunately, Silesia had great supporters of motoring in the persons of the provincial presidents Heinold-Udyński (1905–1908) and

30 DANĚK, Radoslav: Slavná historie (The Famous History), p. 19. The author also mentions that the Police Headquarters in Moravian Ostrava registered in its district only 5 automobiles and 19 motorcycles in 1905. 31 It was founded in 1901. 32 KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko-sociální podmínky (Economic and Social Conditions), p. 69; Troppauer Zeitung 10. 8. 1907, p. 3; 15. 8. 1907, p. 3.

151 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE his successor Max von Coudenhove (1908-1915). The main role in arranging the first race in Silesia was played by the President of the Autoclub in Mora- vian Ostrava, Isidor Schwarz. However, it was not the first race ever, because even in August 1910 the first domestic motoring race ever was held, whose route led between Přívoz and Moravian Ostrava.33 The route of the twenty-kilometre race was set between the towns of Komárov and Třebovice. The race took place on Sunday 25th June 1911. From 1 p.m. the route was closed to regular traffic and other safety measures were also taken in order to avoid any misfortune. In the report on the course of the race only the foolishness of some spectators was mentioned; some people had climbed a wooden pole, located near the road for a new telegraph line, in order to see better. 23 cars started, 15 of which were qualified at the finish.34 In the evening before the race a banquet in the hall of the Opavian pub “The Three Cocks”, in which the county warden Klingner participated, as well as the provincial president Coudenhove with his wife and daughter, representatives of the Opavian burgomaster Krommer and others. The president of the Ostrava club Schwarz read part of a telegram aloud, which was then sent to the Emperor. Many others then proposed ceremonial toasts to the success of the event. It was usual that the participants of motoring trips and races were given alcohol as a gift, and this happened here as well. The Opavian liqueur manufacturer Emil Karplus donated a small bottle of his speciality, “Nobel”, a liqueur “for strengthening the heart”, to each competitor. The garrison music band played to listeners all evening. On the day of the race, the competitors prepared for the start in the Komárov part of Hadrunek. There were big gatherings of spectators along the road in the forests near Hrabyně. In Hrabyně itself and in Velká Polom, mobile medical stations were prepared. The first car to set out had an accident in front of the Hrabyně hill. A Puch, with starting number 5, went off the road and its engine caught fire. Fortunately, there was a fire brigade here, who quickly extinguished the fire. People managed to repair the car and, finally, it arrived in Opava on its own wheels. Another accident happened to start- 33 DANĚK, Radoslav: Slavná historie (Famous History), p. 20. 15 cars participated in the race, among which there was also the Puch of August Strasilla. 34 Troppauer Zeitung 27. 6. 1911, DANĚK, Radoslav: Slavná historie (Famous History), p. 20.

152 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE ing number 17. On a sharp curve near Hrabyně, the car was removed after a breakdown and it had to stop. However, it was repaired with lightning speed and set out on the route again.35 Competitors were divided into usual categories according to the displacement of the car engines and their weight. The winner in the category X (cars without restriction) was the driver Lanner in his Puch, with a time of 11 minutes and 44 seconds, which was a constituent record of the route. It means that he completed the route with an average speed of 102 km/h. A challenger’s trophy was prepared for the winner, prepared by the sculptor Gurschner of Vienna. The artist himself was present on the tribune at the finish of the race and he also presented the trophy to the winner, as well as the prize for the holder of the route record, which he had also created. Lanner also received a financial sum of 3,000 crowns. No special prizes for the race were given. The last of the 15 recorded cars was the car Colibri of August Strasilla, with a time of 24 minutes and 20 seconds.36 Long before the Great War, automobiles were placed into the services of the army, not only with a certain objective, but also on the basis of an interest activity. Motorised units (K. k. Motorfahrerkorps) were created, whose mission was to organise the interested from the ranks of motorists. The service was very sporadic; according to plans from 1911, it was to last for six days every 4 years. Members of the corps had the right to wear a uniform, but no extraordinary requirements were placed on their automobiles. After the establishment of the section of the motorised corps, at least 15 applicants were needed in one place. In June 1911 recruitment took place also in Opava, by means of an appeal in the press. The interested persons were to contact August Strasilla, who accepted the applications and provided more detailed information.37 The automobile was still an invention whose possibilities had only just been discovered. Military purposes had a high priority, as usual - the French military attaché certainly did not participate in the promotional drive of the Silesian-Moravian Auto Club in the car of Count Razumovský only to admire the beauty of the Jeseník Mountains.38

35 Freie Schlesische Presse 27. 6. 1911. 36 Troppauer Zeitung 27. 6. 1911. 37 Freie Schlesische Presse 27. 6. 1911. 38 KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko-sociální podmínky (Economic and Social Conditions), p. 68–

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A fast car was also acquired by the guardians of the law. In 1907 the leadership of the Moravian and Silesian Automobile Club decided that they would provide the police headquarters in Brno, Olomouc, Nový Jičín and Opava with a powerful motorcycle free of charge. Education among people and the placement of warning and traffic signs by the roads commenced.39 In this activity the authorities often proceeded in cooperation with the automobile clubs.40 A gradual codification of traffic rules and their establishment in Silesia would certainly deserve an individual detailed study.

Conclusion The text presented here deals with one of the methods of promoting motoring in the times when it was, in fact, still “in nappies”. Promotion in the form of trips and races met unquestionably with the maximum possible response by the inhabitants, certainly much greater than it would have been in the case of commands and decrees. It is understandable that the cooperation of the state and interested organisations was essential for a high-quality and systematic regulation of automobile traffic – and the Moravian-Silesian Auto Club fulfilled in a very active manner even this part of its activity. The interest and participation of the provincial presidents Heinold-Udyńský and Coudenhove shows that their activities met with a proper response and also support. These men never forgot to support an event related to automobiles, whether directly with their presence or at least by formally sending a greeting to the participants of the trip, and other similar actions. After the first promotional trip in June 1907 and after the first international automobile race in June 1911, however, the following events did not have, nor could they have, the excitement of something completely new and unknown. People gradually got used to the presence of automobiles until they became an everyday instrument and, as we not infrequently see today, perhaps

69. 39 PROSKOWETZ, Emanuel: Lebensgeschichte, p. 6; KŘESINA, Václav: Hospodářsko- sociální podmínky (Economic and Social Conditions), p. 65–66. Traffic signs began to spread in Moravia and Silesia in 1910. 40 LAO, Provincial Silesian Government, inv. no. 2178, carton 4376, Lists of places for the location of automotive warning signs, 1906–1928.

154 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE an object of devotion. While today such a phenomenon is understandable only with a fair amount of detachment, in the very beginnings, when the automobile rather intimidated most people or even frightened them, a certain admiration of the owners to these infernal machines was quite natural. Perhaps we can even envy them a little this feeling, which we can no longer experience today.

Resumé První Slezané za volantem. Počátky automobilismu ve stření Evropě na příkladu rakouského Slezska Zdeněk Kravar

Moravsko-slezský automobilový klub byl založen v roce 1906 a již následujícího roku byla podniknuta první propagační jízda klubu na území Slezska. Autor si všímá de- tailů této třídenní vyjížďky, která byla podrobně popsána v dobovém tisku. Výprava nepostrádala prvky dobrodružství a na druhé straně popis jejího průběhu dokládá houževnatost prvních pionýrů, kteří svůj život zasvětili volantu a čtyřem kolům. Stejně významnou událostí byl i první mezinárodní automobilový závod, který se ko- nal na území Slezska v roce 1911. Obě tyto akce jistě výraznou měrou přispěly k pro- sazení automobilu jako dopravního prostředku na území Moravy a Slezska. V textu je zdůrazněn přínos několika propagátorů automobilismu z Opavska, kteří se výrazně zasloužili o jeho rozšíření. Byť oba nejvýznamnější – August Strasilla a Heinrich Keil – tehdy již překročili aktivní roky svého života, ukázali se jako prozíraví vizionáři. Nemalý význam měla ovšem také podpora na nejvyšších místech, neboť oba slezští zemští prezidenti byli nadšenými zastánci automobilismu.

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Guardians of the Nation in Action. Reconstruction of the Background of the Population Census in Opava in the Years 1880-1930

Andrea Pokludová

Abstrakt: This study on the specific example of the regional capital of Austrian Silesia deals with the analysis of the background of the population censuses in the years 1880 to 1930, which, according to statistical examinations, became one a tool of nationalism by introducing the item “everyday language” (1880) and from 1920 by the item “nationality”. Keywords: population Census, Nationality, Nationalism, Czechs, Germans, Propagan- da, Media, defensive Unions

According to Ens’s topographical description from the 1930s, Opava should have been one of the few towns of the monarchy in which the inhabitants spoke High German (literary German) and not dialect. Fifty years later the secondary school professor, ethnographer and imperial and royal conser- vator, Anton Peter, considered it to be a German language island of Austrian Silesia. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the city presented itself as a cultural and political centre of the so-called “closed German territory”. Through a memorial culture the personalities of exclusively German culture and history were commemorated in public spaces. During the celebration of numerous public festivities, the streets of the town were symbolically deco-

157 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE rated with flags in black red and gold. Conventions of German associational organisations such as the Convention of the German Turnverein in 1911, took place periodically in the city. During festive occasions, the plays of mostly German playwrights were presented on the stage of the municipal theatre. Most local periodicals were published in German and the education in local schools took place mostly in German. Many of these things correspond to Anderson’s concept of a nation as imagined communities. However, despite the fact that the local administration constructed the image of Opava as a purely German community by means of cultural codes, not all the inhabitants of the city identified themselves with the proclaimed collective identity of the members of a German nation. We do not have any statistical data concerning the national composition of the inhabitants of the city for the first half of the 19th century, but we can say on the basis of historical development that most town inhabitants belonged to the German ethnic group of the monarchy. The Czech ethnic group made up a small minority; particularly in the surrounding villages there were Slavic inhabitants speaking Czech dialects. Their existence in the “pre- March” period is testified, for example, by the edition of the correspondence of trainee solicitor Jan Kozánek. In one of his letters to his friends he said that sometimes he met not even with ten men in the “Beseda” (Party); i.e. most often at the table in one of Opava’s pubs to sing Czech songs, which was commented on by most German guests with the words: “There’s a Czech party today, let’s listen”. Kozánek, identifying himself with the Czech/Moravian inhabitants of the monarchy, was conciliatory to cultural manifestations of the majority German inhabitants of Opava. He was, for example, one of the con- tributing members of the German Men’s Choral Club. It is obvious from his testimony and the behavioural patterns in the local society of the pre-March period that relations and attitudes between German and Czech inhabitants were not polarised, at least at the cultural level. The society tolerated cultural autonomy of the individual who could participate, if he or she wanted, in both Czech and German cultural events. One of the echoes of the ideals of the revolutionary turmoil of 1848/1849 can be seen in the regional capital of Austrian Silesia in the first steps of the Czech emancipation movement taken on the path to achieve their national collective aims. The unsuccessful presentation of the speakers of the Czech

158 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE ethnic group with a request for the introduction of voluntary teaching of the Czech language at the Opava grammar school in the 1850s can be considered to be the start of the more than half century long political activity targeted at establishing Czech national requirements. ‘The flagships on the path to equal rights of language, development of Czech education, culture and economy in the city were the journals Opavský Besedník (Opava Chatterer) (1861), then the Opavský Týdeník (Opava Weekly) (1870), the club Matice opavská (The Opava Foundation, 1877) and the economic organisation Politická a hospodářská jed- nota (Political and Economic Union) (1882). It is not the objective of thr present study to describe in detail the peripetia accompanying the establishment of the Czech grammar school in the city or the struggle, lasting several decades, for the introduction of equal rights of language in negotiations with the parties in the Opava civil offices. Fundamental for capturing the background of the events is the fact that German political representation of the city strictly rejected each of the Czech requirements and presented them as a potential danger to the proclaimed “Germanness” of the city and the adjacent region. That is to say, the structure of the closed German territory; i.e., in Haslinger’s concept of the imagined territory – the territory inhabited only by members of one national community, represented a unifying element of the German political scene, splitting in opinions. Regional historiography has already paid attention to local manifestations of nationalism from various viewpoints. From analyses of political struggles for mandates in the imperial council, through the regional level, up to the fight for the town halls of Czech, Moravian and Silesian towns and cities, the research slowly passes over to culture-oriented themes, such as the symbolic occupation of public spaces (N. Wingfield, G. B. Cohen), the fight for the child (T. Zahra), etc. The circle of cultural and historical themes also includes the interpretation of the population censuses, which, towards the end of the monarchy, became in multi-ethnical regions, and during the interwar years, a battlefield in which the fight for the legalisation of the demands of national movements by means of language as one of the cultural codes. The primary significance of the population census as a statistical basis for planning the activity of the state administration and local authorities and preparing administrative reforms with the introduction of the column “everyday language” (Umgangssprache, obcovací řeč) shifted in 1880 in a society in the

159 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE throes of nationalism into a test of the strength of national communities, as it was aptly assessed by the leading statistician of the monarchy, H. Rauchsberg. Let us look at the given issues on a specific example of the city of Opava, on the time line of 1880 to 1930, on which we will take the explored phenomenon in a more comprehensive manner than only for the period of the monarchy or the republic. The population census of 1880 showed to the participants of the events, i.e., the activists of the national emancipation movement, the possibilities of using data acquired from the column “everyday language” for convincing argumentation in political negotiations. The cardinal role and function of the population census in the Czech emancipation movement in Opava and its surroundings is testified to also by the attention which was paid to the introduction of the column “everyday language” by the Opavský Týdenník (Opava Weekly), which foisted onto readers the interpretation of the “everyday language – as a language which a person usually uses in everyday conversation” for the declaration of ethic affiliation: Yes,“ if you are Moravian, declare with all your heart that your speech is only Moravian, Czech; if you are a Pole, do not be ashamed of that as it goes without saying that no German ever says that he is not German. Let us learn from our adversaries!” or “therefore we surely are and shall remain that which we were born and our community language (“Umgangssprache”) is our mother tongue, it is the same language with which our mother taught us to pray”. The reader was to identify himself with the language as a group cultural value. The paper did not appeal to the reader’s affiliation to the Czech nation, as this collective identification was only beginning to develop among the local Slavic inhabitants. That is to say, regional and local patriotism prevailed in the mentality of people above the affiliation to a national community. The concept of the forthcoming population census as a real battle for declaring the quantity of the ethnic group is evident from the agitation on the pages of the paper “Our slogan, and be it a general slogan, is this: we have shown to the emperor that we are here, so let us show now to the whole world how numerous we are.” With the approaching moment of the population census, worries were evident about the objectivity of the census, when the flexible interpretation of the criteria of everyday language and the fact that census forms for the city of Opava were available only in German, was criticised by the editorial staff. Results of the population census did not meet the expectations of the paper. It is appropriate to say here that 10.98% of the people claimed the Czech every-

160 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE day language, which was the highest achieved share in Cisleithanian population censuses. After the population census, the municipal authority actually used the data not to determine everyday language, but nationalities. In relevant reports of the mayor’s office, papers concerning the inhabitants say that according to the results of the population census, so and so many inhabitants claimed a certain nationality or everyday language. The social and professional image of the other, i.e., Czech inhabitants, as a social group in which day labourers, servants and apprentices prevail, was construed from these data. Not even the number of prisoners was neglected. A similar social and professional analysis of Ger- man inhabitants was not made in the official publication. The population census in 1890 was again carried under the sign of the use of the periodical press as the key medium for influencing public opinion. The daily Freie Schlesische Presse presented in its article, printed on 20th December, the interpretation of everyday language in compliance with valid legislation and pointed out to the misleading interpretation of the Czech party that it was a question of a mother tongue or native language according to one’s residence. But ten days later it appealed to the reader’s national obligation that it must claim German everyday language and in this way profess his or her German nationality. For the purpose of national rhetoric, the paper did not omit writing about the trials and tribulations of Germans living in mixed areas and condemned Czech agitation, allegedly led with all possible means. It systematically incited psychological fear of a potential strengthening of Czech ethnicity in the region. It resulted from an article published in the official paper Troppauer Zeitung that the political representation of the city was also preparing itself for the population census. For a negligible sum of 10 crowns, it was possible to buy a specimen census form made by municipal official O. Krämer. According to the announcement, the specimen “corresponded” to local conditions and it was an accurate pattern of how to fill in the census form. Specifically, in the section “everyday language” only German everyday language was mentioned. The Czech press pointed out that the German party distributed leaflets and suggestions, in which it encouraged employers to register German everyday language with the employees of Czech origin living in their household. The aim of German agitation was clear according to the Czech paper; i.e., to declare Silesia a closed German territory. The Czech paper also strength-

161 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE ened the negative image of the “other” - German ethnicity, which, with its published text and preparations of the population census it denied its moral qualities. It appealed to the reader as to a member to the Czech nation, who, by not declaring affiliation to the Czech everyday language, which it repeatedly interpreted as declaration to nationality, reduced the symbolic significance of the successes achieved in regional politics. A few days before the census action it published the manifesto of Czech deputies signed by Dr. Stratil, the leading speaker of the Czech society in Opava and its surroundings, in which the significance of the population census for the achievement of language equality of rights was explained. As rural inhabitants and lower classes of municipal inhabitants were still not affected by the mass wave of national emancipation efforts and their national identity was not well-developed, the responsibility in front of God formed a part of the appeal to the moral part of an individual. The pressure on the individual was strengthened from both sides. His or her free choice was more and more rhetorically restricted. Dec- laration to one everyday language or another could exclude him or her from participation in the cultural events of “the others”. By putting the question of everyday language on the census form, a once private matter was changed into a public one. Cultural assimilation, when the individual identified himself/herself by means of socialisation (education, sharing life experiences, profession, partnership relations) with group cultural values of the others, usually the German ethnicity in the region, was considered as an expression of the moral decay of the individual or a weakness of character. The hysteria around the population census culminated with every other population census. During the census in 1900, new participants appeared on the scene; i.e. defensive associations established in the course of the previous decade. In Opava it was specifically the German union Nordmark, which, ad- mittedly, kept its distance from politics in its statutes as well as other defensive associations on both the German and Czech sides and was not conceived by the state administration as a political association, but in reality minor political activities and agitation in the national interest formed the main part of the activity of defensive associations. Through their public festivities they affected the emotions of the participants. They agitated with the help of simplified cultural codes and catchy populist slogans.

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They formed a self-contained image of a corporate national community not excluding anyone on the basis of gender or social status. On the occasion of the population census, Nordmark published a brochure called “Die Volkszählung von 1901 und ihre Bedeutung für das Deutschtum in Österre- ichisch-Schlesien”, which “gave advice” in a more extensive form than the previous specimen sheet how to “correctly” fill in the census sheet. The Ger- man nationalist press in the town of Deutsche Wehr instructed readers in the spirit of the brochure published by Nordmark, that, in spite of their Czech mother tongue, servants, journeymen and apprentices living in a German household ought to be registered with German everyday language, because they live and work in the German language area. Before the population census, Opavský Týdeník (Opava Weekly) did not retrospectively throw the blame for the results of the last population census only onto the actions of the others, but it openly criticised the indifference of Czech people in the country to the registry of “nationality” in the census forms and also subjection to economic pressure of dependent persons in Opava, who, due to worries about the loss of occupation or being evicted from their flat, have themselves registered with the German everyday language. Neither one nor the other, according to the paper, realised the importance of the population census, because by not affiliating themselves to the Czech everyday language they allegedly decreased the chances for the development of the Czech minority school system, acquisition of land grands and language equality of rights. The the population census itself took a rather dramatic turn in the neighbouring town of Kateřinky, which the paper regularly reported on in a more or less objective manner. The paper came into conflict with the county office when it vividly described the behaviour of census commissioners in Kateřinky, who, according to its opinion 1) could not speak Czech and 2) were carrying the filled-in forms to the local representative of Nordmark for verification. In the wording of Article 19 of the Press Law, the paper was forced on the incentive of the imperial and royal commissioner to print a correction, i.e. to deny that commissioners did not speak Czech and that they provided census forms to the agent of Nordmark. Several issues later the paper informed readers that one of the commissioners in Kateřinky was

163 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE recalled and replaced with the county commissioner, who spoke Czech with the respondents, but the summons were sent out in German. The case of the commissioners in Kateřinky became one of the issues of the interpellation of Czech deputies Hrubý, Kurz, Šíleny et al, submitted in the matter of the alleged illegalities during the census in Silesia on 12th Feb- ruary 1901. Another issue related to Opava and the surrounding area was the publishing of the above-mentioned promotion material of the German union Nordmark. On the basis of the interpellation of 14th February 1901, the Minister of the Interior turned to the regional president to examine the matter with the corresponding administrative bodies. As regards the brochure, the examination came to the conclusion that similar agitation material, i.e., Sčítání lidu (the Census) by Antonín Hubka was distributed on the Czech side. The existence itself of these materials did not give any incentive for police investigation according to the interpretation of the law. The case of the commissioners in Kateřinky appears somewhat different according to the examination than it was described in the Czech paper. Neither candidate proposed for the capacity of commissioner were approved in compliance with the legislation, as they did not comply with lawful requirements for the performance of the position and according to the results of the examination one of the commissioners was not recalled from the position, but resigned due to attacks on his person in the Czech press. The examination in these two points did not acknowledge the justifiability of the deputy interpellation. The final verdict of the state administration said that the population census in Opava and the adjacent county had been carried out in compliance with valid legislation. The population census of 1910, from the Czech point of view, took place for the first time in planned cooperation with Prague, i.e., the National Czech Council, which coordinated the preparations for the population census by means of its sections; specifically the Silesian Section of the National Czech Council. From preserved documentation between the headquarters and the section it is possible to reconstruct the Czech preparations for the census, which was political in all aspects. On 2nd January 1910 the political club “Havlíček” of the National Social Party for Silesia, based in Opava, contacted in writing the Silesian Section of the National Czech Council in order to draft the instructions for the forthcoming population census as quickly as possible.

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In the words of the writer: “Let certain members from the Opava and Cieszyn region be authorised to draft the plans of how to proceed and conduct agitation at the individual places in Silesia for the next population census”. The population census came onto the agenda of the assembly negotiations of the Silesian Section of the National Czech Council on 29th May 1910. After 20th July, the Silesian Section of the National Czech Council received instructions from the headquarters: 1) to create a deputy committee attached to the section that would, during the population census, intervene at relevant places in case of need, and 2) not to conduct public agitation, but, on the contrary, to recommend to the clubs and corporations to restrict cultural events in the forthcoming months, i.e. literally “... in the areas with a German national majority, to abandon this year’s public Czech events, festivities and collective trips with regard to the upcoming census for tactical – national reasons and instead, in the upcoming months, keep them private and without communicating them to the public in the interests of the Czech matter, so the parties will also hopefully in this sense give appropriate instructions to relevant functionaries in order to avoid opportunities being given to unleash a hunt against Czech agitators”. The instruction set the line of agitation by confidants going from house to house; i.e. not public assemblies, manifestations and demonstrations, but meeting people face to face in private. At the beginning of December, the Silesian Section of the National Czech Council received publications for confidants and lecturers (Instructions for the population census from the national aspect) and 7,000 leaflets, which were to be distributed among people. Several days later the headquarters turned to the editorial staff of Czech newspapers through their sections with a request to report on the population census only within the limits approved by the National Czech Council. The event was meant to be a reaction to a similar step of the German central organisation Deutscher Volksrat, which prohibited German newspapers from writing on the preparations underway for the population census. On 9th December 1910 the National Czech Council turned to the editorial staff of Czech newspapers once again and asked them to print the enclosed Manifesto of the National Czech Council concerning the population census - Opavský Týdeník (Opava Weekly) did this on 24th December – and then it recommended writing about the population census in compliance with the published Instructions for the Population Census

165 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE from the national aspect and inform readers of the agitation conducted by Deutscher Volksrat. Two days before the census was carried out, a letter left the headquarters, mentioning that the presence of deputies in the region is essential, and addi- tional instructions for the population census and a message about German intrigues were sent. The sources indicate that a private census in the Opava region was being considered. For this purpose, the National Czech Council sent an amount of 300 K to the Silesian Section, which was to partially cover the costs related to the event. It is not clear from the preserved sources whether the private census actually took place. Preparations for the population census were truly wrapped in a shroud of silence, even on the German side. On 10th December, the Opavský Týdeník reprinted the published instruction of one of the leading man of Nordmark, Mr. Wenzelides: “The purpose of the population census is not the large-scale production of Germans in Silesia, but its purpose is completely different and higher. It is not appropriate to publish what to do so that the results of the population census turn out as well as possible.” The same as in the previous years as if the population census provided only the ethnic composition of the inhabitants. In the days of the census the pages of both the Czech and German press were filled with “good advice and instructions” on how to fill in the census form. Two days before the census, the Freie Schlesische Presse published the “Ten Recommendations” for filling in column 13 of the census form, including the advice that the respondent should avoid Czech agitators or lodge a complaint against them. It was recommended to check compatriots, whether they also fulfilled their national obligation by declaring their affiliation to the German everyday language. The population census was clearly presented as a tool leading to the determining of the real strength/quantity of the nation. The Troppauer Zeitung also printed on 31st December a treatise by the German official O. Krämer, on how to fill in the section of everyday language. The Czech party, by means and on behalf of the Silesian Section of the National Silesian Council, lodged a complaint with the regional government due to the recommendation that German employers should declare affiliation of all members of the household to the German everyday language.

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In compliance with the wording of Article 19, the Troppauer Zeitung was forced to print a correction; i.e. specifically full wording of the official notice concerning the answer to column 13 of the census form. The Czech party criticised the fact that bilingual census sheets were not available in Opava in the first days. On the basis of the complaint they should have been delivered later, even though it seems from official reports that they were ready at the beginning of the census. The Czech press described the progress of the population census as a “Big German Dance”, which was taking place on a large scale especially in municipalities, where people were counted up with descriptive forms (the census commissioner was filling them in). But in Opa- va, where people were counted with census forms (filled in by the head of the household), the pressure was exercised exclusively on a group of dependent persons. At the end of January, the Freie Schlesische Presse designated the population census as a part of national boycotts. The population census in no way took place as a quiet cultural event, when the respondents filled in a census form or answered the questions asked by the census commissioner, but it was taking place in the background of critical national passions and pressures exercised on the individual as to his or her ethnic identity. According to the last Cisleithanian population census, 88.5% of inhabitants of the city declared their affiliation to the German everyday language. The share of those who declared their affiliation to the Czech everyday language decreased to 6.62%. On the basis of these facts it is obvious that the data from the population census had an ambivalent informative value as regards the real ethnic composition of the inhabitants and does not grasp the fact at all that a considerable part of inhabitants were bilingual as a result of the socialisation process. Czech guardians of the nation strictly rejected the assimilation process of an individual living in a German cultural environment. The Germans dogmatically stuck to the existence of a closed German territory and the leading role of German culture. Due to this polarisation of attitudes, a wall arose between them, over which it was becoming more and more difficult to conduct a cultured dialogue concerning mutual coexistence in the city and the surrounding area. The minor political activities employed the guardians of the nation almost full-time. By and large they were educated lawyers, teachers or clergymen, who fully identified themselves with the higher ideals of national movements and their achievement in a legitimate way.

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At the same time, the masses, hearing only incoherent populist slogans, then smashed the windows of the institutions of the others, destroying private property and, not least of all, restricting the free proclamation of the ethnic identity of individuals depending on them. Non-cultural displays accompanying the last Cisleithanian population census, i.e., fanatical agitation of the activists for their nation, creation of a negative image of “the others” and the use of psychological pressure on individuals remained significant even in First Republic population census in nationally mixed regions. There is not enough space here to describe the changes of society as a whole that came about with the parliamentary democracy of the First Republic. In relation to the issues dealt with, it must be noted that there was a change in the relations of political power. During the time of the monarchy, the Czech citizens were in the position of minority, in the times of the First Republic, the German citizens found themselves in the same position. The post-war Opava remained with its historical development in the group of border towns and cities with a German majority. The population census of 1921, which determined nationality instead of the flexible and disputable category of everyday language, mobilised old protagonists on both sides of the city to the fight for declaring the quantity of one ethnicity or another. Similarly as it was towards the end of the monarchy, it was not a question of the actions of individuals, but comprehensive and well-thought-out events, on which The Silesian Section of the National Czechoslovak Council, deputies, political parties, the club basis including defensive associations and numerous people in the region in the position of the so-called confidants participated under the central coordination of the National Czechoslovak Council. On the German side there was a similar structure of a wide network of guardians of the nation headed by the headquarters of Deutscher Volk- srat. The German party was supported by the Opava city hall with the majority of German councillors. Czech activists were supported by the bodies and institutions of state administration. The press remained the key media in the communication with the public. Unlike Cisleithanian population censuses, when the performance of the event depended on the municipality, First Republic population censuses wee organised by the political administration, which the Opava town hall came into conflict with one month before the beginning of the population census.

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After the commissioners, substitutes and inspectors for the city of Opava were appointed by the decree of the regional government, the Opava city council, without the votes of the Czech councillors, decided to lodge a protest that the city hall had not proposed the candidates, but mainly Czech commissioners and inspectors, which, according to the opinion of the city hall, could hardly leave Germans at peace and without offence. The issue was explained during the subsequent examination to the Ministry of the Interior by the presidium of the Silesian regional government in the sense that only three of the candidates proposed by the town were accepted. For the others, there was a possible risk that they would not hold the post impartially, as according to the writer they were among those persons “who were strongly active in the old Austrian regime against the Czech element in the national respect and they are mostly declared German incendiaries.” It became evident from the intervention of the presidium of the Silesian regional government to the Ministry of the Interior that there were worries of the local political administration that the German party in the town was preparing to artificially increase the number of German inhabitants in the forthcoming population census by means of their old bad habit, i.e., by in- viting guests into the families and associated corporations, who would stay overnight from 15th to 16th February 1921 and would be counted among the German nationality. The reason of this action should be double according to the official report: 1) to declare that the population census of 1910 did not provide such distorted data concerning the ethnic composition of inhabitants in the city as the Czech party claims, and 2) a possible danger of redistribution of expenditure from the municipal budget for cultural activities from the existing ratio of 1:5 for the benefit of German culture to 1:4. An illegal private population census conducted by the German party was successfully stopped through the cooperation of the state administrations in the beginnings; the Czech census was carried out within the scope of the Na- tional Czechoslovak Council during the course of 1919. In other respects, the preparations of the German party were taking place in legal boundaries: the establishment of a consultancy office, i.e., the Beratungstelle, the distribution of leaflets, face to face agitation, holding meetings. The largest one took place on 13th February 1921 in the pub Tři kohouti (The Three Cocks), where the deputy, Dr. Lukscha, spoke in the matter of the census population and

169 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE promised to intervene with the Silesian regional government in the matter of the disputable points in the leaflet concerning the population census, issued by the Silesian Section of the National Czechoslovak Council. It is not clear from the sources whether the interpellation was submitted. From the German local periodicals, the mouthpiece of the national guardians became the papers Deutsche Zeitung and Deutsche Post. Besides ordinary agitation rhetoric we can determine the worries of ordinary people from the “impact” of the population census. The worries were allegedly spread that by declaring one’s affiliation to the German nationality, tax deductions, for example, could be increased to an individual. Similarly as in the past, the legal interpretation of the criterion of nationality was distorted or shifted for the benefit of the nation. Whether this was a reason for the confiscation of four issues of the periodical Deutsche Post cannot be documented from fragmentary sources. An interesting point is the repeating argument that participation in German cultural life is one of the reasons for declaring the affiliation to the German nationality: “Everybody who writes, reads, speaks and thinks in Ger- man and participates in German culture, is German.” The roles have changed and now it was the German party which appealed to the readers that language rights, development of the school system, etc. will depend on the results of the population census. During the census and after its completion the papers wrote about the pressure exercised by commissioners, or about a Czech swin- dle. The mayor lodged a complaint on 18th February 1921 concerning two census commissioners to higher places where it was found to be groundless. During the population census, the Czech national guardians did not have on their side such a high quality press as the Germans. The Opavský Týdeník was no longer published. The clerically oriented Naše Slezsko (Our Silesia) focused on religious affairs. The population census for the paper Opavan was not the main theme and the situation seems similar on the pages of Svobodná republika (Free Republic), which was the only one to print the manifesto of the Silesian Section of the National Czechoslovak Council. After the census, the paper practically assessed the attitudes of the ordinary citizen to his or her national identity: “Many people are half-hearted and uncertain in the issue of whether they are Czech or German; they are not principled and they let themselves be easily influenced. They do not consider and do not act according to their knowledge and with their own brain. The older generation is annoyed with the development and passes it over to the

170 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE younger; enthusiasm has disappeared from the development. Perhaps the next population census will end up better and people will be counted, not “robots”. The press seems to be the weak link in Czech agitation, but in further activities, Czech guardians of the nation did not lag behind the Germans as is obvious from the annual report of the Silesian Section of the National Czechoslovak Council. “We have held an extensive event in the interest of the entire country and carried it out within the boundaries of the Prague headquarters in the period of the population census at the beginning of 1921. For this purpose we held several assemblies, drafted three kinds of circular letters and a number of instructions for our confidants in nationally mixed settlements and immediately before the population census, we sent out leaflets and manifestos reminding everybody who may be hesitant to declare their affiliation to the Czech mother tongue.” The result of the population census, on the one hand, declared a presupposed decline in the German ethnicity in the city and destroyed the concept of the closed German territory, but on the other hand, with more than two thirds of its population being German, it legitimised the position of Opava as a political and cultural centre of German citizens in the region. The population census in 1930 took place in the same atmosphere as the previous one. Even key participants were the same, so we will not interpret those points mentioned above here again, but let us deal with the revision of the record of the population census – the record of incorrect data reported to census commissioners – on three specific cases from Opava. The relevant census commissioner reported a Mrs. MŠ to the authorities, as she stated German nationality, which she had derived from the mixed origin of her parents (German mother and Czech father), attendance of German schools and occupation as a servant in German households. In the following examination on 18th March 1931 she said: I spoke German with my mother and Czech with my father, then I attended German schools for 5 years and a Czech school for 3 years, I declare my affiliation to the German nationality, as I attended the German school more and I have served for 2 ½ years in Northern Bohemia in the family of Mrs Weisshuhn in German. Even though the woman identified herself with the German nationality and her mother tongue would be, if logically derived from her mother, German, by the notification of examination bodies a correction of everyday language was ordered, because, as they said, The reason that you attended German schools and had German employers is not decisive for the determination of nationality as per

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Article 21 of Decree No. 86/30. The indisputable notification terminated, for example, the examination of the revision of the record of a Mr. AŠ, where the examination proved that “The mother tongue of the respondent is German. They speak German in the family, which has been verified by the neighbours. He speaks German perfectly, his German is innate; he also speaks Moravian, but it is obvious from his speech that he is of German origin. He speaks German with his mother and he learned Czech later”. After the example of one correction of the record and one acknowledgement that the respondent had rightfully declared his affiliation to the German nationality, we will mention an example of the action of commissioners on the very edge of fanaticism while conducting the census, which took place with the client of the Opava institute called the “Marianeum”. The census commissioner stated that a Mrs. GN incorrectly insisted on German nationality on the record. The examination proved that the mentally ill woman was deaf and that she had been accepted into the institute as a member of Ger- man nationality, to which her parents had declared affiliation. In this case, the enforceability of the law was outlined, which, however, in the process infringed the privacy of the people when the authorities asked about the relations in households, questioned their neighbours, etc. There were events, which we today perceive as infringing personal rights and freedoms. The atmosphere surrounding the execution of the population census in the years 1880-1930 differed from the present day. Based on the specific example of Opava, the study developed Judson’s theses that the population census became for the nationalists the following: 1) a means for the popularisation of the thoughts of nationalism, and 2) a tool for territorial delimitation. By means of the press, promotional materials, the creation of a social network of confidential collaborators, and by activities of the defensive associations, nationalism was becoming an everyday experience among the widest groups of the people in this multi-ethnic environment. The language, including dialects, represented for nationalists a symbolic cultural code of the national identity. In the abstract perception it played a part in the creation of Anderson’s imagined communities and in the real life of ordinary people it became a tool for polarising interpersonal relations at the level of “us” and “them” and the alienation of cultures.

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Resumé Strážci národa v akci. Rekonstrukce pozadí sčítání lidu v Opavě v letech 1880-1930 Andrea Pokludová

Studie se na konkrétním příkladu pro zemské hlavní město Rakouského Slezska za- bývá analýzou pozadí průběhů sčítání lidu v letech 1880 až 1930, které se ze statistic- kých šetření zavedením rubriky „obcovací řeč“ (1880) a od roku 1921 „národnost“ staly jedním z nástrojů nacionalismu. Každé z těchto sčítání lidu rozjelo mašinerii akcí konaných v národním zájmu, na kterých se koordinovaně podílel tisk, obran- né jednoty a nadstranické ústřední organizace, tj. Národní rada česká a Deutscher Volksrat. V pojetí národních aktivistů sčítání lidu mělo jediný cíl, deklarovat početní sílu jednoho nebo druhého národa a k dosažení tohoto cíle byly využívány veškeré dosavadně známé metody propagandy i kroky překračující meze kulturního jednání, jako např. propouštění z práce nebo vystěhování z bytu. Sčítání lidu se v etnicky smíšených regionech staly dalším z bitevních polí, na kterých se odehrával ve jménu národa nesmiřitelný boj.

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The Fall of Heinz Dompnig A Contribution to the Crisis of the Structures of Power after the Death of Matthias Corvinus

David Radek

Abstrakt: The main motive of the study about the fall of Heinz Dompnig is to highlight the role played by the Representative Council of Breslau in the power networks of Matthias Corvinus, with an emphasis on his death as a reflection of the collapse of the government of the Hungarian king in Silesia and Lusatia. Heinz Dompnig was one of the pillars of Matthias government from neighboring countries, especially in the second half of the eighties, when concentrated in his hands the functions of President of the Wrocław principality and senior of the city council. His death on the scaffold reflects the failure of Matthias efforts to build his own ancestral domain in Silesia. Keywords: Matthias Corvinus, Heinz Dompnig, Crisis of Structures, Middle Ages

The fate of a significant citizen of Wroclaw and a senior of the city council Heinz Dompnig is often remembered in the literature dealing with the history of Corvinus’s reign in Silesia. Especially accentuated is his death on the gallows at the end of the reign of Matthias Corvinus, which most researchers have interpreted as an expression of resistance of municipalities against the reforms of the Bohemian and the Hungarian King. This has already been outlined in the professional literature by Hermann Markgraf in his classi-

175 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE cal work dedicated to the life of Heinz Dompnig.1 A general assumption is that Dompnig suffered the consequences of his excessively close relations to the royal power. This thesis has been further developed in the literature, for example, by Mateusz Goliński in his synthesis of the history of the city of Wroclaw.2 In general, the reign of Matthias Corvinus in Silesia has been studied by a variety of historians. Especially in recent years a number of inspiring works on the various aspects of the Corvinus’s reign has appeared, while the most frequent topics include the administrative reforms related to the intended centralization of Silesia - Lusatian territory, or the works devoted to the formation of the Corvinus’s domain in Silesia. A valuable study in that regard has been written by Lenka Bobková, outlining the thesis of the administrative division of Silesia. This idea has been further developed, for example, by Martin Čapský and Mlada Holá.3 The development of opinions on the Matthias Corvinus’s reign in the Czech lands has been summarized in general terms by Antonín Kalous.4 After the death of Matthias Corvinus the then power structure in Silesia underwent a crisis that resulted in the transformation of the local power field. All the representatives of the Corvinus’s administration were gradually displaced from public life in Silesia and both Lusatias. The royal deputy George of Stein was forced to leave the country, the Landeshauptmann of Upper Silesia

1 His work represents the most comprehensive look at the life story of Dompnig, see MARKGRAF,H.: Heinz Dompnig, der Breslauer Hauptmann + 1491, In: Zeitschrift des Vereins für Geschichte (und Alterthum) Schlesiens Bd. 20 (1886), p. 157-196. or a headword Dompnigs in Encypoklopedia Wroclawia, Wroclaw 2006. Obecně se vratislavským patriciátem zabývali např. PFEIFFER, G.: Das Breslauer Patriziat im Mittelalter. Breslau: Darstellungen und Quellen zur schlesischen Geschichte. Hg. v. Verein für Geschichte Schlesiens. Bd. 30. 1929, 15+412 p. 2 GOLIŃSKI, M.:Wroclaw od polowy XIII do początków XVI wieku. In: Cezary Buśko a kol., Historia Wroclawia, t. I. Wroclaw 2001, p. 201-202. 3 BOBKOVÁ, L: Česká koruna na sklonku středověku, In: Lenka BOBKOVÁ, Česká Koruna na rozcestí. K dějinám Horní a Dolní Lužice a Dolního Slezska na přelomu středověku a raného novověku (1437 – 1526), Praha 2010, pg. 73 – 77. Mladá HOLÁ, Integrační tendence ve správě Slezska za Matyáše Korvína, In: ibid, pg. 106 – 136. Martin ČAPSKÝ, Slezsko v pozdním středověku, In: Slezsko v dějinách českého státu I. Od pravěku do roku 1490, Praha 2012, p. 402. 4 KALOUS, A.: Matthias Corvinus (Hunyadi) in Czech historiografy, In: Matthias and his legacy. Cultural and Political Encounters between East and West, edd: ATTILA BÁRÁNY – ATTILA GYÖRKÖS, Debrecen 2009,p. 31 – 41.

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Jan Bielik of Kornice lost his property, the former senior of the city council of Wroclaw Lucas Einsenreich retired for many years to seclusion, and the hardest was hit Heinz Dompnig, who was executed. The aim of this study is to outline the breakdown of the power system that the Hungarian king tried to establish in Silesia and Lusatia and at the same time to point out the role of Heinz Dompnig in this process. In connection with the dissolution of Matthias’s reign in Silesia, it is also necessary to focus on the circumstances that led to the fall of Heinz Dompnig and eventually brought him to the gallows. At the same time, it is necessary to ask what the Dompnig’s death meant for the city community and how to interpret it in the context of the collapse of the Matthias Corvinus’s power network. Considering these questions, we should also not lose sight of the opposition groups in the city council and on the provincial level of Silesia which came to power after the death of Corvinus. Although the municipality’s behaviour at the time of the Matthias’s reign makes the impression of uniformity of opinions, it is not so. I believe that already in the eighties, due to an increasing pressure on the Sile- sian territory by the King in regards to taxes or his attitude towards powerful families in the region, an opposition group of burghers, which disagreed with the official political line of the city, was forming in Wroclaw. Some of them then take advantage of the opportunities that are offered to them after the death of Matthias Corvinus and seize the power. As an example can serve Hans Haunolt, the chief prosecutor of Heinz Dompnig, who consequently replaces him in the position of the senior in the city council. On the following lines, I will try to briefly describe Dompnig’s rise to power and his role and outline the steps of Matthias Corvinus, which he had taken in Silesia and whose enforcement cost Heinz Dompnig his life. No less important part is the explanation of the causes which led to Dompnig’s fall and the question of the collapse of the Matthias Corvinus’s power system. I will also tangentially touch on the fate of other representatives of Matthias’s reign in Silesia.

The Rise of Heinz Dompnig There is no doubt that Dompnigs, as a patrician family, played an important role in the municipal organism. Except for small breaks, they acted throughout the whole fifteenth century in the city council or at the city court

177 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE and they also participated in the administration of the Principality of Wroclaw, since the holder of the Landeshauptmann’s office was the city itself.5 Therefore, it is logical that Heinz Dompnig quickly worked his way to the leading authorities of the municipality and actively influenced the municipal politics. 6 At the same time he strengthened his position in the municipal structures of power by exploitation of advantageous marriages within the Wroclaw patrician circles. First he married the daughter of Hans Hesse, Anna, whose rich dowry allowed Dompnig his further rise. After her death, he married Ursula Schuerlein coming from another important family of Wroclaw.7 In the second half of the sixties, the crucial break in Dompnig’s career occurred, which coincided with the escalation of tensions between the metropolis on the Oder River and the King George of Podebrady. The proud city always derived its identity from the Catholic faith and considered itself to be the defender of orthodoxy, and therefore stood in opposition to George of Podebrady since his very accession to the throne. With the deteriorating international position of Calixtin King, the public sentiment in the city was also turning against him.8 When the Hungarian King Matthias Corvinus had entered the dispute between King and the Catholic Alliance, the Wroclawian

5 The issue of Wroclaw hetmanship compare with Lenka Bobková – Martin Čapský – Irena Korbelářová a kol., Hejtmanská správa ve vedlejších zemích Koruny české, Opava 2009., případně WÓLKIEWICZ, E.: Capitanus Slesie. Królewscy namiestnicy księstwa wroclawskiego i Śląska w XIV i XV wieku. In: Monarchia w średniowieczu – wladza nad ludżmi, wladza nad terytorium, edd. Jerzy Pysiak – Anna Pieniądz-Skrzypczak – Marcin Rafal Pauk, Warszawa 2002, p. 169-225. 6 Since 1465 is recognized as an Associate City Council, see Codex Diplomaticus Silesiae 11. Breslauer Stadtbuch enthaltend die Rathslinie von 1287 ab und Urkunden zur Verfassungsgeschichte der Stadt, edd. H. MARKGRAF - O. FRENZEL, Breslau 1882, pg. 33. (hereinafter CDS) 7 To Dompnig´s family life in detail H. MARKGRAF, c. d., p. 170. 8 Sentiments against the King were fomented primarily due to the influence of radical preachers such as, for example, Nicholas Tempelfeld and Bartholomew Tempelfeld. In connection with them the historiography often uses the term from a pen of Petr Eschenloer, “Party Preachers”. In detail Martin ČAPSKÝ, Slezsko v pozdním středověku, p. 384. To the deteriorating international situation of George of Podebrady compare ČORNEJ – BARTLOVÁ, VDZKČ VI, p. 174. Alternatively, inspiring study of Jean- Francoise Lassalmonie see LASSALMONIE, L.F.: Ludvík XI., Jiří z Poděbrad a křížová výprava, In: Pavel SOUKUP – Jaroslav SVÁTEK a kol., Křížové výpravy v pozdním středověku. Kapitoly z dějin náboženských konfliktů, Praha 2010, p. 191 – 202.

178 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE elites began to focus just on him.9 In this process played Heinz Dompnig a key role. He was undoubtedly, along with Lucas Eisenreich, one of the representatives of the “pro Corvinus” Party in Wroclaw. Dompnig took up the glove and got involved in the matters of Corvinus’s claim to the Bohemian throne. In the first years of the war he was a city envoy in the circles close to the King, as for example a charter from the year 1471 gives the evidence when Heinz Dompnig, along with a municipal scribe Peter Eschenloer, informed the council of Wroclaw about the electoral assembly in Kutna Hora, where Vladislav Jagiello was elected Czech King. The fact that the Dompnig associated with the Hungarian King is testified by the dated charter, which was administrated in Jihlava.10 In this city Matthias was waiting for the results of Kutna Hora assembly.11 It is the Dompnig’s activity in the seventies, where we can legitimately seek for the roots of his later rise to power. We can get the picture of his activities at this time from the preserved documentary material that bears witness to his position in the royal court. Apart from building up his own position, he did not neglect to inform the city community about the royal plans and about the situation on the battlefield. Judging from the dated charters, he accompanied the King during his Moravian campaign all the time. The first charter was made out in Záhřeb in Moravia, the following was already sent from Olomouc. Their content is mainly to inform the council of Wroclaw about King’s intended arrival to Wroclaw in connection with the movement of Pol- ish troops on their way to Silesia.12 There the defeat of the armies of the Czech - Polish coalition had taken place in the fall of 1474, which helped Mat- thias Corvinus to consolidate his position in the neighbouring countries.13 In 9 More about the entering of Matthias Corvinus in the war against George of Podebrady in detail KALOUS, A.: Matyáš Korvín, p. 122 – 153. 10 Scriptores rerum Silesiacarum XIII. Politische Correspondenz Breslaus 1469-1479. Edd. Berthold KRONTHAL – Heinrich WENDT, Breslau 1893, no. 59, p. 36. (hereinafter SRS) 11 In detail Petr ČORNEJ – Milena BARTLOVÁ, Velké dějiny zemí Koruny české VI, p. 406 – 407. 12 Charter issued together with Lucas, see SRS XIII, no. 181, p. 144, Also the chapter issued in August is similar, in which the City council is informed about King´s arrival, see ibid no. 183, p. 146. More about Moravian compaigne in detail KALOUS, A.: Matyáš Korvín, p. 150 – 151. 13 About war in Silesia compare Krzystof BACZKOWSKI, Walka Jagiellonów s Maciejem

179 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE the seventies, Dompnig continued to develop his positions in the royal court, but his status at home was deteriorating. For one thing, it was threatened by the prolonged dispute with the prominent burgher of Wroclaw, George Steinkeller, the other, much more serious threat was the accusation of falsification of coins against Dompnig.14 Both of these matters probably resulted in the weakening of Heinz Dompnig’s position in the city. Consequently, he is missing on the list of city councillors between the years 1475 - 1479.15 He is back in the limelight in the late seventies after the conclusion of Ol- omouc peace agreement that on the one hand granted Matthias Corvinus the royal title and on the other hand enabled him to proceed extensive changes in the organization of Silesia - Lusatian territory. The result was a series of reforms and changes that organically followed up with the earlier steps of the King, and reflected long-term trends manifesting in the conditions of the Silesian principalities. Matthias Corvinus followed two goals in the eighties. The aging King finally reconciled himself with the idea that he will not bring a legitimate heir into the world and he began taking steps designed to ensure the succession of his illegitimate son John Corvinus. For this reason, he started building his own dynastical domain in Upper Silesia, which was supposed to support John’s claim to the Czech throne, often at the expense of domestic dynasties. The second objective is closely related to the first one. Matthias primarily sought an administrative division of Silesia, while systematically promoting centralization, and the subsequent unification of Lower Silesia and Lusatia in one unit.16 For the control of the Silesia - Lusatian territory, Matthias Corvinus used tools already proven. One of the key roles played the so-called Landfrieden. With the help of provincial peace treaties,

Korwinem o koronę czeską w latach 1471 - 1479. Kraków 1980. 14 In detail MARKGRAF, c.d., 167 – 169. Also Matthias Corvinus had to deal with the struggle the compare SRS XIII, No. 227, p. 185. 15 CDS XI, p. 34 – 36. 16 Corvinus‘ steps repeatedly attracted the attention of historians, compare HOLÁ, M.: Integrační tendence ve správě Slezska za Matyáše Korvína, In: Lenka Bobková a kol. Česká koruna na rozcestí. K dějinám Horní a Dolní Lužice a Dolního Slezska na přelomu středověku a raného novověku (1437 – 1526), Praha 2010, p. 106 – 136. Alternatively GRIEGER,R.: Die Pläne des Ungarnkönigs Corvinus mit Schlesien. JSFUB 24, 1983, p. 175 – 176. or Martin Čapský, Slezsko v pozdním středověku, p. 398 – 402. Nejnověji RADEK, D.: Zeměpanské strategie Matyáše Korvína v prostředí slezských knížat, in print.

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Corvinus attempted to restore order in the country torn apart by years of fighting. At the same time, they can be seen as an instrument of power, with the help of which the Hungarian King tried to pacify his opponents and realize his own intentions of power. I have already indicated that his primary goal was to create his own domain that was supposed to support the position of his illegitimate son John. In order to achieve this goal, Matthias broke the Sile- sia - Lusatian area into two parts. The first consisted of both the Lusatia and Lower Silesia with Wroclaw in its centre and the second one consisted of Up- per Silesia. Exactly at this moment, we can see the beginnings of Corvinus’s efforts to constitute his own domain. Structures of power in the Upper Silesia passed through a long-term crisis caused mainly by the weakening of local Piast dynasties and the Přemyslids of Opava.17 This division is clearly apparent in the wording of the Landfrieden of 1478, which was intended only for the Lower Silesia and both Lusatias (“Nyder-und Slesien Beider Lusicz”)18. Landfrieden was demonstrably not applied to the territory of Upper Silesia and the situation there was provided for by a separate charter, which however had not the character of a Landfrieden.19 With the help of these steps, Matthias gradually created a system of power through which he planned to implement his own plans. It were the loyal officials in service of Corvinus who were the cornerstone of this system, they promoted Matthias’s intentions while following their own purposes and goals. A typical example of his kind was Heinz Dompnig, who at the end of the seventies got back to the top of the municipal authorities together with the royal deputy for Lower Silesia and Lusatia George of Stein. Both became the main representatives of royal power in Silesia.20 We can only guess how much 17 Dalibor Prix pictured the crisis of Přemyslids of Opava, compare PRIX, D.: Vévoda Václav II. Opavský a Hlubčický. Ve stínu otce, husitů a bezvládí. 1. Časopis Slezského zemského muzea. Série B. 1999, year. 48, no. 2, p. 152-192. Týž, Vévoda Václav II. Opavský a Hlubčický. Ve stínu otce, husitů a bezvládí. 2. ibid, no. 3, p. 193-223. or ČAPSKÝ, M.: Zlomený meč Valentina Hrbatého – poslední z opavských Přemyslovců. Dějiny a současnost 28, 2006, no. 2, p. 36–38 18 Text of the landfrieden see SRS XIV. Politische Korespondenz Breslaus 1479–1490. Edd. Berthold KRONTHAL – Heinrich WENDT, Breslau 1894, No. 330, p. 13 – 14. 19 CDS VI, Registrum St. Wenzeslai. Urkunden vorzüglich zur Geschichte Oberschlesiens nach einem Copialbuch Herzog Johanns von Oppeln und Ratibor in Anszügen mitgetheilt, edd. W. WATTENBACH - C. GRÜNHAGEN, 1865, no. 304, p. 100 – 101. 20 Since the year 1480 is again listed as scabini, a juror. See CDS XI, ST. 36th

181 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE the King himself, who in the mid-seventies greatly increased his influence on the appointing to the Wroclaw city council, helped him to restore his power.21 The charter which regulated the functioning of the city council was issued by the King in February 1475, not long after the attack of the troops of Czech - Polish alliance on Silesia had been repelled.22 A key change was primarily the provisions of annual elections to the city council and adjusting the position of the senior in the council, through which the King could appoint and control the other council members. As pointed out by Mateusz Goliński, this reform met with strong negative reactions.23 As a result were the seniors of the council throughout the reign of Matthi- as Corvinus loyal burghers, who had already proved themselves in the King’s service. From 1476 until 1488, repeatedly mentioned Lucas Eisenreich was continuously the senior, who was replaced in 1488 by Heinz Dompnig. He subsequently strengthened his position thanks to his appointment to the office of the governor of Principality of Wroclaw, which had been held before by the very Lucas Eisenreich.24 In the late eighties, Matthias’s pretender dominated the two key positions in the administration of Wroclaw Principality, and in cooperation with George of Stein was also active on the Silesia-wide level.25 In connection to the creation of his dynastical domain, Matthias Corvi- nus stepped up the pressure on the Silesian princes in the late eighties, who gradually formed a defensive coalition against him. The whole dispute between them escalated in 1488 in relation to John II. Zaháňský. He opposed Corvinus’s plans to establish his own domain and in cooperation with the descendants of George of Poděbrad launched military actions against the King. 21 The issue of the election procedure to the city council is thoroughly described in the work of GOLIŃSKI, M.: Wroclaw od polowy XIII do początków XVI wieku, p. 200 – 201. Compare also ČAPSKÝ, M.: Slezsko v pozdním středověku, p. 401 – 402. 22 The charter is dated 19th 2nd 1475, see APW, f. AMW, no. 4923 to 4924, no. Microfilm T-54595 - T-54596th 23 GOLIŃSKI,M.: Wroclaw od polowy XIII do początków XVI wieku.Wroclaw 2001, p. 200 24 WÓLKIEWICZ, E.:Capitanus Slesie. Królewscy namiestnicy księstwa wroclawskiego i Śląska w XIV i XV wieku. In: Monarchia w średniowieczu – wladza nad ludżmi, wladza nad terytorium, edd. Jerzy PYSIAK – Anna PIENIĄDZ-SKRZYPCZAK – Marcin RAFAL PAUK, Warszawa 2002, p. 169-225 25 We can get the idea from a considerable amount of documents that they both exchanged, see SRS XIV,

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These attempts ended up with their defeat and so Matthias strengthened his position in the incorporated territories of the Czech Crown.26 Silesian cities headed by Wroclaw supported Matthias Corvinus in this war despite their problematic relations with the King. The key role in the position of Wroclaw played undoubtedly Heinz Dompnig, who promoted the King’s demands.27 In the context of contemporary practice of the conduct of war, it was not likely a direct assistance in terms of a municipal host that would had taken a part in the fighting. Especially Wroclaw and other Silesian cities bore the financial burden of the war, taxes collected in cities were used by the King for paying his mercenary army. After the defeat of the opposition, King Matthias and his loyal officials stood at the height of their power. As a result, he also tried to promote his son as the legitimate successor to the Bohemian throne. The official ceremony was supposed to be held in spring 1490 in Wroclaw. However, due to the death of Matthias, the ceremony did not take place. As we can read in the accusation of Heinz Dompnig, he probably paid tribute to the young Corvinus already during the lifetime of his father and on behalf of the whole municipal community.28 Matthias has declared his intention to promote his son to the Bohemian, respectively Hungarian throne in the previous years. The primary source for this are the reports of Milanese diplomats

26 The so-called. Hlohovská war has been processed in the literature several times, so I refer only to the essential literature - Traditional work remains. View of the conflict through the prism of John II. Zaháňského introduced SZCZEGÓLA, H.: Konec panowania Piastowskiego nad środkowa Odra, Poznaň 1968. TECHMAŃSKA, H.: Niespokojny książę Jan II Żagański, Kraków 2001, p. 41 – 69. A new look at the situation regarding Hlohovsko introduced KOZÁK, P.: Zrod stavovského Hlohovska, Opava 2008. There are also in-depth analysis of the elderly, especially German literature. The fate of dynasty of Podebrad took into account in his work FUKALA, R.: Potomci krále Jiřího z Poděbrad a jejich zápas o hlohovské dědictví, Kladský sborník 7, 2006, p. 53 – 83. Most recently ČAPSKÝ, M.: Slezsko v pozdním středověku, p. 401, 407. The conflift was analysed from the point of view of George of Stein by KNESCHKE, R.: cd, p. 55 – 71. 27 Compare for example the Charter of George of Stein to Heinz Dompnig, where he informs him about the progress of military operations and instructs Dompniga to ensure the proviant, which Wroclaw should have provided viz SRS XIV, no. 506, p. 156. 28 SRS XIV, č. 581, p. 214.

183 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE written in connection to the planned marriage of John Corvinus and a Mil- anese Princess.29 The Fall of Heinz Dompnig and the decay of the power networks of Matthias Corvinus It is evident that after the death of Matthias Corvinus, the opposition parties in Silesia received the much awaited opportunity to change the situation. The same situation occurred also in Wroclaw. King’s death was speculated for a long time, therefore a surmise suggests that his opponents were preparing their steps in advance. The way of the realization thereof would indicate that. Matthias died in Vienna on April 4th. Matthias’s death was already speculated about, because the King suffered from recurring attacks of gout the previous year.30 Based on the analysis of historical sources, Antonín Kalous concluded that the inhabitants of Silesia and Lusatia could come to know about the King’s death in five days. Already on the 19th of April the King’s opponents called elections to the city council, which after a long time did not take place in accordance with the provisions of Matthias Corvinus from 1475, but according to the older and more satisfactory establishment for municipal community from the time of Charles IV.31 Subsequently after consolidating their positions, the city council put Heinz Dompnig under arrest (June 19th). So much for the chronology. It is evident that the opposition forces in the city acted very quickly and probably according to a prepared plan. The goal was clear - to take the power in the city as quickly as possible and isolate Dompnig. A bit surprising is the fact that once the most powerful man in the city did not take any steps to prevent his fall. If we can assume from the extant sources, Dompnig’s activity is zero at this time. Hermann Markgraf supposed that Heinz Dompnig did not realize the seriousness of the situation into which he got himself.32 Just as he could not fully appreciate the opinion of the municipal community regarding the King. Probably, he did not expect such heavy steps against him taken by the new council representatives. That way his opponents got easily to the compromising material that Dompnig had missed to

29 KALOUS, A.: Matyáš Korvín, p. 300. 30 As Anthonin Kalous pointed, his death is nevertheless always described as surprising, see KALOUS, A.: Matyáš Korvín, p. 331 – 332. 31 CDS XI, p. 38. 32 MARKGRAF, M.: CD, p. 188.

184 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE destroy and first of all, they prevented him to connect with George of Stein. A former senior of the city council found himself in a complete isolation. The pro-corvinus party in Silesia fell apart in the moment of the King’s death and he could not expect any help from the Wroclawian burghers. The question is whether his opponents intended to physically liquidate him from the very beginning, or if this decision came only after examining the documents that Dompnig had not managed to destroy.33 Legal action that was raised against him contains ten points, which include alleged economic crimes, respectively of economic nature, and crimes against the city itself.34 The main line of the accusation, which permeates the whole text, is Dompnig’s betrayal of municipal interests. It is significant that in the concept of the prosecution Heinz Dompnig becomes the instigator of all the Cor- vinus’s steps that were aimed against the interests of the municipal community. The economic torts in this context are rather secondary. This is primarily a dispute over taxes on beer amounting to 200 Hungarian florins, which Dompnig had supposedly appropriated. In the concept of the prosecution, Heinz Dompnig becomes a placehold- er, through which the municipal community retrospectively expresses its dis- satisfaction with the government of the Hungarian king and especially their disappointment in him. The legal action has also to justify the coup in the city, which in the contemporary spirit is not targeted against the king, but against his faulty officials.35 In one of the first points, Heinz Dompnig is accused of losing the Of- fice of Wroclawian hetmanshi which Corvinus revoked during his first trip to Wroclaw in the year 1469.36 The events regarding the revocation of the Wroclawian hetmanship has been already described in the literature several times, therefore I will provide only the basic facts. Municipality handed the

33 Compromising documents stated MARKGRAF, H.: c.d., st 191. 34 Text of the legal action was printed SRS XIV, no. 581, ST. 214-215. 35 The initiators of the Prague coup argued in a similar way in 1483, compare ŠMAHEL, F.: Husitské Čechy. Struktury – procesy – ideje, Praha 2001, p. 360. 36 The Matthias´s trip to Wroclaw analysed in his study aptly named „disappointing“ Vojtěch Černý. See ČERNÝ, V.: Zklamané naděje. Pobyt Matyáše Korvína ve Vratislavi roku 1469. In: Eva DOLEŽALOVÁ – Robert NOVOTNÝ – Pavel SOUKUP (edd), Evropa a Čechy na konci středověku. Sborník příspěvků věnovaných Františku Šmahelovi, Praha 2004, p. 186 – 193

185 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE hetmanship over to the hands of Matthias Corvinus expecting that he would confirm the tenure and the matter would be resolved. Corvinus surprisingly entrusted with the hetmanship the Silesian nobleman Jan of Heide, which council of Wroclaw certainly did not expect. The bill of indictment clearly shows Dompnig´s personal involvement in the matter. It has been suggested that Dompnig, along with other representatives of the pro-corvinus party, initiated the symbolic handover of hetmanship to the King and this event was written into the collective memory of the city.37 Heinz Dompnig became in the following years the Landeshauptmann of the Principality of Wroclaw which undoubtedly caused resentment among the municipal community mainly because of his affiliation with the King’s interests rather than that of the city of Wroclaw. In the trial of Dompnig, ecclesiastical policy of King Matthias was also reflected, who at the end of his government was going to tax the income of religious institutions from the donated rents.38 We are not able to assess how Dompnig was involved in this matter, but it is evident that the municipal community understood him as the representative of the King, who was supposed to carry Corvinus’s plans into effect. The core of the indictment is an alleged support of Corvinus’s plans to create a dynastical domain and enforcement of the succession of John Cor- vinus. Dompnig is accused mainly of paying homage to John on behalf of the municipality -– „ist er angeclagt, das er herczog Hanns geholdiget habe hynder der stadt wust und wille“39 Dompnig subsequently defended himself by claiming that he would pay the homage only for himself. For the purposes of this work it is not important which side was right. It is undisputed that the municipal community could not identify itself with the Corvinus´s dynastic plans. By accepting the homage, Matthias Corvinus was preparing the way for the final stage of his attempt to promote his son to the Bohemian, respectively to the Hungarian throne. It is more than probable that he expected the rejection of the municipality and therefore he took Heinz Dompnig as a senior city council and he was going to present the municipal community with a fait ac-

37 Disappointment with the steps of the new King also expressed the town clerk Peter Eschenloer, see ESCHENLOER, P.: Geschichte der Stadt Breslau, New York – München – Berlin 2003, p. 779. 38 In detail, see GOLIŃSKI, M.: Wroclaw od polowy XIII do początków XVI wieku., p. 201 - 202. 39 SRS XIV, č. 581, p. 214.

186 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE compli. This count is primarily targeted on Dompnig’s paying homage to the King without consultation with the city council and thereby betrayal of the city interests. Another important dimension is the retrospective disapproval of the king´s plans. I believe that the very disapproval of the plans of the king stands in the background of Dompnig’s process. With the death of Mat- thias, a period in the history of Wroclaw ended which the municipality would rather not go through again. Dompnig as a senior of the city council could try to continue in promoting the succession of John Corvinus, instead of the expected Vladislav Jagiello, whom the neighbouring countries supposed to devolve in the spirit of the Peace of Olomouc. Other points of indictments are also closely related to the past plans of Matthias Corvinus. Dompnig was accused of supporting Corvinus’s campaign against the emperor, which ended with the humiliation of Frederick III. Specific steps that Dompnig was supposed to take, are nevertheless missing in the charter. We can assume that they were associated with the tax collection, which Corvinus imposed on Silesia and from which he also funded his war against the emperor.40 In the following paragraphs of the legal action, Dompnig is again accused of betraying the interests of the city, usurping the powers and of the attempt to control the city council. Heinz Dompnig responded with denial of his guilt on all counts. We can only speculate whether he was truly convinced of his innocence or understood that the judgment had already been delivered. His words at the end suggests the second variant. „Der todt, den ich hewte leide, geschyt grams und neydes halbin, und hab ich nicht vordynt“41 Subsequently, the verdict had been pronounced and Dompnig was executed. The execution itself took place on the 6th July. But before that, Dompnig had his testament made. Executions in a late medieval city represented a specific type of an urban festivity and we can therefore assume that the whole city witnessed the Dompnig’s demise. As Josef Macek wrote, the public punishment solidifies the position of power of its holders, in our case of the freshly established city council. 42 His death is also captured in several chroni-

40 The tax issue in detail KALOUS, A: Matyáš Korvín, p. 195 – 199. Válku s císařem popsal například Karl- KRIEGER, F.: Habsburkové ve středověku. Od Rudolfa I. (1218 – 1291) do Fridricha III. (1415 – 1493), Praha 2003, p. 195 – 209. 41 SRS XIV, č. 581, p.. 215. 42 About executions and criminal law in the Jagiellonian period in detail MACEK, J.: Jagellonský věk v českých zemích III., Praha 2002, p. 185 – 202.

187 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE cles, from which we can get the idea of the execution´s course. As follows, the author of the Hlohov Annals described Dompning’s execution: „A.d. 1490 im octava apostolorum Petri et Pauli Wratislaviae decollatus est ante praetorium Henricus Dominik, vir magnae reputationis, qui per suas litera sut proditor inventus est et debebat in 4 partes dividi, sed propter genealogiam suam ad gladium illi venit“43 The process of the execution itself was symbolic to the highest degree. Dompnig had been beheaded and then he was quartered. According to Nor- bert Ohler, multiplication was common in the Middle Ages and reflected contemporary concepts of law, where each offense should be punished.44 We have no choice but to ask the question of how to interpret the death of Matthias Corvinus in the context of late medieval Wroclaw. For the municipal community the execution of Heinz Dompnig represented an act of justice for the pest that was harming the interests of municipality and opposed the municipal community. If we use the terminology of Umberto Eco, who has been dealing with the needs of human communities to construct their enemy, through which a community could identify itself, than Heinz Dompnig becomes the “public enemy” of the municipal community.45 This construct of the city enemy has been permanently written into the collective memory of the city.46 While in the previous period, the Hussites were labeled as a kind of a common enemy and later on the utraquist King George of Podebrady, at the end of the fifteenth century the situation is changing and in the spirit of an emerging estate monarchy, the enemy is the one, who re- stricts municipal rights.47 The real enemy is of course Matthias Corvinus and his centralization efforts. I have repeatedly pointed out that Matthias’s policy played a key role in the trial of Dompnig. Corvinus was actually the one who

43 SRS X, Annales Glogovienses bis z. J. 1493. Ed. Hermann MARKGRAF, Breslau 1877. p. 62. 44 OHLER, N.:Umírání a smrt ve středověku, Jihlava 2001, p. 276 – 277. Luděk Březina claims that Dompnig was only beheaded, see BŘEZINA, L.: Dolnolužické fojtství za vlády Jagellonců (1490 - 1526), MHB 12/1, 2009. p. 45 - 94. 45 ECO, U.: Vykonstruovat si nepřítele. In: Vytváření nepřítele a jiné příležitostné texty, Praha 2013, p. 46 Dompnig´s demise reminded no longer existing monument, once located near the Market Square in Wroclaw see MARKGRAF, H.: cd, p. 157. 47 This does not mean, however, that denominational disputes faded under the Jagiellon monarchy, in detail MACEK, J.: Víra a zbožnost jagellonského věku, Praha 2001.

188 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE interfered with municipal rights and tried to control the municipal organism through the officials loyal to him. This effort, however, was doomed to fail, primarily because Matthias did not acceded to build a real bureaucratic apparatus, but rather depended in the administration of the incorporated lands of the Bohemian Crown, above all, on loyal individuals, who from the service to the king expected their personal rise to power. Therefore, it is logical that this rather unstable system crumbles in the moment of the king’s death. The trial of Heinz Dompnig reflects the crisis of the system and its subsequent execution enhances the disintegration of the entire power network of the Hungar- ian king. At the same time, it is symptomatic that also the other exponents of the Corvinus’s administration suffered a similar fate. Soon after the death of Matthias, the Upper Silesian Governor, Jan Bielik of Kornice was isolated and subsequently arrested.48 Unfortunately, due to the state of the sources we are not able to portray the fate of John Bielik of Kornice, nor the circumstances of his arrest. It is evident that he was imprisoned like Heinz Dompnig mainly due to the role he played in the power networks of Matthias Corvinus. Un- like Dompnig, he was not executed, and after he had submitted himself to Vladislav II. Jagiello, he was released from a prison. The actual submission took place probably up to two years later, therefore it can be assumed that during this period Jan Bielik of Kornice was imprisoned.49 In exchange for his life he had to give up in favour of the King of all his assets that he acquired during the reign of Matthias Corvinus. Also his son was stripped of all of his possessions. From the point of view of the collapse of the power system of Matthias Corvinus, it is significant that Casimir II. Těšínský became the Landeshauptmann of Silesia. He deftly managed to avoid Corvinus’s pressure and in the same time he did not engaged himself in any opposition against the King.50 As soon as the King Matthias died, he began to quickly orient himself to Vladislav Jagiello and in his service followed a rise in power of the Prince of Cieszyn.51 Not only for the Jagiellonian King, he represented the type of

48 RACHFAHL, F.: Die Organisation Der Gesamtstaatsverwaltung Schlesiens Vor Dem Dreissigjährigen Kriege, Staats- und sozialwissenschaftliche Forschungen 13, Leipzig 1894, p. 127. 49 Regest viz CDS VI, No. 388, p. 131. 50 Ibid, no. 389, p. 131 – 132 51 With the figure of Casimir II. Těšínské dealt PINDUR, D.: Książę czasów przelomu. Kazimierz II cieszyński (1450-1528) i jego wladztwo, Wroclaw 2010.

189 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE person, who was not involved in the power networks and the reforms of the Hungarian king and a bright future was waiting for him in the service of the king of Bohemia. Matthias’ favourite, George of Stein, ended somewhat better than Heinz Dompnig or Jan Bielik of Kornice. George of Stein served as a royal deputy for Lower Silesia and Lusatia during Corvinus’s reign. At the time of the King’s death, he was in Bautzen, where he had to face the immediate attempts of local townspeople who tried to oust him. Due to negotiations between the integrated countries and Vladislav Jagiello, it was evident that Corvinus’s plan for transfer of power to his offspring John Corvinus is unrealistic.52 He therefore went to Zossen in Lower Lusatia, which he had held for a long time and then he withdrew to the Empire, where he died in the Cistercian monastery in Berlin, Germany.53 The trial of Dompnig also reflects one fact, which I have already tried to point out. For the entire period of the rule of the Hungarian king, there was not any identification with the political intentions of the King, at least in Silesia and Lusatia.54 Power strategies that Matthias was applying in this area, did not meet with understanding by the local elites. Heinz Dompnig was perceived as a representative of these plans. Dompnig´s death hides one more symbolic level. As Mateusz Goliński already indicated, municipal community expressed in this tense way its independence and resistance to the centralizing efforts of the rulers.55 At the time

52 Fast recognition of Vladislav Jagiello essentially eliminated from the game John Corvinus in neigbouring countries, compare BOBKOVÁ, L.: Česká koruna na sklonku středověku, In: Lenka BOBKOVÁ, Česká Koruna na rozcestí. K dějinám Horní a Dolní Lužice a Dolního Slezska na přelomu středověku a raného novověku (1437 – 1526), Praha 2010, p. 73 – 77. A different situation was in Hungary where Vladislav had to fight for the throne with John Corvinus, see BACZKOWSKI, K.: Walka O Wegry W Latach 1490-1492. Z Dziejow Rywalizacji Habsbursko-Jagiellonskiej W Basenie Srodkowego Dunaju, Kraków 1995. 53 KNESCHKE, R.: CD, p. 121. 54 The situation in Moravia was somewhat specific, in detail VÁLKA, J.: Matyáš Korvín a Česká koruna. ČMM 110, 1991, p. 313-323. Despite the different conditions nor there was not identification with dynastic plans of Matthias Corvinus andthe Moravian provincial municipality adopted as its ruler Vladislav II. Jagiello, see LBUS I, č. 22, p. 36 – 38. 55 GOLIŃSKI, M.: Wroclaw od polowy XIII do początków XVI wieku., p. 202

190 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE of execution, negotiations were going on between the representatives of the integrated lands and Vladislav Jagiello on the re-unification of crown lands.56 The execution of Heinz Dompnig can thus be read as a message to the future king not to meddle in the traditional municipal rights. Vladislav Jagiello actually tried to follow in the steps of Matthias Corvinus in some areas. First of all, it is the final enforcement of the institute of Landeshauptmann in the administration of Silesia. Another similarity with Corvinus can be observed in the very approach to the Silesian area. While Corvinus tried to get individual Silesian principalities to procure his illegitimate son, Vladislav Jagiello used of the same territory as the area to procure other members of the Jagiel- lonian dynasty. 57Steps of Vladislav Jagiello lacked Corvinus’ thoughtlessness towards the local conditions and perhaps that is why he did not elicit a similar response as in the case of Heinz Dompnig. In connection with the municipal community of Wroclaw, it is necessary to point out the change in the city’s power structure caused by Dompnig’s execution. The traditional patrician family Dompnigs was definitely eliminated from involvement in the exercise of power. They retired in seclusion in 1506, the son of Heinz Dompnig gave up his city right and the family subsequently moved its activity to other areas of Silesia.58 Based on this, it is not possible to indicate any significant change in the holding of the power in the city. Looking at the list of councillors it is evident that most of the traditional families which participated in the exercise of power kept their position.59 For the participation on the executive power, only Dompnigs were left out, and for some time also Lucas Einsenreich, who however returned to the city council in the early 16th century.

56 I remind that Vladislav Jagiello was excepted on June 4, and on June 31 he confirmed Moravia, Silesia and Lusatia their rights and freedoms as the Czech King, compare LBUS I, č. 23, p. 38. 57 For example, Sigismund the Old (Zigmund Starý), this process is captured by KOZÁK,, P.: Zrod stavovského Hlohovska, Opava 2008. 58 Encyklopedia Wroclawia p. 158. 59 In detail KOMÁRKOVÁ, H.: Strategie vratislavských měšťanů v zemské správě a městské samosprávě do roku 1500. Příspěvek k možnostem badatelského využití seznamů členů úřednických kolegií pro sledování strategií vládnoucích měšťanských elit, in print.

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Conclusion Death of Heinz Dompnig closed one period in the history of Wroclaw and in a figurative sense also of Silesia. His execution can be read as the final chapter of the government of Matthias Corvinus in the incorporated lands of the Czech Crown. At the beginning of this study, I mentioned that Heinz Dompnig suffered from his excessively close relation to the royal power. This statement is true, but we can elaborate further. With Dompnig’s death the system of reign applied by Matthias in the incorporated countries definitely collapsed and the following shift of power benefited these who stood in opposition to the Hungarian King or at least held a neutral stance towards him. A typical example might be the aforementioned Casimir II. Těšínský. People who had been directly involved in the execution of the Corvinus’s reign were removed after his death and at best lost their power or property acquired during the Corvinus’s reign. A typical example is the fate of John Bielik of Kornice, George of Stein and of course Heinz Dompnig. I suggested several times that Dompnig’s death can be seen as a reflection of the collapse of the Matthias´s reign and his dynastic plans. It is quite evident that local elites were unable to identify with Corvinus’s plans. A typical example can be the trial of Heinz Dompnig, in which the central role plays an alleged paying of homage to John Corvinus and in broader terms Matthias’s policy overall. King’s intentions, which systematically headed towards the building of his own domain in the Silesian area in the eighties, did not find understanding in the emerging estates society. In a similar way, it was the case of John Corvinus, whom Corvinus wanted to promote to be his successor and thereby violating the Olomouc peace agreements. The merciless execution of Heinz Dompnig meant a clear rejection of these efforts. The municipal community clearly expressed in this tense way its attitude towards centralization efforts of the rulers. Norbert Ohler states that 454 people were executed in Wroclaw in the period from 1456 to 1525. Only a few executions had such a symbolic importance as the execution of Heinz Dompnig.60

60 OHLER, N.: c.d., p. 280.

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Resumé Pád Heinze Dompniga Příspěvek ke krizi mocenských struktur po smrti Matyáše Korvína

David Radek

Hlavním motivem studie o pádu Heinze Dompniga je poukázat na roli, kterou tento představitel vratislavské rady sehrál v mocenských sítích Matyáše Korvína, přičemž se klade důraz především na jeho smrt jakožto reflexi rozpadu vlády uherského krále ve Slezsku a Lužici. Heinz Dompnig představoval jeden z pilířů Matyášovy vlády ve vedlejších zemích, zejména v druhé polovině osmdesátých let, kdy ve svých ru- kou soustředil funkci hejtmana vratislavského knížectví a seniora městské rady. Jeho smrt na popravišti odráží neúspěch Matyášových snah o vybudování vlastní rodové domény ve Slezsku. V symbolické rovině se jedná o odmítnutí Korvínovy dynastické politiky nově se utvářejícími slezskými stavy. Matyášova smrt s sebou přinesla nejen radikální změnu poměrů a politické orientace slezské reprezentace, ale umožnila jeho odpůrcům zúčtovat s představiteli jeho vlády. Kromě Heinze Dompniga, jehož dras- tický konec je výjimečný, byli od výkonu moci odstaveni všichni ostatní Matyášovi příznivci a na jejich místo byli dosazeni lidé, kteří nebyli spojováni s vládou uherské- ho krále. Samotný proces s Heinzem Dompnigem potvrzuje výše uvedené. Hlavní motivem žalobců byla Dompnigova zrada městských zájmů a podpora dynastických plánů Matyáše Korvína, přičemž je zdůrazněno, že Dompnig složil hold Janu Kor- vínovi jménem celé městské obce a tím vyslovil souhlas s porušením olomouckých mírových smluv, dle kterých mělo Slezsko po Matyášově smrti připadnout Vladislavu Jagellonskému.

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West is West and Centre is East. Cold War broadcasting to East-Central Europe: Radio Free Europe and the B.B.C. in the 1950s and 1960s

Dušan Segeš

Abstrakt: International radio transmitters from Western Europe in the Cold War, addressed the audience in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, whose mass media were under censorship of the communist state-party apparatus, represent in terms of historiography multilayer phenomenon. The theme is multidisciplinary, and in terms of research relevant not only for historiography, but also for political science, sociology, medial studies and cultural studies. Keywords: Cold War, East-Central Europe, 1950’s, 1960’s. Radio Free Europe

International broadcast, especially in the early Cold War period, represents a very interesting research topic. Its relevance is evident, given by the complicated and multi-faceted development of international relations between East and West in the immediate post-war period, but especially during the Cold War. From the point of view of historiography, the question of approach has a crucial importance, namely: what analytical and methodological tools, what theoretical perspective and what patterns of interpretations are suitable to describe the “Cold War broadcasting” issue? Since it as a multi-faceted issue, situated at the interface of various scientific disciplines (history, political sciences, communication theory, media sociology, social sciences, cultural

195 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE studies) it seems to be necessary to apply a kind of puzzled, multi-perspective approach and to use different theoretical frameworks. I’m considering especially the phenomena such as public diplomacy, propaganda, modernization, cultural infiltration and international broadcasting legislation. In the 1950s and 1960s, the nature of international relations changed due to the age of mass politics and the communications revolution.1 The Cold War coincided with a moment in history when information resources and media technologies were exploding. Both democracies and authoritarian regimes were concerned with public opinion, following a form of mass politics that relied on formalized ideologies. Mass media, mass societies, mass ideologies had a totalizing effect on the Cold War.2 Communications technology changed modern life and transformed diplomacy (or international relations) towards a public diplomacy. Thus, foreign policy was no longer conducted mainly between states, governments and diplomats, but increasingly through dissemination of culture and information to masses of people. It is a “Government-to-people” communication model. The age of modern communications technology made it possible to bypass the barriers of authoritarian states. Whereas traditional diplomacy centred on state-to-state relations (and was therefore of a limited success in a Cold War reality), technological advance made it possible to skip over the Communist authorities and to reach masses of people living in these states. Public diplomacy consists of five components: listening, advocacy (dissemination of information materials aimed at make the policy understandable), cultural diplomacy (dissemination of cultural practices to promote the interests of the actor), exchange diplomacy and finally – international broadcasting. The example of Radio Free Europe, and to some limited extend the BBC too, shows, that the international broadcasting can overlap all other functions of public diplomacy. Revolutionary advances on global communications provided extended opportunities to disseminate the Western (American) culture and American policy makers recognized these possibilities of using propaganda and psy-

1 OSGOOD, K.: Total Cold War. Eisenhower’s Secret Propaganda Battle at Home and Abroad. University Press of Kansas, 2006, p. 3. 2 Ibidem, pp. 3-4.

196 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE chological warfare very early: in 1951, the President of the National Com- mittee for a Free Europe, Charles Douglas Jackson, while speaking about the techniques and skills of American advertising adapted for the first time to the business of propaganda. Due to the memory of Second World War, the Cold War – by some people identified as a war of nerves, propaganda war or war of words3 – was channelled into ideological and symbolic modes of combat. As the US-Pres- ident Dwight D. Eisenhower told: “There is but one sure way to avoid total war – and that is to win the cold war.”4 Propaganda, described as the “fourth weapon” of US-foreign policy, became a significant component, since “influencing international public opinion evolved into a major objective of international relations.”5 The example of RFE and the BBC shows that there was a continuing contrast between the way USA handled propaganda with enthusiasm and the way the British (particularly the broadcasting) treated it reluctantly.6 There was also an essential difference of how the information has been presented to the audience: RFE told the world; the BBC always began its communiqués with: “it is believed that…” Cold War made distinctions between propaganda intended for “domestic” and “international” audiences meaningless. Many psychological warfare campaigns expressly targeted the Americans and, at the same time, called on them to participate in the war of words being conducted abroad.7 “Cru- sade for Freedom” campaign in the 1950s pursued by the National Commit- tee for a Free Europe aimed at raising funds in the United States for Radio Free Europe is an excellent example.8 The Balloon-Action, which was a part of this operation, was described as “a way to get the truth quickly to combat the lies that the Commies were putting out.” RFE defined itself as broad-

3 HIXSON, Walter L.: Parting the Curtain: Propaganda, Culture and the Cold War 1945 – 1961. New York : St. Martin’s Griffin Press 1997, p. 34. 4 Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union, February 2, 1953. 5 OSGOOD, K.: Total Cold War, op. cit., p. 4. 6 BRIGGS, A.: Sound and Vision 1945 – 1955. History of Broadcasting in the United Kingdom. Volume IV. New York : Oxford University Press 2005, p. 467. 7 OSGOOD, K.: Total Cold War, op. cit., p. 3. 8 For a detailed study see Richard Cummings, Radio Free Europe’s “Crusade for Freedom”. Rallying Americans behind Cold War broadcasting, 1950-1960, McFarland, London 2010.

197 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE casting programs that “oppose communism with a truth.” The word truth seemed to have a crucial importance. One of the slogans of the Crusade for Freedom campaign was “Sponsor a minute of truth on Radio Free Europe – since Red bosses fear the truth”. Michael Nelson highlighted the moral paradox of RFE as an official-private network sponsored secretly by the CIA, as he wrote that an organization dedicated to truth was founded on a lie.9 The relations between East and West were based not exclusively of confrontation, but also on collaboration. Scholarships from the last two decades focusing on various issues of the West-East antagonism during the Cold War put some light on specific forms of cooperation and interchange between the “Western bloc” and the “Eastern bloc” especially (but not exclusively) in the field of culture. Thus, the traditional or post-revisionist interpretation of the Cold War as a clash of two antagonistic, consistent blocs headed by two super-powers, the USA and the USSR, with a minimum of interactions, has been contested.10 Once the Cold War became viewed as an ideological contest with Com- munism, only culture (as propaganda, as dissent, as neutral content, and as consumer products) could breach the Iron Curtain with regularity.11 The transnational character of radio as means for communication across political and ideological borders made broadcasting a primary target of cultural politics. The role of radio wasn’t strictly limited to a mass communication medium – the broadcast itself could substitute or even replace the printed media and other sources of information. Communication, in particular the international broadcasting was an exchange on a two-way flow. It was characterized by a top-down dynamic where information was distributed to foreign listeners using international broadcast. While looking at the history of RFE and the BBC, it is evident that radio broadcast from West to East was by no means a one-way communications act, but followed a logic of delayed and mediated interaction with active send-

9 NELSON, M.: War of the Black Heavens. The battles of Western Broadcasting in the Cold War. Syracuse University Press 1997, p. 43. 10 For a comprehensive comparative Cold War history see for example John Lewis Gaddis, We now know. Rethinking the Cold War History, Oxford University Press 1997. 11 FALK, Andrew J. : Upstaging the Cold War. American Dissent and Cultural Diplomacy 1940 – 1960. University of Massachusetts Press, Amherst and Boston, 2010, p. 213.

198 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE ers and active recipients: news or information from one side were picked up by the other side and commented in a program or message addressed back to the other side. This ping-pong model of interactive communication can be applied to the relationship between RFE and BBC and the audience (reactions to broadcast, Audience analysis reports, mail etc.) as well as the state controlled media in the Communist Party regimes in Eastern Europe. Robert Bruce Lockhart from the BBC known for his weekly talks to the audience in Czechoslovakia wasn’t wrong as he noted not without some irony in 1955: “Technically RFE is well equipped, but equipment alone does not ensure its success. The success comes from the immense publicity given to RFE by the Czechoslovak Communist government which attacks it with persistent violence”, which encourage even the “most timid Czechs and Slovaks to listen in.”12 This is confirmed by the number of CP-regime press and radio attacks on RFE and BBC emanating from East-Central Europe (Czechoslovakia was a forerunner) from 1954 to 1956 with a total number of 3320 attacks, three-quarters of them directed against RFE.13 This period (1954-1956) is somehow specific due to the massive propaganda of the Communist-ruled countries of East-Central Europe accompanying the so called re-defection campaign, and thus initiating a dialogue with the Western broadcasting radio stations, based on confrontation.14 As regards the audience in Eastern Europe, a paradigm of communication as interaction, rather than communication as domination, can be applied; the listeners were not dependent on one or another broadcasting station, let it be RFE or the BBC, since their approach was selective (they treated it as sources of alternative information helping them to construct their own picture of political reality). By stressing the importance of culture, the international relations can be interpreted as intercultural relations in order to explore the transmission and dissemination of culture across international boundaries. With regard to the

12 The National Archives (TNA), Kew, Surrey. Foreign Office, FO 1110/743, p. 3. 13 HOLT, Robert T.: Radio Free Europe. University of Minnesota Press 1958, p. 135, table 4. 14 For re-defection campaign in Czechoslovakia see CAJTHAML, P.: Akce Návrat a Hlas domova aneb “Vraťte se do ráje, vše odpuštěno!”, in Securitas Imperii 13 (2006), pp. 93-107.

199 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE impact of American Cold War Culture on Europe, some scholars suggest to re-conceptualize foreign policy with an eye on the impact of popular and consumer culture; as related to the American cultural impact on post-war Austria, Reinhold Wagnleitner is using terms such as “Coca-colonization” and “Marilyn Monroe-doctrine”.15 Modern communications (such as radio, television, film, etc.) were agents of Western cultural infiltration. There is another aspect, connected with the modernisation paradigm, which made the RFE and the BBC as ambassadors of Western culture attractive: The Thaw or De-Stalinization in the late 1950s and early 1960s in East Central Europe and Soviet Union were a period of (although strongly regulated) cultural liberalization and economic and social modernization. Moderate fashion-consciousness (forms of dress, furniture and housing etc.) was tolerated and Style became an urgent issue. The rejuve- nation of materialism raised a question: what was the appropriate style for socialist modernity? Although strongly regulated, the Western consumerism began to infiltrate East European societies. For example in July 1959, American National Exhibition in Moscow’s Sokolniki Park was opened. Through the international marketing of consumer goods identified as America, America itself became a code of modernity and consumer lifestyles. American goods – from cigarettes to jeans – promoted narratives of freedom and included political messages. Nevertheless, the official commitment to social equality in countries ruled by the Communist regimes was endangered and challenged by materialism and last but not least, the objects of desire were hardly available and there was a risk of rising appetites which could not be satisfied by the command economy. However, these “appetites” existed and increased over time. When we take the middlebrow culture as an example, it can be stated that although one cannot measure the exact impact of Western broadcasting on East European societies as regards their visual appearance like clothing, haircuts, etc. – there is no question that the Western radios acted as mediators and catalysts of cultural transfer. Especially in the mid and late 1960s, their transmissions (especially those with music) influenced at least the most visible marginal youth revolting groups (described in Czechoslovakia as Longhaired: vlasáči, máničky), adopting new cultural patterns from the West inspired by the

15 WAGNLEITNER, R.: Coca-colonization and the Cold War: the cultural mission of the United States in Austria after the Second World War. University of North Carolina Press, 1994.

200 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE hippies, rock music, Beatlemania, etc. The Czechoslovak and Polish term of Bigbít presents an example of how the Western models in fashion and music were “renegotiated” and adapted in Eastern European countries ruled by Communist regimes.16 International broadcasting legislation is also important in analyzing the Western broadcast to East Central Europe: The Communist Party-regimes were not able to restrict the broadcasting of RFE by recourse to legislation within the framework of international agreements. This was due to the fact that the law treated radio transmission as two separate components: the transmission of frequency (electromagnetic energy) and the transmission of information (broadcasting programme). While the former complied fully with international law, in its transmission of information RFE took advantage of a loophole in international law. The division of technology and content and the priority given to the protection of national broadcasting frequencies in international broadcasting law allowed RFE to operate within the existing legal framework.17 The actors, institutions and the content of Western Cold War broadcasting to the countries of East Central Europe can be interpreted by following the four successive phases of any act of communication: 1. In what channels do communications take place? 2. Who communicates? 3. What is communicated? and 4. Who and how is affected by the communication?18 Put more simply, they can be identified and analysed according to the for- mula invented by the (political scientist and communications theorist) Harold Lasswell, which reads as follows: Who says what to whom, how, why and with what effect?

16 See a comprehensive study to this topic written by Pospíšil, Filip - Blažek, Petr, “Vraťte nám vlasy!“ První máničky, vlasatci a hippies v komunistickém Československu. Praha : Academia 2010. 17 HEINRICH-FRANKE, CH.: Within a Juridical Loophole: Radio Free Europe and the International Legality of Broadcast Transmissions across the Iron Curtain – paper presented on conference “Voices of Freedom – Western Interference? 60 years of Radio Free Europe in Munich and Prague”, 28 – 30 April 2011, Munich. 18 Smith - Lasswell - Casey: Propaganda, Communication and Public Opinion: A Comprehensive Reference Guide. Princeton, 1946.

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I will try to answer these six essential components of communication by making a comparison between the British Broadcasting Corporation and the Radio Free Europe on various topics and different levels. For the purposes of a comparison and for explanatory reasons, it is useful to start with the British Broadcasting Corporation. The BBC overseas broadcast had a longer history than the RFE, which originated in the late 1930s. The second, perhaps more justified reason is that, while characteris- ing the “broadcasting philosophy” of the BBC will help to understand the differences between the two radio stations when it comes to their viewpoint concerning the somehow artificial terms as objectivity and propaganda – or, according to Laswell – to identify the “Who”, “What”, “How” and “Why”.

The British Broadcasting Corporation Due to its immense role played during the Second World War, the BBC enjoyed high credibility especially in Czechoslovakia and Poland. People remembered with gratitude the BBC wartime transmissions, the speeches made by President Edvard Beneš and the talks of Minister Jan Masaryk, just like the Poles remembered the speeches of Prime Minister General Sikorski and others. According to the broadcasting survey published by the Czechoslovak ministry of Information in 1947 “one in five people” in Czechoslovakia listened to BBC.19 The situation changed after the Communist coup d’état in 1948 and the subsequent purge of Western cultural influence, including Western broadcasting, on almost every level of the daily life in Czechoslovakia. BBCs broadcasts were also affected by these developments: according to British observations from Winter 1948, the interest in the European service of the BBC in Czechoslovakia has diminished. Not just the Eastern European countries were undergoing a process of crucial changes. In January 1947 a post war Charter of the BBC came into effect and signalled the end of wartime controls over the broadcasting by the government. The BBC External Services, established in 1948, were founded

19 BRIGGS, Sound and Vision, op. cit., p. 466.

202 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE by the Foreign Office through a direct Grant-in-Aid. Thus, the government was able to determine the scale and range of the operation of external broadcasting. Even if it did not control the output, it was in a position to influence what could be called “the temperature”20; the BBC shall remain editorially independent, however it should obtain from governmental departments information about conditions in particular countries (among others the East European countries) and the policies of His Majesty’s Government toward these countries in order to plan its programs in the “national interest”. BBCs mission should be to “project the essential merits of the British way of life”. On various landmarks of the Cold War, the apparent distance between the British government and the BBC on the practice-based meaning of the “national interest” was exposed. In relation to the general line of programs aired to the East European countries, the BBC has been criticised by the British government for its “over-developed sense of objectivity”. As Ian Jacob, the Director-General of the BBC, stated in 1949, there were international broad- casters providing political warfare, others were seeking to amuse, and others combined information with interest. It was among the latter that the BBC placed itself. This explained the BBC’s reluctance to the Foreign Office’s desire for more hard-hitting broadcast over the Iron Curtain. According to Al- ban Webb, it was the “sense of constitutional duty” that allowed the BBC to fight the government on issues of editorial independence even there, where the output was evaluated by the government officials as damaging Britain’s interests.21 The reason behind BBCs reluctance to follow the diplomatic line of the Foreign Office in its broadcast was the conviction that sudden tactical switches are understood by diplomats, but were disastrous to audiences.22 BBC felt itself obligated to the principle that broadcasting is not primarily an instrument of diplomacy but a means of mass communication. BBCs “broadcasting philosophy” as regards Eastern European countries ruled by the Communist regimes was the provision of an impartial and dis- passionate flow of news. The emphasis was put on facts as the “really potent

20 Ibidem, p. 465. 21 WEBB, A.: Constitutional niceties: three crucial dates in cold war relations between the BBC external services and the foreign office, in Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television, 28 (4), 2008, pp. 557-567. 22 The BBC Written Archives Centre (BBC WAC), Caversham, file E40/168/1, 1960, p. 7, memo by Maurice Latey.

203 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE force”. The conviction of BBC was, that “In the long run our strength depends on the respect for facts, and the weakness of the dogmatist lies not only in his denial of them, but in the fatality which throws him into a more and more dizzy recession from the real world.” Paradoxically, not only the Communist ruled media, but also Radio Free Europe’s broadcasts fitted to this British definition of “dogmatist”. Nonetheless, this principle faced critique from British Embassies in East- Central European countries which were monitoring the BBCs broadcasts on a daily basis. The British Embassy in Prague, for instance, criticized the quantity of “the projection of Britain” in the BBC broadcast to Czechoslovakia suggesting that “the projection of Britain element in the transmissions should be reduced to the minimum.” The Embassy motivated its opinion with the explanation that “the task shall be to capture the attention of the Czechs and prevent them from switching off, not to give them so much of what is thought to be good for them.”23 This opinion corresponded with the view of many refugees (some of them prominent exiles) from Czechoslovakia, suggesting that the BBC-audience in Czechoslovakia is rather interested in jokes against communism than in listening to talks on what is going on in China or Malaya.24 (Others) Arnošt Heidrich, the former Secretary of State at the Czechoslovak Ministry of For- eign Affairs (1945-48) insinuated that the western broadcast should provide the listener behind the Iron Curtain with a “leitmotiv, a standard by which the world situation could be applied to the situation in his own backyard.”25 Another problem resulted from the fact that the content of BBC broadcast addressed to the audience in Britain and overseas was identical. A Brit- ish listener, previously informed by the newspapers, could easily understand a BBC talk or comment, but “the listener behind the Iron Curtain had great difficulty in trying to connect these fragments of news into some kind of understandable picture. Jaroslav Stránský (former Czechoslovak Minister of Justice), considered it most imperative that commentaries should be adapted

23 BBC WAC, Caversham, file E1/2514/1. 24 Ibidem, file E1/641/1. Lieutenant-Colonel Dědičík, questionnaire from November 1948, interviewed by British officials in Vienna after he defected from Czechoslovakia. 25 BBC WAC, Caversham, file E40/229/1.

204 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE to the present situation in Czechoslovakia, and form some sort of substitute for broadcast. The reaction of a BBC editor is somehow symptomatic, since he stated: “We do not favour comments being attached to the news item as they tend to make the news bulletin sound propagandist.”26 BBC avoided the émigré tone, although for example the strong and well- informed Polish émigré population in Britain was of great assistance in the BBCs output to Poland. Since the BBC had a certain obsession in its aspiration for objectivity, it compelled its national staffs (Czechoslovak, Polish, etc.) to accept the implications of broadcasting from London in the British national interest. Thus, the national desks were not regarded as surrogate radio stations. BBC was anxious to speak to its listeners in a way which was far off a patronising fashion, since it was believed that it could only antagonise the intelligent listener in Prague, Warsaw, or Budapest. It was taking care to avoid anything in its broadcast that could be interpreted as instigation to any form of political action. In July 1956, few weeks after the Poznan riots in June 1956, the Embassy in Prague urged the BBC to advise the listeners in Czecho- slovakia what line they should take towards their government, what criticism they should make and what reforms they should call for. The BBC rejected it firmly, stating that BBCs output is designed to help the people judge what is wrong with communism and the present regime in Czechoslovakia and to suggest more desirable alternatives. In practice it meant that the BBC reduced the comments to a minimum of the total output, restrained from all incitement to action and avoided personal abuse of Communist leaders. Nevertheless, the BBC broadcasts did not accept the status quo in Eastern and Central Europe as necessarily of a lasting character. It was believed, that the failure to comment on the internal affairs of East European countries, which were all deprived of their right to national self-determination, would be regarded as a tacit acceptance of the validity of the status quo.27 Apart these principles there were also “good grounds of expediency”: BBC was aware that doing the opposite would rapidly reduce its audience. In this point, the

26 Ibidem. 27 BBC WAC Caversham, file E40/168/1), 1960, p. 3.

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BBCs motto was: “We cannot talk about Czechoslovakia without talking to Czechoslovakia on the same topic.” It is a paradox, that the BBC, considering itself as being “non-propagan- distic” and “objective”, was strongly jammed too, just as RFE.28 Jamming of Czechoslovak BBC broadcasts began in February 1952. In 1956, the Pol- ish government stopped jamming of BBC broadcasts. In consequence, the BBC moderated the tone of its Polish broadcasts. That was something that Radio Free Europe never did. When the “Thaw” came, the BBC was ready to compromise with the Communist regimes in issues like cultural exchange and jamming, based on its belief that approaching the Communists with the suggestion that there should be an agreement about jamming, it must give something away because any agreement meant concessions on both sides.”29 In 1963, the Czechoslovak Ambassador in London was offering the BBC a shabby bargain: if it was found that Bruce Lockhart’s broadcasts had stopped, as he stated, jamming would cease almost immediately.30 So what did the BBC? It sacrificed Robert Bruce Lockhart’s weekly talks (“World Af- fairs”), which was one of the most popular programs listened by the Czecho- slovak audience. The BBC did this in a belief that it gets very large “quo” (a few weeks extra without jamming) for a very small “quid”.” The Czecho- slovak jamming of BBC broadcasts ceased by April 1st, 1964. The relations on all media-levels improved, in 1965 an agreement on cooperation between the BBC and Czechoslovak Radio was signed in London. However, this kind of agreements encouraged the CP-regimes to press home with further attempts to neutralise as far as possible the BBC broadcast to their countries.

28 Andy O’Dwyer, Interfering with Auntie. An Uncomfortable Reception – Jamming the BBC, in: Alexander Badenoch, Andreas Fickers, Christian Henrich-Franke (eds.), Airy Curtains in the European Ether. Broadcasting and the Cold War, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2013, pp. 347-360. For a detailed analysis of jamming of the Western broadcasting to Czechoslovakia by the Czechoslovak Communist authorities see: TOMEK, P.: Rušení zahraničních rozhlasového vysílání pro Československo, in Securitas Imperii , No. 9, 2002, pp. 334-367; BÁRTA, M.: Přestaňte okamžitě rušit modré. Konec rušení Radia Svobodná Evropa v roce 1968, in Paměť a dějiny, No. 3, 2012, pp. 45-54. 29 BBC WAC Caversham, file E40/163/1 (conversation of the Head of Central European Service BBC with R. Murray, Under-Secretary FO. 1960) 30 BBC WAC Caversham, file E1/1818/1.

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Radio Free Europe RFE described as the politically most influential broadcasting station in the history presents a more “exiting” picture when it goes to propaganda and psychological warfare. Established as an initiative of the National Committee for a Free Europe, RFE started its broadcasts in July 1950 in New York. It was an “officially nonofficial” (Robert T. Holt)31 instrument of American foreign policy that was without peer in both American history and the history of international broadcasting. This model implied both advantages and dangers. Stressing its non-official character, RFE presented itself as a station where individuals speak to individuals – this was called „People speak to people” . This concept allowed it to compensate the advantages of American government intelligence and a policy responsive to national opinion and national interests. This policy resulted in a big measure of freedom for the RFE-program staff to attack Communism by any means. For instance the collaborators with the Com- munists or CP-officials acting on all levels were denounced by name. The separation of American official authorities from RFE was consistent: for instance the RFE Intelligence Department found it impossible to get any information with regard to jamming from U.S. Embassies in East-Central Europe. In the RFE headquarters in Munich the only evidence of a liaison with American “official” bodies was the existence of a Policy Advisor whose function was to ensure at least negatively that there was no major clash with American interests. On the other hand, the US government emphasized the private status of RFE in replies to Czechoslovak and Hungarian governments protest notes in 1954 and 1955 to the State Department asking that radio and leaflet operations sponsored by the Free Europe Committee be halted. The protests were rejected as being without foundation.32

31 HOLT, R.T.: Radio Free Europe, op. cit, pp. 4-5. 32 Ibidem, p. 7.

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RFE and the propaganda Referring to the communication model invented by Harold Laswell, the main problem of American propaganda was not deciding what to say, but how to organize it.33 This raises the question of communication techniques and American propaganda strategy: the U.S. psychological warfare experts developed a “camouflaged” approach to propaganda that used the independent mass media, non-governmental organisations and private individuals as surrogate communicators for conveying propaganda messages. Radio Free Europe was a surrogate domestic radio consisting of semi-autonomous broadcasting stations (actually RFEs national desks) – “Hlas Slobodného Československa”, “Głos Wolnej Polski” etc. Propaganda-related psychological considerations extended beyond mere propaganda to affect a wide range of activities relating to U.S. foreign relations including covert operations, such as cultural policy and international broadcasting. Propaganda was a part of “genetic code” of RFE. In a memorandum of the aims and objectives dated November 1950, Radio Free Europe was described as “an instrument of psychological warfare” with a purpose to “prevent, or at least to hinder, the cultural, political and economic integration of the satellite states with the Soviet Union.” Unhampered by official status, RFEs role was to supplement but not to compete with Voice of America. Its programs had to be sent out in a colloquial language. RFE could “move into the area of grey or even black propaganda”.34 RFEs programs were aimed at: keeping alive the hope of liberation in the satellite states; stimulating and increasing the difficulties of the satellite regimes; creating doubts and fears among the quislings of the; developing an atmosphere favourable to the growth of resistance movements, for ultimate exploitation in war, or, in peace time. However, there were some restraining principles. No attempt was made to encourage defection of members of the armed forces, nor had any hope to be hold out of early release from Com- munist rule. This, however, was a balance on a thin line and the RFE was soon faced with the problem of having raised too many high hopes; it was

33 BRIGGS, A.: Sound and Vision, op. cit., pp. 468. 34 Memorandum for the Deputy Director of Central Intelligence concerning Radio Free Europe, November 22, 1950. Available online at the web-page of the CIA on www.foia.cia.gov (accessen on September 22, 2014).

208 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE a dilemma of “how to keep the spark of hope alive without blowing it into a flame.”35 The appearance and titling of the days Program Sheet was English, but a big deal of initiative was left to the individual national program assistants. Much of the finished comments and texts have never undergone translation in extension, but were summarized in reports. Analysis of a day’s program output in the early 1950s indicates that the means were not closely coordinated between separate parts of the output, which were likely to contradict one another in their implications. There was little knowledge among the Americans of the languages in which they were working and they were not aware in detail of the content of all the programs or their tone. This situation changed radically after the Hungarian revolution in 1956 due to the mistakes made by Hungarian Desk of RFE. In 1958 a Program Analysis Unit was established in order to review all programs. Furthermore, the names of “surrogate radios” changed from “Voice of Free Czechoslovakia”, “Voice of Free Poland”, “Voice of Free Hungary” etc. to Czechoslovak or Polish or Hungarian broadcasting of Radio Free Europe. Nevertheless, according to a study of the Audience Research Department of Radio Free Europe from 1967, 60 per cent from almost 2000 respondents from Czechoslovakia, Poland and Hungary considered RFE an “American-supported, exile-run station.”

Munich – the seat of Radio Free Europe The decision to move its headquarters from New York to Munich had practical reasons and assets of technical nature, implied better possibilities for interrogation of refugees from Czechoslovakia, meant separation of the editing staff from their own émigré politicians residing in the United States. Nevertheless there was also a negative “historical heritage”: the reminiscences of the population in Czechoslovakia (deliberately nourished by the Commu- nist ruled mass media) on the Munich agreement from 1938 were still strong; Bruce Lockhart, being pressed by the European Director of RFE to broadcast during his working visit to RFEs headquarters in January 1952, refused 35 Report on Radio Free Europe Munich by Sir Robert Bruce Lockhart, February 17, 1952. The National Archives, Kew, Public Record Office, Foreign Office, FO 1110/518.

209 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE to do it, since he “did not wish(ed) to broadcast in Czech to the Czechs from Munich.”36 The Polish Desk or “Voice of Free Poland” was also affected by the residence of RFE in Bavaria (with numerous German expellees from Eastern Europe), since the mentioning of the new frontier on the Oder-Neis- se line in the Polish broadcast was not altogether welcome to the Direction of RFE, which since 1955 had to seek for transmission license by the Bavar- ian government. This problem wasn’t resolved until 1970, as the agreement between German Federal Republic and Poland was signed.

Relationship BBC – RFE When it comes to the relationship between the BBC and Radio Free Eu- rope and their perception of each other, the conclusions may be somehow surprising. It reflected all aspects previously mentioned that can be described as “philosophy of broadcasting”. This relationship was anything than cor- dially. First reaction of the Director-General of BBC Ian Jacob to the announcement of a Czechoslovak broadcasting from Munich by the RFE was that “the emergence of Radio Free Europe is not altogether welcome to us. However, it is clear that with American support they are here to stay, and we must make the best of it.”37 The BBC support for RFE was mostly limited to technical assistance whenever practicable. The BBC perceived RFE as an ally using different weapons in a war which in a part was BBCs own war, but it avoided any form of association in public as scrupulously as it could.38 By making comments to an analysis survey comparing BBC and RFE Pol- ish newscasts in 1958 made by Radio Free Europe, the Director of the BBC East European Services stated that BBC is reporting on the internal affairs of Poland only “when it is one hundred per cent certain of the truth of a story.” A claim that RFE focuses on events in Poland three times as often as the BBC was commented that “RFE is three times as often wrong and that therefore it has a reputation for a lack of objectivity.”39

36 Ibidem. 37 BBC WAC Caversham, file E1/179 38 Ibidem. 39 BBC WAC Caversham, file E1/1968/1, note by Macdonald 12. 3. 1958.

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In a fact, the way RFE gathered its news was a process of approximations and guesswork, as the news was sometimes based on a tangle of information that was difficult to prove. But the RFE didn’t mind being wrong as long as it achieved something. On the other hand, Radio Free Europe’s broadcasting around the clock-strategy devaluated by the BBC as “too much broadcasting” had a big advantage from the point of view of the listeners in Eastern Europe who found it more and more difficult to listen at regular hours. In considering the possibility of Radio Free Europe being a member of the European Broadcasting Union E.B.U. (founded in 1950), the BBC officials stated in an internal memorandum dated May 1958, that – abstracting from the legalistic view – “it would be an embarrassment to have among our members an organisation which is devoted to such violent propaganda.”40

CONCLUSIONS Since the term “Cold War”, invented by George Orwell,41 appeared several times in my paper, it doesn’t seem unreasonable to conclude it in allusion to Orwell: While it is undisputed, that the Communist regimes collapsed from internal causes, the answer to the question of how the dynamics of the Cold War affected these regimes can be found in the erosive, destructive impact of Western culture. What happened was the opposite of the Orwellian sce- nario of a totalitarian state employing modern communications to deceive the masses.42 Modern communications (radio, film, television) provided the residents of East European countries with the ability to access the Western culture in spite of restrictions on East-West contacts. Increased awareness of modern, consumer-driven culture could raise expectations and undermine the authority of the Communist Party regimes. The fact that the Western international broadcasting played a significant role in this process is out of the question. In other words, making allusions to the term “Iron Curtain”, it seems evident that the Iron Curtain wasn’t soundproof, nor were the “Airy Curtains” in the European Ether (in form of jamming of Western broad-

40 BBC WAC, Caversham, file E1/1968/1. 41 Article „You and the Atomic Bomb“, published in Tribune on October 19, 1945. 42 HIXSON, W. L.: Parting the Curtain, op. cit., p. 230.

211 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE casting) effective. In the long term, the Soviet Union and the East European Communist Party regimes were unsuccessful in their competition with the Western broadcast. Their policy towards the international broadcasting from Western Europe transmitting programs addressed to the societies living in Eastern Europe was exclusively reactive, involving such measures as counter- propaganda of Communist Party-controlled media, repressions on intra-state level (legislative punishing the listening of Western broadcast) and jamming. Jamming was a strategy that was both expensive (it is estimated that the jamming operations were three times more expensive that the total costs for operating RFE) and only partially successful.

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Resumé Západ je Západ a stred je východ. Rozhlasové vysielanie do stredovýchodnej Európy v období studenej vojny. Rádio Slobodná Európa a B.B.C. v 50. a 60. rokoch 20. storočia Dušan Segeš

Medzinárodné rozhlasové vysielanie vysielačov zo západnej Európy za studenej vojny určené poslucháčom v krajinách stredovýchodnej Európy, v ktorých boli masovo- komunikačné prostriedky pod cenzúrou komunistického štátno-straníckeho aparátu, predstavuje z hľadiska historiografie niekoľkovrstvový fenomén. Tematika je mul- tidisciplinárna, a z hľadiska výskumu relevantná nielen pre historiografiu, ale aj pre politológiu, sociológiu, mediálne štúdiá či kulturológiu. Pri jej výskume možno uplat- niť metodologické postupy zo spomínaných vedných disciplín. V problematike roz- hlasového vysielania zo Západu do stredovýchodnej Európy identifikujem niekoľko subtém, ako propaganda, verejná diplomacia a legislatíva rozhlasového a televízneho vysielania. Z pohľadu výskumu studenej vojny ako celku je prezentovaná téma príkladom toho, že obdobie rokov 1945/1948-1989 nemožno chápať ako bipolárny konflikt dvoch odlišných politických, hospodárskych a ideologických „blokov“ na čele s dvoma su- perveľmocami – Spojenými štátmi americkými a Sovietskym zväzom, ktoré v zmysle tradičnej, resp. postrevizionistickej interpretácie nespolupracovali či na seba nereago- vali. Práve rozhlasové vysielanie RFE (Radio Free Europe) a B.B.C. do krajín stredo- východnej Európy v 50. a 60. rokoch 20. storočia priam názorne ukazuje, že východ- ný „blok“ nepredstavoval vnútorne skonsolidovaný monolit, ktorý by bol imúnny na procesy v západnom, demokratickom svete. Vysielanie predstavovalo zvláštny druh kultúrneho transferu, pri ktorom obidva bloky nadväzovali dialóg (i keď konfron- tačný) a dostávali sa do interakcií. Prezentovaná štúdia je postavená na primárnych písomných prameňoch z archívov zväčša československých redakcií rozhlasových staníc RFE a B.B.C. objasňujúcich dianie v zákulisí a procesy, ktoré súviseli s prí- pravou jednotlivých programov a relácií. Nadväzuje na doterajšie štúdie venované rozhlasovej stanici RFE, a načrtáva vzájomný vzťah medzi britským ministerstvom zahraničia (Foreign Office) a vedením B.B.C. V neposlednom rade porovnáva vy- sielaciu filozofiu a obidvoch rozhlasových staníc a ich interakcie pri vnímaní diania v krajinách stredovýchodnej Európy a „tónu“ spravodajských programov.

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Decline of a Nobleman from the Perspective of the Bohemian Land Law in the Early Modern Period. Indirect Reflection of the Social Perception?

Marek Starý

Abstrakt: his study maps the historian‘s background, goals and literature and sources, necessary for research into early modern aristocratic and provincial law and its application. Keywords: Social Preception,Early Modern Times, Bohemian Land, Nobleman

1. Background and Objectives of the Paper In practice, any social phenomenon can be viewed in a historical context through the optic of an extensive range of various sources. The quantity, variety and information value thereof logically growth over the time line from the past towards the present time. The distinctive type of the written sources represent from the very beginning of the existence of the organized human society the normative sources. The value of such sources may seem problematic at the first sight. From the view of the later statements, the law is not about what had happened, but only about what should have happened. Similar as at present, even in the past, the social acceptance of the legal standards could have balanced between the full

215 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE acceptance thereof and the general ignoring and/or even resistance. As far as those standards are concerned, the observance of which was for any reason not thoroughly enforced by the public power, (and/or did not penalize the breach thereof), the social non-observance could have worked even for a long time and in the real life, there was a more or less visible dichotomy between the “virtual” situation de iure and the actual situation de facto. It could therefore seem that the normative sources could have hardly play a more significant role in searching for the reply to the answer how the social phenomena had been perceived in the time they had been occurring. The monitoring of the legal practice that constitutes an imaginary bridge between the normativity and the facticity. Nevertheless, even the speech of the legal standards has some information value. Such a value, however, has to be perceived from the so-called intention of the lawmaker. The legal standards do not arise at random, but they reflect the social demand. It can be seen from what stated above that such a demand may have different forms. On one side, it may be expressed as large social consensus and the willingness of the potential addressees to be subject to such a new legal standard, on the other side, it can only be a minority opinion of the representatives of the public power who are able to enforce such an opinion via the law-making system regard- less of the majority opinion. Some causal link between the social perception of a certain phenomenon and its subsequent normative seizure exists in each case and certain conclusions can be made from the texts of the normative sources (in an ideal case in combination with the written materials of different nature), as far as the social perception of a particular phenomenon is concerned.1

1 In the legal sciences, the social reality is considered one of the material sources of the law. For a brief characteristics of this terms, see for example GERLOCH, Aleš: Teorie práva, (The Theory of Law), Plzeň 2013, p. 71. More detailed information concerning the relation between the normativity and facticity and the role of the social environment for the origin of the law can be found for example in KNAPP, Viktor: Teorie práva, (The Theory of Law), Praha 1995, in particular p. 28-34, and, from the more recent sources, found MARŠÁLEK, Pavel: Právo a společnost (The Law and the Society), Praha 2008, p. 128-132. Rather than classical jurisprudence, the sociology of the law deals with the relation between the social reality and the changes of the legal system.

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If, in this case, the economic bankruptcy, the bankruptcy of a member of the nobleman society is the subject matter,2 we should evidently ask two basic questions. In which way did the law try to protect the interests of creditors, and to what extent, if any, did the legal standards have a preventive role? In other words: did the noblemen perceive the bankruptcies as a dangerous phenomenon that should be prevented, if possible? And if so, did they take a liking to those affected by the bankruptcy, or towards the creditors whose receivables could not have been fully (or even at all) satisfied and they could therefore find themselves at the level of this bankruptcy? The submitted text tries to find the answers to such formulated questions, with the natural reservation that considering that the text is not too long, certain theses can only be briefly brought up, without being able to come to the highly detailed arguing over such questions. Within the Czech environment, the issue of bankruptcies has its roots far in the Middle Ages, but, nevertheless, it seems that the early modern times were a critical period in this sphere to a large extent. The reason therefore was both the further intensification of the monetary circulation, and, in particular, the extensive development of the credit relations. These relations started to develop in the post-Hussite period and in the 16th century, they became the basic foundation stone of the economics of the feudal homesteads.3 Even the richest 2 Till that time, bankruptcy meant what is defined as bankruptcy (more or less in conformity with the general perception and with the development tendencies of the Continental Law), nowadays the Act Nol. 82/2006 Coll., in force, on bankruptcies and on the method of solution of bankruptcies (the Insolvency Law), i.e. the overindebtedness and insolvency. Over the time, the social perception of the bankruptcy was somehow more extensive and included even those cases when a large level of indebtedness forced the debtor to the sale of the family possession and/or to a significant reduction thereof. 3 In this context, in particular two pioneer works, today being the classical works, shall be mentioned: LEDVINKA, Václav: Úvěr a zadlužení feudálního velkostatku v předbělohorských Čechách (Finanční hospodaření pánů z Hradce 1560-1596). (The loan and overintebtedness of the feudal large farm in Bohemia period before the Bílá Hora battle (Financial economy of the lords from Hradec, 1560-1596), Monographia historica Bohemica, volume 1, Praha 1985, and BŮŽEK, Václav: Úvěrové podnikání nižší šlechty v předbělohorských Čechách. (The loan business of the lower noblemen in Bohemia in the period before the Bílá Hora battle), Monographia historica Bohemica, volume 4, Praha 1989. The role of the loan in the decay of the Pernštejn family possession is dealt with newly in VAŘEKA, Jan: Jan z Pernštejna 1561-1597. Hospodářský úpadek Pernštejnů, (The economic decay of the Pernštejn family).

217 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE aristocratic families (and maybe just the richest aristocratic families) lived on credit to a considerable extent, but within the network of the creditor-debtor relations, the members of such families frequently acted on both sides. 4 The possibility to overcome an immediate cash shortage with a loan was a comfort- able and practical solution on one side, but, on the other side, it started a spiral of credit operations, often ending inevitably with a bankruptcy. It shall be added (as mentioned above), that risks consisted not only in the borrowing of the money, but also in the lending of money to the others, in particular to the ruler. We can mention the deterrent example of the knight Oldřich Bechyně from Lažany († 1627) who relied too much on the gratitude of the Ferdinand II. and had to search for refuge from the creditors in a monastery,5 and, after all, also the fall of the all-powerful Zdeněk Lev from Rožmitál († 1535), who, in the end, paid for the difficult recovery of his receivables from the fiscal system.6 In this association, we may also point out to the following bankruptcy of the Švihov family from Rýzmberk, who acted as guarantors (besides, however, they suffered from considerable debts of their own).7 There were more ways leading to bankruptcy and they cannot be České Budějovice 2008. 4 This important fact is again dealt with in HRBEK, Jiří: Barokní Valdštejnové v Čechách 1640-1740 (The Valdštejn family in Bohemia) , Praha 2013, p. 420. Examples are given in MAŤA, Petr: Svět české aristokracie (1500-1700), (The world of the Czech aristocracy (15001700)), Praha 2004, p. 224-225. 5 MENČÍK, Ferdinand (ed.): Paměti Jana Jiřího Haranta z Polžic a Bezdružic od roku 1624 do roku 1648 (The memoirs of Jan Jiří Harant from Polžice and Bezdružice from 1624 till 1648), Praha 1897, p. 28. 6 In the case of Zdeněk Lev, his rivalry with the rules undoubtedly played a certain role. However, the borrowing to the fiscal system could have also thrown into problems a loyal servant of the ruler. This was experienced for example by Jan z Pernštejn († 1548), - for more information, see VOREL, Petr: Vývoj pozemkové držby pánů z Pernštejna v 15.-17. století. (The development of the land possessions of the lords from Pernštejn in the 15th to 17th century). In: Pernštejnové v českých dějinách, usp. Petr Vorel, (The Pernštejn family in the Czech history, arranged by Petr Vorel). Pardubice 1995, p. 29-31; THE SAME AUTHOR, Páni z Pernštejna. Vzestup a pád rodu zubří hlavy v dějinách Čech a Moravy, (The rise and the fall of the family of the wisent´s head in the history of the Bohemia and Moravia), Praha 2012, p. 159-170. 7 For more information concerning this cause, see: HOLÝ, Vladimír: Růst a rozklad rodového majetku Švihovských z Rýzmberka a pánů z Rožmitálu. Příspěvek k poznání vývoje feudální koncentrace pozemkového majetku v jihozápadních Čechách. Minulostí Plzně a Plzeňska 3, (The growth and the decay of the family possession

218 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE always connected with an imprudent indebtedness only. However, the credit economy is at their background in some form. The declines of the aristocratic dominie and the bankruptcies of the individuals naturally draw the attention of the entire society and became frequently the impulse to write the completely prosaic and generally moralizing reactions and comments. However, it seems that the society perceived the bankruptcies for a long time as something usual, or, more precisely, as one of certainly extreme, but, basically, still acceptable expressions of autonomy of an individual and his responsibility for his own behaviour. This may be documented with the legal regulations that crystalized during the second half of the 15th century and, in the end, were reflected in the so-called Vladislav Land Establishment, approved at the Land Assembly in 1500 and the King Vladislav II., sanctioned two years later.8 This first official Land Law Code which, to a certain extent (but not completely) overcame its custom and prec- edent character, did not contain any special standards dedicated to bankruptcy. After all, the same can be stated mutatis mutandis also about the other analogical codes, approved gradually during the 16th century.

of the Švihov family from Rýzmberk and the lords from Rožmitál. A paper on the learning of the development of the feudal concentration of the land possession in South-western Bohemia. The past of the Plzeň and the Plzeň region, 1960, p. 45-79. 8 The circumstances of the origin of the Vladislav establishment is dealt with in particular by MARTINOVSKÝ, Ivan: Okolnosti vzniku Vladislavského zřízení zemského. (The Circumstances of the Origin of the Vladislav Land Establishment). Ústecký sborník historický (The Historical Collection of Ústí), 1979, p. 107-132; THE SAME AUTHOR: Zápas o uznání Vladislavského zřízení zemského. (The Battle Leading to the Acknowledgement of the Vladislav Land Establishment). Ústecký sborník historický (The Historical Collection of Ústí), 1983, p. 133–171; THE SAME AUTHOR: Vznik a počátky Vladislavského zemského zřízení. (The Origin and the Beginnings of the Vladislav Land Establishment). In: Vladislavské zřízení zemské a počátky ústavního zřízení v českých zemích (1500-1619), (the Vladislav Land Establishment and the Beginnings of the Constitution Establishment in the Bohemian Lands (1500-1619), arranged by Karel Malý – Jaroslav Pánek, Praha 2001, 85-100 (this collection may be considered a ground-breaking collection in terms of the learning of the genesis, content and broader associations of this Cod). The modern edition was processed by KREUZ, Petr – MARTINOVSKÝ, Ivan (ed.): Vladislavské zřízení zemské a navazující prameny (Svatováclavská smlouva a Zřízení o ručnicích). (The Vladislav Land Establishment and the Associated Sources (The Saint Wenceslas Agreement and the Constitution of Rifles), Edice, Dolní Břežany 2007.

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2. The indications of the preventive measures in the legislation of the 16th and 17th century As far as the above mentioned question of prevention is concerned, prevention was in the Land establishments usually reduced to the ban on loan- sharking, being an offence in contradiction with both the Christian moral, and the healthy development of the economic relations.9 In this respect, the ground-breaking decision was the decision assumed by the Land Court in 1485, which legalized the interest on loans (till that time, only Jews could have asked for interests), but, at the same time, this decision stated 10 per cent as the permitted profit limit – higher interests were considered loan-sharking.10 A parametric, but a highly important change occurred in 1543 when the indicated upper admissible level of the interest was reduced by the Land As- sembly upon the motion by Ferdinand I. to 6 per cent.11 However, the impact of this change has to be evaluated very carefully. On one hand, the credits became a smaller burden for the debtors, on the other hand, this measure lead to a fierce development of the credit relations and, in the end, resulted rather in a growth than in a decline of the financial bankruptcies among the Czech noblemen. In addition, it should be kept in mind that the ban on the loan-sharking practices was probably often ignored and/or evaded, as can be seen in the repeated Land Assembly resolutions concerning the so-called practices of “sedlání” and “partity”, i.e. the offences consisting in the eva-

9 As for this issue, compare in particular URFUS, Valentin: Právo, úvěr a lichva v minulosti. (The Law, Credit and Loan-Sharking in the Past). Acta universitatis Brunensis, Iuridica, No 14, Brno 1975, compare also the brief review by STARÝ, Marek: Et mutuum date nihil desperantes? Credit interest in the history of Czech law. In: Ex contractu, ex delicto. Z dziejów prawa zobowiązań, usp. Maciel Mikuła – Kamil Stolarski, Kraków 2012, p. 169-176. 10 EMLER, Josef (ed.): Reliquiae tabularum terrae regni Bohemiae anno MDXLI igne consumptarum. Pozůstatky desk zemských království českého r. 1541 pohořelých. (The remnants of the Land Files of the Bohemian Kingdom, burned in 1541). Tomus II., Praha 1872, p. 404-405. 11 The National Archive Prague, the Fund of Desky zemské (Land Files), sign. DZSt 1, fol. B 2v – B 3r, edition of Czech Assemblies from Summer 1526 till Our Days, Part I, ed. Anton Gindely – František Dvorský, Praha 1877, p. 558-567, n. 309 (here p. 565).

220 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE sion of the ban on loan-sharking using various dissimulated negotiations.12 Nevertheless, a number of knights were able to base their swift expansion on lending money to the indebted aristocrats.13 The application of the respective standards was rather an exception than a rule. The words by Jiří Voděradský from Hrušov, who was beheaded for his credit practices in 1580 and, when walking to the execution site, he gloomily stated that the strict application of the respective standards starts and ends with his person, were prophetic.14 At the beginning, the medieval law and, later on, the modern Czech land law did not contain any possibility of restricting the legal capacity of the spendthrifts. The Roman-law institution “cura prodigy”, i.e. the guardianship over the persons who squander the family property, would certainly be a prosperous tool to prevent from some bankruptcies that are based on the actual subjective inability to manage at least a little bit reasonably his/her own assets. Later on, this solution was incorporated into the Land law due to the development of the credit relations and it may be only speculated to what extent this was a wilful reception of the Roman law (which was rather non-typical in the Czech Land law and possibly and apparently mediated through the municipal law environment) and to what extent there was a mechanism set-up that was intended to protect the family interests. Unlike the Roman Law in which the guardian was appointed officially to a person,15 the specific form of guardianship in the Land Law developed as the testamentary institute in relation to the spendthrift sons. The resolution adopted by the Land Assem-

12 For more information, see URFUS, V.: Právo, úvěr a lichva v minulosti. (The Law, Credit and Loan-Sharking in the Past). p. 71, 77-78, brief information about the so-called “sedlání” and “partita” practices in the Rstored Land Establishment can also be found in HRBEK, J.: Barokní Valdštejnové v Čechách 1640-1740, (The Baroque Valdštejn family in Bohemia), p. 423. 13 Deeper associations and a number of particular examples can be found in BŮŽEK, Václav: Úvěrové podnikání nižší šlechty v předbělohorských Čechách. (The Credit Business of the Lower Noblemen in Bohemia in the Times before the Bílá Hora Battle). 14 REZEK, Antonín (ed.): Paměti Mikuláše Dačického z Heslova, volume I. (The memoirs of Mikuláš Dačický from Heslov, volume I.), Praha 1878, p. 154; PALACKÝ, František (ed.): Výpisy z pamětí Pavla Korky z Korkyně (Ze starého rukopisu). (The extracts from the memoirs of Pavel Korka from Korkyně (from the old manuscript). A journal by the Společnost vlastenská museum v Čechách 4/IV, 1830, p. 440-441. 15 KINCL, Jaromír – URFUS, Valentin: Římské právo, (The Roman Law), Praha 1990, p. 108 and 195.

221 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE bly in 1575 gave the option to the members of all the three statuses that the restrict in their last the disposal rights of their son who behaved during their life in a manner that could result into a justified fear that, after taking over the family heritage, they would behave “shamefully and carelessly to their family and their friends“. It was therefore not the disinheritance of these people, but the entrusting of the respective portion of inheritance to a guardian who could manage this portion of inheritance instead of the spendthrift heir and was supposed only to give a reasonable subsistence portion from it. Any payables by the spendthrift above the limit of this amount should have been de iure invalid. However, while in the Roman Law, the cura prodigi ended up upon the spendthrift having got straight, the resolution by the Assembly selected a potentially less controversial solution and let the Land Court to decide on the end of the guardianship.16 Of course, also the hypothesis can be taken into account that the above mentioned adding made to the legal system could have been associated with the growing volume of the credit relations and the more and more frequently occurring bankruptcies. On the other hand, it must be stated that the diction itself of this article titled ”Otec o dílu syna marnotratného říditi může“ associates the genesis of it rather with the moral decay of the young generation which is after all also indicated by the fact that this article is systematically included to the articles dealing with the “friskiness” of the young people and on the ban on marriages between children without their parents being aware of it. After all, the bountiful spending was probably only rarely the very beginning of the actual decline of the family financial assets. It was because their debts were legally problematic to a certain extent and the recovery of such debts depended on the willingness of the parents to rehabilitate their naughty children and to accept a detriment to their property against the maintaining of the good reputation of the family and/or at least the of the seemingly good reputation.

16 The Czech Assemblies from summer 1526 till the present time, part IV, ed. Anton Gindely – František Dvorský – Julius Pažout, Praha 1886, p. 269-310, n. 86 (here p. 287-288). The relevant provisions can also be found in the draft for the new Land establishment from the beginning of the 17th century – compare GLÜCKLICH, Julius (ed.): Nová redakce zemského zřízení království českého z posledních let před českým povstáním (Spisy filosofické fakulty Masarykovy university v Brně, number 41), (The new editing of the Land establishment of the Czech Kingdom from the last years before the Czech rebellion (The files of the Philosophic Faculty of the Masaryk University in Brno, number 41)), Brno 1936, p. 198-199, art. J 47.

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The inability to recover such debts was enacted in the Assembly resolution of 154517 and the next resolution of 1610 explicitly prohibited the borrowing to young people whose father is still alive and/or are under guardianship and have no own assets available.18 A new institute that appeared in the Czech environment in the 16th century and the purpose of which was to considerably prevent from bankruptcies, was the so-called (the family trusteeship).19 Although its main significance can be seen in the prevention from the crumbling of the family assets among the individual relatives, the immanent part of such trusteeships usually also consisted in the prohibition of the indebting and/or alienation of the estate in full or in part. This institute appears in the Czech legal system in the second half of the 15th century. The South-Bohemian domain of the Rožmberk family was a fideikomis of its kind, and namely since the time when Vladislav II. confirmed in 1493 the falsified privilege of Karel IV. of 1360 which had implemented the institute of the sovereign and administrator of Rožmberk.20

17 The Czech Assemblies from summer 1526 till the present time, par I., p. 610 to 620, n. 327 (here p. 614), from there, this was taken over to the Land establishments – see JIREČEK, Josef – JIREČEK, Hermenegild: Codex iuris Bohemici, Tomi IV. pars 1. sectio I., Jura et constitutiones regni Bohemiae saeculi XVI., Pragae 1882, p. 203, Art. E 8 (ZZ 1549), p. 587, Art.. I 67 (ZZ 1564). In this case, the article is marked with a wrong date (1543). 18 The National Archive Praha, the fund “Sněmovní artikule” (The Assembly Articles), identification number 31, cart. 1 (1609–1610), p. LXVII-LXIX. This norm reappears in a somehow changed form again in GLÜCKLICH, J. (ed.): Nová redakce zemského zřízení království českého z posledních let před českým povstáním, (The new editing of the Land establishment of the Czech Kingdom from the last years before the Czech rebellion), p. 212-213, art. J LXVII. 19 With respect to the Czech fideikomis from the period before the Bílá Hora battle, compare the forgotten study by PINSKER, Čeněk: České zřízení rodové. Kapitola z práva svěřenského, (The Czech Family Regime. The Chapters from the Trust Law), Praha 1907, and newly and to a broader context, see URFUS, Valentin: Rodinný fideikomis v Čechách. Sborník historický 9, (The Family Fideikomis in Bohemia. The Historical Collection), 1962, p. 193-238. It has to be noted that the significance of the term “fideikomis“ is somehow changing, and, in this paper, this term is used in a broader sense as a synonym for the family property trust. 20 EMLER, Josef (ed.): Reliquiae tabularum terrae regni Bohemiae anno MDXLI igne consumptarum, Tomus II., p. 454-457. The falsification of the Charles´s Paper is deposited at SOA Třeboň, Cizí rody, Listiny, (Foreign Families, Papers), i.n. 13, sign. From Rožmberk 5/1, kart. 60, edited by RYNEŠOVÁ, Blažena (ed.), Collection of

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This position was supposed to pass on to the individual family members based on the principle of seniority and the entire concept was intended to arrange for the indivisibility of the family domain and trouble-free idea of mutual heritage among the individual family members. Undoubtedly, it was just the Rožmberk establishment that was the reason why the legal standard was introduced in the Land system in 1498, based on which the administrator of the respective assets is the only bearer of both the active and the passive process capacity, if there are any approved “establishments” among the Czech noblemen, approved by the ruler.21 The existence of at least partial trustees in this period is documented in the confession by Jan Kamenický from Pitkovice of 1543 about the transfer of the town of Čelechovice always to the oldest member of the family, which was determined ”a number of years ago, no more in the human memory“.22 In the 16th century, the legal substances of such fideikomis consisted regularly in testaments and the ruler´s consent was implicitly seen in the powerful paper which the testators received from the royal office before they made the last will and testament about their assets.23 In the period

sheets and deeds of Oldřich from Rožmberk 1418–1462, volume I, Praha 1929, p. 245-251, n. 360. Later on, this privilege was confirmed by Ludvík Jagellonský (1523), Ferdinand I. (1544) and Maxmilián II. (1567). SOA Třeboň, Foreign families, Sheets, id.no. 374, sign. z Rožmberka 5/25, kart. 66, i.n. 411, sign. z Rožmberka 5/29, kart. 66, i.n. 469, sign. z Rožmberka 5/31, kart. 67. 21 EMLER, Josef (ed.): Reliquiae tabularum terrae regni Bohemiae anno MDXLI igne consumptarum, Tomus II., p. 504. This standard also appears in the Land establishments from years 1530, 1549 and 1564 – see JIREČEK, J. JIREČEK, H.: Codex iuris Bohemici, Tomi IV. pars 1. sectio I., p. 27, art. 66 (ZZ 1530), p. 194, art. D 18 (ZZ 1549), p. 528, art. C 34 (ZZ 1564). 22 DZV 250, fol. E 4v. Other examples of the family arrangements including the fideikomis elements are contained in MAŤA, P.:Svět české aristokracie (1500-1700) (The World of the Czech Aristocracy, (1500-1700)), p. 133. 23 The examples of these fideikomis are shown in PINSKER, N.: České zřízení rodové, (The Czech Family Establishment), p. 8-11. The powerful sheet was the precondition for the general validity of the nobleman testament (kšaft) – for more information, see RAUSCHER, Rudolf: O zvolené posloupnosti v českém právu zemském. Práce ze semináře českého práva na Karlově universitě v Praze, (About the Selected Sequence in the Czech Land Lqw. The paper from the seminar of the Czech Law at the Charles University in Prague), number 3, Praha 1921, p. 8; THE SAME AUTHOR, Dědické právo podle českého práva zemského. Knihovna Právnické fakulty University Komenského v Bratislavě, (The Inheritance Law Based on the Czech Land Law, the Library of the Law Faculty of the Komenský university in Bratislava), volume 5., Bratislava 1922,

224 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE after the Bílá Hora battle, fiedeikomis got the form of the originally Spanish majorat, characterized by the automatic heritage in the primogeniture male line. Their establishment, however, had hereinafter the form of an individual privilege, having been in this case explicitly granted by the ruler.24 To a certain extent the medieval ownership with ideal portions (the so- called “nedíl”) and the associations subject to a similar legal system could have fulfilled the same role.25 However, it applied that based on the common will of the participants in the ownership with ideal portions and/or in the association, the ownership could have been sold and/or encumbered at their own discretion. As soon as the right of the members in the separation started to be acknowledged, i.e. the receipt of an own portion of the common assets, the efficiency of the ownership with ideal portions further dropped. Formally, this institute was cancelled only by Ferdinand II. in the Restored Land Establishment,26 but, in practice, the ownership with ideal portions was evidently on the decline as early as the 16th century, and its main practical use was restricted to the administration of the family estate from the moment of the death of the previous owner until the distribution of such estate among

p. 64-65, more recent information: KRÁL, Pavel: Mezi životem a smrtí. Testamenty české šlechty v letech 1550 až 1650. (Between the Life and the Death. The testaments by the Czech Noblemen in Years 1550 to 1650), Monographia Historica, volume 2, České Budějovice 2002, p. 15-16. 24 Compare the signle short comment on the (explicitly not named) fideikomis in the Restored Land Establishment JIREČEK, Hermenegild (ed.): Codex iuris Bohemici. Tomi V. pars 2. Constitutiones regni Bohemiae anno 1627 reformatae, Pragae – Vindobonae – Lipsiae 1888, p. 420-421, art. O 22. 25 The issue of the ownership with ideal portions would certainly deserve a more detailed law and historical revision. Till the today´s date, it is necessary to base on the classical, but very old works by KADLEC, Karel: Rodinný nedíl čili zádruha v právu slovanském, (The Family Undivided Ownership in the Slavic Law), Praha 1898; THE SAME AUTHOR, Rodinný nedíl ve světle dat srovnávacích dějin právních, (The Family Undivided Ownership in the Light of the Comparative Law History), Brno 1901; RAUSCHER, Rudolf: O rodinném nedílu v českém a uherském právu zemském před Tripartitem (About the Family Undivided Ownership in the Czech and Ungarian Land Law Before the Tripartity (A special print from the magazine of the association “Učená Společnost Šafaříkova”), Bratislava 1928, and/or the applicable brief texts in the discussions on the Inheritance Land Law. 26 JIREČEK, H.: Codex iuris Bohemici. Tomi V. pars 2., p. 424-427, art. O 29 – O 31, and, after all, also the other subsequent standards of the inheritance law, dealt with in more detail.

225 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE the sons and/or other heirs. From this point of view, fideikomis represented a relatively new legal institute, progressive in many aspects which could have replaced the ownership with ideal portions, without assuming some of their problematic features. If the main incentive of the family trusts was to main- tain the power and economic position of the family within the nobleman society, it can also be perceived from a different point of view that it was supposed to prevent from the subsequent atrophy of the family, the ultimate and extreme expression of which was just the complete collapse, i.e. the bankruptcy. This shows that the Czech noblemen were well aware of the threat of the collapse of the family finances and/or even the bankruptcy as a real risk – many of them undoubtedly also based on the authentic experience from their own environment and the others based on the information communicated to them. It does not seem, however, that any general perception of the bankruptcy issue could be perceived from this subjective, even though extended awareness which the Law should urgently deal with. It was up to each individual to try to assume such measures that would prevent from the decline of the family in the future. It is also of interest that, similarly as in the event of profligacy, this field of the law remained firmly and, in practice, exclusively connected with the inheritance law and the solution of fideikomis was based on the testamentary autonomy of an individual and the resolution adopted by the Assembly in 1498 represented in the period before the Bílá Hora battle the sole and extremely brief normative base for the family trusts.

3. The Protection of the Creditors and the Beginnings of the Bankruptcy Law The interest of the Czech noblemen in the prevention from the economic bankruptcy in the period before the Bílá Hora battle on the field of law- making did not go any farther than the limitation of the loan interest rates (and, naturally, the interest rates of other payables) and the acceptance of the standards which, in individual cases, gave the opportunity to make individual solutions associated with the decision-making over the further destiny of the family estate mortis causa. Now, we should focus on the other aspect of view from which the issue of bankruptcy from the view of the early mod-

226 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE ern society could have been of interest and/or even urgent. In this case, the issue was not only the fear of the bankruptcy of the family and/or rather the future bankruptcy of the family as a result of various subjective and objective circumstances, but also the risk of threat as a result of unenforceability of the property claims – in particular in association with the bankruptcies of other persons. In other words, we can ask about the quality of the legal regulation of the security means and the execution and bankruptcy proceeding, and, similarly, about whether the growing intensity of the credit relations during the post-Hussite period and the period before the Bílá Hora battle found any evident response in the development of the Land Law in this respect. The old obligation law had not enjoyed much attention of the legal historians so far, with the exception of the security instruments to which a couple of separate works was dedicated (but as early as the first half of the 20th century).27 It can be stated with a certain simplification that while some ancient legal institutes of this kind were apparently past their prime, the guarantor institute evidently enjoyed the major trust. It is quite understandable because it is such a kind of security under which, in addition to the debtor´s assets that may in practice no more exist at the time of the seizure, also the assets of third parties can be captured – and, based on the legal regulation of that time, even in the first place. Even though the legal regulation of the guarantor institute was not processed in detail in the 16th century, as far as the text of the Codes of the Land Law is concerned, the legal practice was capable of handling this institute well and the majority of the customary problems had

27 KAPRAS, Jan: K dějinám českého zástavního práva. (About the History of the Czech Pledge Law). The Library of the Collection of the Legal and State Sciences, Legal Sciences Group, number IV., Praha 1903; ČÁDA, František: K osobní exekuci podle čep. práva zemského. (About the Personal Distress pursuant to the Czech Land Law), Part I. The work from the seminar of the Czech Law at the Charles University in Prague, number 2, Praha 1920; THE SAME AUTHOR Ležení podle českého práva zemského (K osobní exekuci II.) (“Ležení” based on the Czech Land Law) (About the Personal Distress II.). A paper from the seminar of the Czech Law at the Charles University in Prague, number 6, Praha 1922; RAUSCHER, Rudolf: K rukojemství v českém právu zemském. Práce ze semináře českého práva na Karlově universitě v Praze (About the Guarantor Institute in the Czech Land Law. A paper from the seminar of the Czech Law at the Charles University in Prague, number 8, Praha 1923; SATURNÍK, Theodor: Věrovací slib a smlouva pod základem v právu českém. (The “věrovací” promise and the contract based on the Czech legal system. In: Sborník věd právních a státních, 1941 (The Collection of the Legal and State Sciences),, n. 41, p. 1-29.

227 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE their stabilized solutions available. However, it has to be added that even the guarantor institute was not always efficient because a situation could occur at the guarantors when they were objectively incapable of dealing the liabilities that passed on them. This was in particular in cases when the guarantee for the individual partial payables was assumed by a narrow group of relatives, friends, servants, etc. If the overindebtedness reached a high level, the collapse could easily reach them due to the domino effect. Again, the interconnected bankruptcy of the Lev family from Rožmitál and the Švihov family from Rýzmberk in the half of the 16th century can be reminded at this point. In addition, under certain circumstances, the guarantors could have avoided the threatening penalty if they reached the so-called release from the guarantor institute.28 Even though the legal regulation of the security institutes did not develop dramatically in the monitored period, as there was no social demand after that. It shall be emphasized at this point that the most frequently mentioned and most minutely processed collapses of the aristocratic dominie cannot be considered bankruptcies stricto sensu. Although the Rožmberk family, the lords of Hradec and/or the Pernštejn family found themselves in the debt spiral in which they “took one credit to pay another” until there were no more sources to take from and the moment of the sad settlement arrived, but there was still the painful but efficient solution in the form of the sale of a part of the family estate. Following the death of Vilém from Rožmberk, it was succeeded in ridding of the debt and saving about one third of the former Rožmberk dominie and, shortly after the death of Adam from Hradec, his son received only a little less than two-thirds of the Adam´s possession.29 Even the last member of the Pernštejn family retained at least the Litomyšl estate following all the dramatic wounds suffered by the family finances in a couple of waves. It can be stated that the actual bankruptcies in which the amount of payables exceeded the sum of the assets owned, related rather to

28 About the possibility of release from the guarantor institute, see KREUZ, P. – MARTINOVSKÝ, I. (ed.): Vladislavské zřízení zemské a navazující prameny, (The Vladislav Land Establishment and the Subsequent Sources), p. 216, n. 414. 29 LEDVINKA, V.: Úvěr a zadlužení feudálního velkostatku v předbělohorských Čechách, (The Credit and the Loan of a Feudal Large Farm in Bohemia before the Bílá Hora battle times), p. 59; PÁNEK, Jaroslav: Poslední Rožmberk, (The Last Rožmberk), Praha 1996, p. 138.

228 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE less well-off, less known and, to a certain extent, less “interesting” noblemen. It is also of interest that even during the period after the Bílá Hora battle, the bankrupts, called “kridatáři“, were mostly the ”generally insignificant persons belonging to the lower classes of the nobleman class of that time“.30 As a result of the generalization of the above mentioned “large” causes, we can sometimes come across the statement that the distress was imposed during the life of who made the debts only in exceptional cases, and that the indebted aristocrats benefited from their acquaintances in the Land administration system as well as at the Ruler´s Court to postpone the enforceability of their debts. It is evident from the substance of the thing that this opportunity was open only to a small number of the chosen ones and that the ordinary debtors and/or even the bankrupts could hardly rely upon a similar solution. It is true that the Zemské Desky land files sometimes contain the moratoria awarded by the Land Court and, less frequently, by the ruler and the purpose of which was to postpone the enforceability of the payables and to prevent from the initiation of the new legal proceedings and/or to interrupt the existing proceedings (including the distress ones). In this case, however, it was usually an objectively justified measure that was intended to prevent from useless damages that would occur because of the rapid procedure in the time when certain associated legal issues had not yet been solved. It is certainly worth mentioning that moratorium was granted in these cases not only to debtors but also to their creditors, otherwise the secondary insolvency could threaten very easily.31 The above mentioned statement can be partially applied to the “full distress” in which the indebted family property was fully sold out. Otherwise, however, the preserved archive materials document quite credibly that the distress procedure often took place during the life of the noblemen who had been unable to manage their debts. The examination in more detail of the legal regulation and, in particular, of the legal practice of this stage of the court proceedings and/or of some out-of-court procedures does not seem

30 URFUS, V.: Vznik a počátky konkursního práva v Čechách. (The origin and the beginnings of the bankruptcy law in Bohemia). The discussions of the Czech Academy of Sciences, the social sciences, year 70, issue 4, Praha 1960, p. 10. 31 In more detail and with more examples: STARÝ, Marek: Přední klenot zemský. Větší zemský soud království českého v době rudolfínské, (The Prominent Land Jewel. The Major Land Court of the Bohemian Kingdom in the Rudolf Times), Praha 2014, p. 58-60.

229 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE to be stimulating for the monitored topic and it is sufficient to mention the reference to the summary processed by Jiří Klabouch.32 In any case, it applies that the procedures aiming at the enforcement of the executable legal claims crystalized to a large extent as early as the Middle Ages, and the early modern law was only developing them further and/or changed the portfolio of their practical use. A lot of noblemen tried to avoid the unpleasant and, to a certain extent, also the dehonesting distress by making an agreement with the creditors and/or other persons – as an example, we can mention the indebted knight Diviš Malovec from Libějovice who assigned his indebted estate “Rabí” to Vilém from Rožmberk in 1559 and obtained from him the lifelong subsistence and the right to bequeath a small amount of 1,500 heaps of the Czech Groschs before his death.33 The issue of competition of the payables and the fair solution of the payables is something that the law before the Bílá Hora battle was dealing with to a small extent only at the beginning. However, the development of the credit relations inevitably resulted in the necessity for the law-making authorities to deal with this issue. The bankruptcy law, in the true sense of the word, only originated after the Bílá Hora battle,34 but, before the Bílá Hora battle, there were a couple of isolated reflections of insufficiency of the existing regulation. At the beginning, there is probably the Land Establishment from the year 1549 that contains the rule that if anybody puts into excessive debt his/ her estate and has been sued by any of the guarantors, all guarantors should receive from the overindebted estate a portion adequate in correlation to the amount that they had to pay for the former debtor. Only those who initiated with their motions this entire process, were supposed to first receive the costs

32 KLABOUCH, Jiří: Staré české soudnictví (jak se dříve soudívalo) (The Old Czech Court System (How the Courts worked in the Past)), Praha 1967, p. 205-216. 33 For more details concerning this event, see BŮŽEK, V.: Pozadí majetkového úpadku Diviše Malovce z Libějovic v letech 1555-1561 (The Background of the Property Bankruptcy of Diviš Malovec from Libějovice in Years 1555 to 1561). (Příspěvek k poznání kultury každodenního života nižší šlechty). (A paper on the learning of the culture of the everyday life of the lower noblemen). The South-Bohemia Historical Collection 1/LVI, 1987, p. 13-22. 34 In this respect, compare the above mentioned essay unbeatable till the today´s date URFUS, V.: Vznik a počátky konkursního práva v Čechách. (The Origin and the Beginnings of the Bankruptcy Law in Bohemia).

230 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE of the proceedings.35 Even though this was a highly casuistic norm, one of the key principles of the bankruptcy law appeared here for the first time, i.e. the proportionality, the principle of the pro-rata satisfaction of the creditors. Till that time, unless the creditors proceeded in cooperation, the principle of priority was applicable to the court debt recovery (prior tempore potior iure), but included the possibility of submitting an opposition for those who would infer a better right to the estate of the debtor than the plaintiff. The respective legal norm reappeared also in the following establishment from the year 1564 when it was further explicitly extended to the buyers from the subject cities and towns. In particular, however, the criminal law of the bankruptcy issue appeared newly here: everybody, who would “wilfully” and excessively indebt their guarantors, causing problems to them, ran the risk of being penalized by the ruler, who could either impose the death sentence or any other punishment at his own discretion.36 It is a question if this provision was truly applied in practice, considering in particular that the proof of “wil- fulness”, i.e. evil intent, would be considerably complicated in these cases. In each case, however, the individual steps of the legal regulations gave the sus- pect that their authors were very well aware of the danger the creditors were facing with the growing level of indebtedness in the society and they tried to put at least the simplest traps in their way. The warning of the death sentence reappears in the Restored Land Establishment.37 At the Assembly held in 1610, the issue of an indebted homestead was dealt with – this homestead should have been sold in a commission after the death of the then current owner, but no buyer was found.38 The quoted resolution convenes quite well with the finding that while distresses were frequently applied during the debtor´s life, the actual bank-

35 JIREČEK, J. JIREČEK, H.: Codex iuris Bohemici, Tomi IV. pars 1. section I.,p. 204, Art. E 12 (ZZ 1549). 36 JIREČEK, J. JIREČEK, H.: Codex iuris Bohemici, Tomi IV. pars 1. sectio I., p. 542-543, art. D 26 (ZZ 1564). 37 JIREČEK, H.: Codex iuris Bohemici. Tomi V. pars 2., p. 366-367, art. L 23. 38 The National Archive Praha, the fund Sněmovní artikule (The Assembly Articles), i.n. 31, cart. 1 (1609–1610), p. LXXX. Taken over also to: GLÜCKLICH, J. (ed.): Nová redakce zemského zřízení království českého z posledních let před českým povstáním) (The new editing of the Land establishment of the Czech Kingdom from the last years before the Czech rebellion), p. 119, art. D XXVI (new).

231 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE ruptcies usually occurred only after their deaths. This applied both during the period before the Bílá Hora battle, and, later on, after the Restored Land Establishment and in the Declaratoria and in the Novellas that contain an integral legal regulation of the bankruptcy issue.39 We can only extensively speculate why it was just the 1627 Code that became the momentum of a significant qualitative change as far as the legal concept of the bankruptcies is concerned. In addition to the growing volume of the credit relations, also the general changes in the economy within a broader geographic scope were probably reflected in this Code, 40 and so was the complicated development of the legal relations towards the assets that had been fully or in part confiscated to the participants in the “hideous rebellion”. The literature also em- phasizes the impact of Hans de Witte, the banker, that had been monitored by the entire Europe,41 but this bankruptcy only occurred after the issue of the Restored Establishment and was only an inspiration for the further development of the legal regulation, but only an impulse for the enactment itself of the bankruptcies (in the terminology of that time, the term “krida” was used for the settlement procedure following after the bankruptcy over the debts exceeding in their amount the encumbered assets).

4. Conclusion To evaluate the partial findings and to resume the main conclusions, we may state the following. During the 16th century, the legal norms appear in the legal system of the Czech Kingdom resulting from the resolutions adopted by the Assembly and several reviews of the Land Establishment (which, however, were often narrowly connected with such resolutions) that have a certain connection with the more frequently appearing economic troubles of the feudal lords who found themselves in the trap of enormous debts and/or even in overindebtedness. The minor extent and the case interpreta-

39 URFUS, V.: Vznik a počátky konkursního práva v Čechách, p. 20. 40 Blíže KOSTLÁN, Antonín: Finanční zhroucení ve střední Evropě na počátku třicetileté války. Folia historica Bohemica 8, 1985, p. 265-316. 41 URFUS, V.: Vznik a počátky konkursního práva v Čechách, (The Beginnings of the Bankruptcy Law in Bohemia), p. 10; HRBEK, J.: Barokní Valdštejnové v Čechách (The Baroque Valdštejn Family in Bohemia), 1640-1740, p. 424.

232 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE tion of such standards, however, do not confirm that the issue of bankruptcies would have been perceived as an essential danger by the society which the legal system should have dealt with. The decrease in the interest rate from 10 per cent to 6 per cent that took place in 1543 was probably motivated by quite different needs,42 and the following normative interventions were probably aimed rather at the strengthening of the responsibility of the individual noblemen for the further positive development of the family property background (guardianship over the prodigal sons, establishment of the family trusteeships, and/or fideikomis). And so only the indications of the solution of bankruptcies over the payables with respect to the overindebted assets that started appearing from the middle of the 16th century document that at least a part of the Czech noblemen were aware of the insufficiency of the older legal sources in this aspect. However, these are only indications that fore- shadow a more intensive interest in these questions in the period before the Bílá Hora battle. Concisely speaking, the economic collapse and bankruptcy in the first stage of the early modern times were certainly a topic to deal with, but, however, not a key topic.

42 This is considered in URFUS, V.: Právo, úvěr a lichva v minulosti, (The Law, Credit and Loan-Sharking in the Past), p. 77.

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Resumé Úpadek šlechtice očima českého zemského práva v raném novověku. Zprostředkovaná reflexe společenského vnímání? Marek Starý

Zvláštní skupinou pramenů poznání historie jsou prameny normativní povahy, které nevypovídají o tom, co bylo, ale co podle mínění vládnoucích vrstev (v některých případech pak i podle mínění obecného) být mělo. Předložený text si klade za cíl poukázat na to, jak na problematiku šlechtických úpadků nahlíželo raně novověké české právo, a pokusit se dovodit z této skutečnosti obecné společenské vnímání této problematiky. Výsledkem je zjištění, že rozsah a podrobnost právních norem, jež měly souvislost se stále častěji se objevujícími ekonomickými potížemi feudálů, kteří se dostávali do pasti enormního zadlužení či přímo předlužení, byl spíše nevelký. Řada těchto norem byla navíc zřejmě motivována jinými primárními zájmy – jako exemplární příklad tu lze poukázat na snížení povolené úrokové sazby v roce 1543. Také zavedení možnosti zřízení poručenství nad marnotratnými syny, a počátky zři- zování rodových svěřenectví, respektive fideikomisů, směřovaly spíše k řešení dosa- vadních mezer v právu dědickém. A tak jedině náznaky řešení konkurzu pohledávek k předluženému majetku, které se objevují od poloviny 16. století, jasně ukazují, že tvůrci práva začali problematiku úpadku vnímat jako věc hodnou řešení. Avšak teprve doba pobělohorská přinesla v tomto směru intenzivnější a propracovanější legislativ- ní činnost. Na základě toho lze formulovat závěr, který může být zároveň hypotézou pro další, podrobnější bádání: ekonomický krach a úpadek představovaly v první fázi raného novověku z hlediska společenského vnímání téma spíše okrajové než klíčové.

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A Slovak Intellectual and a Slovak Intelectualism in the 19th Century: Types of Identities

Dušan Škvarna

Abstrakt: In the 19th century in Europe significantly alter the content of identities. Traditional ethnic identity were of varying speed and success being replaced by identity based on an intimate relationship to his nation. Gradually, the identification of „small communities“ and professional structures gushed and fashioned by the homogeneous national companies. This paper brings a presentation,how proceeded a creation of these new identities in the milieu of Slovak intelligence. Keywords: Slovak, 19th Century, Identities

The goal of the thesis-based paper is to clarify features and types of forging national (ethnical) identities of 19th century Slovak social classes perceived as an intelligentsia, and to imply factors of the developing and changing of those identities. It will attempt to challenge even presently deeply-rooted stereotypes about two discussed identities which are contradictory – firm Slovaks and Magyarones (non-Hungarians orientated towards Hun- gary). Reflections about the situation of the Slovak intelligentsia, its position in national life as well as its attitudes towards it had been frequently published even before 1914. The opinion that Slovaks are a shapeless mass with a lot of Magyarizated and passive intelligentsia because of various unfavourable circumstances dominated them. They were contradicted by the idealism of

235 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE small scattered groups consisting of brave Slovak patriots willing to sacrifice themselves for the nation despite their inferiority in numbers. Czech Slova- kophiles perceiving Slovakia as an enchanted beauty agreed with the bipolar division. They regarded Slovakia as a country where Magyarization had fro- zen Slovak life and where only dedicated and often lonely intellectuals living in isolation from the official background in a moral and sacred surroundings struggled for its survival. The unfortunate situation worsened even more after 1918 as it was especially the intelligentsia who were magyarized the most. Moreover, Slovaks were magyarized the most right after Jews and Germans. Vavro Šrobár even quantified it, although indirectly. He often stated that there had been less than 400-500 educated Slovaks before 1918. During the process of the creation of Czechoslovakia, he even claimed that he could find barely 50-60 reliable people to occupy positions in public service. The opinion of Vavro Šrobár, an important participant of national struggles before World War One and later one of the most powerful politicians in Slovakia who was imprisoned several times by Hungarians and who knew observers coming from the multilaterally developing Czech society used to considerably more cultivated, tolerant and advanced conditions in Cisleithania, is understandable. The problem consists in the generalization of a monotone or even hopeless oppression and a decline which evolved into a convincing myth and subsequently became one of the principal propaganda features of the First Czechoslovak Republic as well as in the fact that a considerable part of the Slovak and the Czech society maintained that notion during the whole 20th century. Although several authors had already cast doubts on it (e.g. Slávik, p. 330-331), the general public was not aware that they knew only one viewpoint and the 19th century reality was much more varied and structured. The knowledge of the real situation is very important because the intelligentsia played almost an exclusive role in the Slovak emancipation and the politic formation, contrary to Hungarians but gradually also the Czechs. My approach is based on the fact that the stagnation and the drabness of 19th century Slovak society were only ostensible. They covered up significantly more differentiated social structures. The national emancipation of Slovaks was also greater than it can seem to be at first sight as an intense intra- ethnic communication took place. However, the truth is that the parameters

236 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE of those processes were strongly deformed and subsequently weakened by contrary financial, power and propagandist processes which were much more influential (e.g. a ruthless nationalist policy, the idea of a unified Hungarian nation and the magyarization). Their impact as well as weak intra-integrative capabilities of Slovaks (linguistic, historical, geographical) slowed down the creation of a more solid and homogenous Slovak society. The variety of the intelligentsia types proves it. The intelligentsia oriented towards Slovaks represented only a part of the intelligentsia working in the area of Slovakia and exceeded it at the same time as it was possible to find it in different Slovak diasporas in Central and South Hungary or right in Budapest. Ján Lajčiak, a critic of contemporary Slovak society, criticised the me- chanical division of the intelligentsia into Slovaks and Magyarones as recently as a century ago. He justified it by the statement that there“ is an unmeasurable extent from the awareness of a firm Slovak to the awareness of a Slovak Magyarone” (Lajčiak, p. 87-89). He devised 5 types of “Slovak individuals” denominated as following: 1. a type of a genuine Slovak; 2. an immature Slovak type; 3. an uncertain Slovak type; 4. Slovak Magyarones; 5. magyarized Slovaks. The contemporary historiography (especially in the last two decades) approaches the question of the identity of the intelligentsia in Slovakia in the last century of the Kingdom of Hungary in a more differentiated manner. It tries to compre- hend its structure and features more precisely. A Hungarian-Slovak historian, Ivan Halász (Halász, p. 16-20, 71-78, see also Macho), offered probably the most elaborated study. The identity types of the intelligentsia living in Slovak ethnic territory, I am proposing, are based on both Lajčiak’s and Halász’s reflections as well as on the long-term research of the given problem. The division is quite general- ized, of course, as the reality was significantly more complicated and the types I determined variously overlapped and created sets of other subtypes. Be- cause of the extent of the paper, I treat only basic identity types realizing that I simplify it. For the same reason, I cannot study exactly how the individual types of the identities acted in differently developing regions and periods of the 19th century.

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Hungarian patriots This ethnically neutral identity dominated Hungarian estates and intellectuals for long centuries. It was closely connected with the Hungarian estate nation – natio hungarica. It can even be affirmed that it was an essential feature of that nation. However, this historically old form of the identity had been decaying or even struggling to survive since the start of the 19th century. Its modern form consisted especially of the noble but also ignoble intelligentsia living particularly in the area of Slovakia. It was appreciated not only by conservative groups but also by reformative noble intellectuals and ignoble intellectuals. However, the conservatives understood the idea of natio hungarica as a pillar of preserving both the estate Hungary and their privileges whereas the reformers, some of who were connected with a secret radical movement of Hungarian Jacobins at the beginning of the 90’s of the 18th century, demanded modernizing changes to weaken the estate character of the Hungarian society and to respect the ethnic structure of the Kingdom of Hungary when referring to natio hungarica. The most important personality of all of them was Gregor Berzevici (Ber- zeviczy) from Spis who outlined the system of social and economic reforms introduced during the reign of Josepf II in various publications published especially in Levoča at the beginning of the 19th century. Berzevici and his acquaintance adopted a conservative standpoint on a linguistic and national problem. In his opinion, the Latin language should have remained the dominant language of public communication. He not only questioned linguistic innovations, especially the employment of the Hungarian language, but he also refused modern nationalism which he considered to be a destructive element. It was especially that nationalism which weakened the concept of a Hungar- ian patriotism breaking up since the 20’s of the 19th century. Older individuals stubbornly maintained it but the Hungarian identity was not enough for younger generations of intellectuals who more or less obliviously modified it. As a result, the Hungarian identity inclined to appearing modern national identities and thus to the different ideas about the future Kingdom of Hun- gary. Two famous personalities from a Slovak background can be listed as examples of people who approved of the identity of a Hungarian nation and then gradually started to belong to different groups. Under the influence of changing circumstances, the Count Alojz Medňanský (Mednyanszky), the

238 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE popular author of literary works and a politician whom Ján Hollý considered to be an exquisite Slovak, started to publicly support and implement the Hungarian language as the diplomatic language of the Kingdom of Hungary. On the other hand, an equally popular literary author working in Vienna, Ján Čaplovič, involved himself more and more openly in the Slovak national movement and publicly defended the rights of having a Slovak language. National conflicts taking place in the Kingdom of Hungary and the whole Habsburg Monarchy became so tense in 1848-49 that a mass nationalist po- larization was finally provoked. After this experience, the concept of an “un- national” Hungarian patriotism was definitely contested. It ended up on the edge of contemporary political strategies. It had played a marginal role and only unimportant individuals approved of it since then.

Regional traditionalists To identify oneself with their own region (a village, a district) without any obvious interconnection to a national or a state scope represented the opposite side of traditional identity. Such identity type was, however, less relevant and sufficient for the 19th century intellectuals. It was even rarer than traditional Hungarian patriotism, although, in a Slovak ethnical situation, traditional regionalism held a dominant position for a long time in the peasant society, the majority of which still led a traditional, enclosed lifestyle and had the culture and values of small communities. Farmers managed with their own dialects, they did not have the opportunity to acquire nor adopt a standard language. During the 19th century Kingdom of Hungary, Slovak farmers did not live in conditions to understand a national identity on a mass scale and to consider it as an attractive asset or to identify themselves with it. The phenomenon was widespread especially in underdeveloped and remote regions as well as everywhere where Slovak national life did not start and public life was completely governed by Hungarian authorities and elites. The regional traditionalism was often based on a traditional religious belief so the personality of a clergyman also considerably influenced its intensity. Cler- gymen, either trivialising or outright condemning a modern nationalism as a shallow or even pagan phenomenon or conservatively absolutizing religious differences, supported the regional identity. On the other hand, clergymen

239 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE trying to achieve harmony among religious, national and universally human values helped to weaken it. There were not a lot of the latter ones, especially with a catholic background. It had been bitterly stated quite often in the Slovak press, all during a “long” century, that many people felt to be inhabitants of regions such as Šariš, Trenčín or Gemer but not Slovakia, which should have been diluted according to the press. However, the full nationalisation of peasant classes and strongly religiously based groups did not take place during the first years of the Czechoslovak Republic when Slovak society rapidly homogenized.

Patriots A smaller part of the intelligentsia established their identity on the basis of which they were called patriots, nation-conscious and genuine Slovaks. Already mentioned J. Lajčiak called them real Slovaks and according to the leader of Slovaks in the USA, Peter Rovnianek, they were devoted, avid and open-minded Slovaks (Lajčiak, p. 89; Rovnianek, p. 18). They were leading personalities of nation-building, they represented the basis of a humble Slovak patriotic society. They often added a second Slavic (Slovak) name to their first name. In the second half of the 19th century, they acquired such a name during baptism. They launched various cultural, political and economic initiatives, although, the majority of them were not as successful as they seemed to be, of course, very modest, insufficiently intense and not very attractive for the public in comparison with their Hungarian counterparts because of the absence of support from the powers and a mea- gre financial and personal background. They promoted the idea of Slovaks as a self-reliant and independent nation which should have such rights and development opportunities as other nations. It was related especially to the determination of their political status and the territorial integrity. They openly acknowledged the “Martin platform”. They subscribed to the Slovak press. They straightforwardly asked for rights for Slovaks in exchange for loyalty to the Kingdom of Hungary and Hungarian patriotism. They also disproved arguments of Magyarization supporters and the re-creation of the Kingdom of Hungary from a multi-ethnic country into an Hungarian national state.

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The patriots representing the main part of the national movement and the Slovak policy were almost entirely of Slovak origin, only a tiny minority had German antecedents. Several Czechs living in Slovakia (e.g. Ján Kadavý, Ru- dolf Mitrovský, Jaroslav Vlček) were involved as well. At the beginning of the 20th century, the number of Czechs rose. The “foreign” part, however, did not represent a statistically important role in comparison with Hungarians but also Czechs. The intelligentsia especially of Jewish, German or Slovak origin integrated with Hungarians on a mass scale. Czechs also integrated the Ger- man and Jewish intelligentsia, although, to an incomparably smaller extent. Despite the official situation regarding impeding Slovak political ambitions and ideological strategies, patriots could openly demonstrate their opinions especially due to keeping an independent social status. They practised prin- cipally liberal professions but some of them also worked as teachers (only at religious schools during the period of dualism) and a small part of them were wealthy entrepreneurs, agricultural officials and landowners. During the first half of the 19th century and in the 50’s and the 60’s, several high ecclesiastical dignitaries including bishops belonged among the patriots. Almost none of the patriots worked in the state or district service after 1867. The members of this intelligentsia identity came mostly from lower middle classes, with the exception of several representatives of the Diet of Hungary, landowners and entrepreneurs. Therefore, the intelligentsia considering Slovaks as a self-reliant and independent nation with a claim to far-reaching rights was in a dispro- portional minority. It is estimated that only a third of evangelical clergymen were interested in national problems whereas the proportion of the catholic clergymen was approximately only 13%. The number of patriots among the secular intelligentsia was even lower. In the first half of the 19th century, a fifth of the patriots were franklins (a wealthy but mostly impoverished gentry) and a sixth of them came from the families of evangelical clergymen. The number of intellectuals of noble origin had been declining as early as the 30’s of the 19th century. They were replaced by common people, especially from families of wealthy peasants and craftsmen. The number of clergymen had also been decreasing, although, not as considerably as in the case of Czechs or Slovenians. During the pro- pitious moments of 19th century Slovak development, members of some noble families with a Slovak background took part in the national movement

241 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE besides franklins at least for a while (especially in 1849 and the 60’s). After 1867, the possibility of a wider social basis for national unity disappeared and after 1918, the fact that some nobles professed to be of Slovak origin was neither interesting nor important. J. Lajčiak described relatively courageous both public and personal attitudes of that part of the intelligentsia as “the exclusivity with which the Hungarian society treats us is identical for our behaviour, as well” (Lajčiak, p.131). A self-confident and open behaviour of patriots was another reason for Hungarians to ostracise them (or even imprison them) and literally bombard them with pejorative names such as Pan-Slavics, traitors, Moscals and others. I consider intellectuals who were leaders of Slovak cultural and political life, however, were not convinced about the independence of Slovaks but believed Czecho- slovak national unity (sometimes even a linguistic one) to be a part of the national identity, as well. It relates especially to the period from the end of the 18th century to the 40’s of the 19th century when nearly all of the evangelical intellectuals belonged to the movement and then to the years at the turn of the 19th and the 20th century when a group of young intellectuals around the papers Hlas (The Voice) and later Prúdy (The Movements) whose opinions were close to the T. G. Masaryk’s realism and who were critical of the older generation political leaders started to work publicly.

„Quiet“ Slovaks Quiet and prudent Slovaks who were formed under the influence of an unsuitable national policy and a contemporary Hungarian situation represented another group of intellectuals. They were active during the whole 19th century. The group consisted of intellectuals using Slovak language who not only took part in cultural life ( theatre, the press) but also did not refuse the goals of the national movement, usually remaining in seclusion where they quietly supported it. A part of them voted for Slovak candidates, however, they did not participate in politics actively, they did not even express their conviction publicly and they avoided political subjects and questions. Out- wardly, they respected Hungarian conditions. They not only pretended to be Hungarian patriots but they also frequently agreed with pro-governmental policy. They perceived the preservation of Hungarian integrity (meaning that

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Croats, Serbians, Romanians and Slovaks did not gain the autonomy they were asking for in national movements), the idea of a Hungarian political nation and the Hungarian language as the main communication tool, as a natural situation. When talking about the rights of Slovaks, they were satisfied with the Hungarian Nationalities Law passed in 1868 when non-Hungarians acquired the status of nationalities. It gave them entitlement to establish their own education system as well as the right to develop their cultures and the existence of societies receiving the support of the state. At the beginning, they believed that the Hungarian Nationalities Law would be gradually modified and non-Hungarians would receive more rights. However, this law was only a scrap of paper as it was never adhered to (only some individuals from Hungarian elites called for its adherence). As a result, the certainty and the identity of that part of the intelligentsia were weakened and some of them were inclined to become patriots, the other ones to other types of identities. This group consisted especially of the intellectuals whose existence depended on state and public (district, municipal) institutions thus clerks, peda- gogues, officers, notaries, doctors, students and entrepreneurs. After 1918, the Quiet Slovaks together with a succeeding part of the intelligentsia represented the majority of so-called New Slovaks, as the committed native patriots and their Czech colleagues derisively called them. A smaller part of the New Slovaks did not manage to transcend their Hungarian-Slovak identity. They were mentally linked to Hungary and its traditions so much that they did not manage to accept the policy practise of Czechoslovakia and Czech cultural values and behaviour models. Consequently, they looked for the solution in opposition parties – the Slovak People’s Party and Slovak National Party, and some of them even in a Hungarian irredentism.

Hungarian Slovaks The fifth group consists of intellectuals of Slovak origin who accepted the Hungarian political nation as it was determined by František Deák and Jozef Eötvös, the most important Hungarian politicians of the 60’s of the 19th century who were more tolerant (it concerns the domination of the Hungar- ian language and Hungarian identity and simultaneously the respect of non- Hungarians as nationalities) and defined in the Hungarian Nationalities Law

243 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE passed in 1868. This group more or less accepted a Hungarian perception of the Hungarian political nation. Some of them pretended to be reconciled but the others sincerely went along with the necessity of strengthening the position of the Hungarian language, culture and mentality. It was obvious in the 30’s and the 40’s when the Diet passed the first language laws on behalf of the Hungarian language but especially during the first period of the dualism. The contemporary press labelled Hungarian Slovaks as patriotic or pro- political Slovaks. They were bound with Hungary-orientated newspapers or pro-governmental (often financed by the government) newspapers written in Slovak such as Slovenské noviny, Vlasť a svet, Kresťan (Slovak News, The Country and the World, The Christian). This part of the intelligentsia more or less denoted a double Hungarian-Slovak identity. They perceived Slovaks basically only as common people or an ethnographic or an ethnic community. In their opinion, Slovaks should develop their own culture (especially the folk one) and use Slovak language in the limited circle of their village, family and church. Their institutional actions should be reduced only to dispensing culture and public education. The actual Slovak policy was useless or even harm- ful, according to them. The ambition to create a Slovak autonomy within the Kingdom of Hungary meant the violation not only of the historical law but also of the principles of Hungarian stability. They displayed their loyalty and obedience not only to the Kingdom of Hungary but especially to the governmental policy. They pretentiously displayed Hungarian patriotism when they participated in official ceremonies and events and they voted for Hungarian candidates. Members of that group usually claimed to be Hungarians in the censuses. They often got involved in Hungarian parties and in outwardly Slo- vak associations sponsored by governmental and local authorities which supported the Magyarization of the Kingdom of Hungary in the name of improving the culture and disposing of illiteracy (libraries, kindergartens). Thus, part of them directly or indirectly partook in the Magyarization of Slovaks. The majority of Hungarian Slovaks were liberals. They saw the future of the Kingdom of Hungary in modernization. They considered its national and language homogenization as natural, especially those Hungarian Slovaks, whose Slovak part of the identity was seriously weakened. They perceived the gradual Magyarization as a necessary phenomenon of modernization; however, they were not prejudiced against the Slovak language nor nationally active

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Slovaks. They criticised a violent and radical form of Magyarization, although only in private. They did not agree with the haughty and impolite behaviour of Hungarians towards Slovaks. Hungarian Slovaks who were mentally close to “Quiet” Slovaks kept in touch with patriots, as well. The identity of Hungarian Slovaks can be found in all regions but especially in towns. They were employed in all occupations held by intellectuals. They also worked as ministry clerks or members of parliament. In 1848- 49, a group of so-called governmental Slovaks were actively involved in the Kossuth movement to gain independence from Vienna. Later, some of the Hungarian Slovaks living in the Kingdom of Hungary or among Slovaks in the USA strengthened their Slovak identity. Some of them even joined the Slovak national movement. However, the majority of them had strengthened their Hungarian identity as early as 1914. A considerable majority of Hungar- ian Slovaks living in Slovakia joined the already mentioned New Slovaks after 1918. A part of them was, however, so connected to the Hungarian culture and state (actually more than the previous group) that they became not only supporters of a political opposition but even quiet critics of Czechoslovakia. A small part of Hungarian Slovaks living in Slovakia and almost all who lived in Hungary were quickly and definitely magyarized.

Magyarones This part of the intelligentsia consists of Slovaks denying their origin who often magyarized their names. They mastered the Slovak language perfectly or almost perfectly but they mentally, culturally and often linguistically alien- ated from Slovaks. They were completely magyarized. According to Lajčiak, they were “Slovaks by the language and the origin but Hungarians in their hearts” (Lajčiak, p. 92). They were called renegades or more pejoratively – Magyar- ones. In Slovak publications, the designation “Magyarone” was perceived as a synonym of a traitor or a turncoat for a long time. Magyarones came from different social classes but especially from wealthy and educated noble families. Intellectuals from a peasant or craftsman background or even sons and grandsons of important Slovak patriots were not an exception among them. They usually worked in a state or public service or conducted business. Al- most all of them were publicly active and published their works. On the one

245 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE hand, they were keen on a Hungarian governmental liberalism which their contemporaries already regarded as a caricature of liberalism (in comparison with Cisleithania and Western Europe), on the other hand, they adopted traditional so-called noble mores. They were unconditional supporters of governmental policy, including the national one. They denied the oppression of non-Hungarians (especially Slovaks) by the statement, ”Patriots claim that this is the case of the Magyarization. But it is not a question of the Magyarization but rather the civilisation from the viewpoint of Slovaks” (Svornosť, 1873, n 18, p. 1). Slovak patriots strongly criticised and disrespected them in the press. There were several reasons. First of all, Magyarones were renegades but the most important cause was their active participation in actions against the Slovak movement and even against the expressions of a Slovak identity. Moreover, Magyarones were in favour of Magyarization. They were often haughty and steeped in prejudice and they ironized the backwardness of Slovaks. The fact that the majority of Magyarones of all ethnics living in the Kingdom of Hungary were of Slovak origin caused that the main criticism (sometimes malevolent) coming from Slovaks was often directed at their “own” Magyarones rather than at Hungarian representatives of Magyarization. It was directed mainly at people who Slovak patriots considered as the embodiments of Magyariza- tion – the Hungarian reforming movement leaders of Slovak origin, Ľudovít Košut (Kossuth) and František Pulský (Pulszky), but especially Béla Grün- wald publishing the newspaper Svornosť (The Concord) who represented a decadent journalism because of his national preconception. Sometimes, opinions openly insisting on the Magyarization of Slo- vaks came from the Hungarian background. The famous and often quoted statement of B. Grünwald summarizes all of them. He claimed that the role of schools is to “magyarize a foreign element by education … A Hungar- ian school is a big machine: we throw there hundreds of Slovak children and it gives us Hungarians”. The majority of Magyarone texts differentiated calm, sensible, loyal and obedient Slovaks, who were, however, perceived as a faceless mass without any identity but mentioned characteristics, from their national movement to which were attributed exclusively pejorative features. Representatives of the national movement were flatly called Pan-Slav troublemakers, unrealistic zealots or envious fools. Magyarones called for their punishment, blaming them for criticising everything and provoking national-

246 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE ist unrests. Moreover, they accused them of being traitors of state with secret desires for a great Slav state (under Russia) or for the reestablishment of Great Moravia (the cooperation with Czechs). I am quoting at least one of the numerous bitter texts often published in the Kingdom of Hungary. In 1908, in connection with an assembly taking part in Myjava banned by authorities, Czech Revue Naše Slovensko (Our Slo- vakia Magazine) rewrote and commented on an article previously published in the journal Obzor (The Horizon). It dealt with the following opinion, “The nonsense and lies about the Slovaks suffering oppression of Magyarones and the reign of terror are everywhere … to make people angry, to force them to fight against masters, country and authorities. It is necessary to thwart assemblies whose only goal is to spread hate and unrests and severely punish their propagandists … a thief befriends only thieves. However, thieves do not need any rights, freedom nor mandate but chains, a whip and Ilava (a prison near Trenčín) … Am I not true, my dear brothers? Let’s banish those organizers of Pan- Slav assemblies to Czechs or Russians. We do not want them. We hate them because they are vagrants, troublemakers, liars and they bribe scoundrels” (Revue Naše Slovensko, p. 90). A part of Magyarones almost vanished but the majority decided to live in Hungary or elsewhere abroad after 1918. They were often interconnected with Hungarian irredentism during the interwar period.

New Hungarians The intelligentsia who were magyarized or stopped involving themselves in the Slovak movement received much less attention as the change was undergone silently and the New Hungarians did not declare it publicly, they did not insult Slovaks nor provoked them. Their number rose especially during the last decades before World War One. Their choice to become Hungarian (as was also the case of two previous groups) was frequently the result of a social situation in the Kingdom of Hungary, especially the situation in the school system. Slovaks received their education in Hungarian language, as well, because Slovak high schools (not to mention universities) did not exist. A lot of intellectuals got used to Hungarian language rather than to Slovak, they learnt an Hungarian interpretation of the history of the Kingdom of Hungary and Central Europe, they acquired a Hungarian culture, and thus, they felt high esteem for them. They did not know Slovak culture as it was

247 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE unattractive for them and consequently they were indifferent to it. It was the case especially of the Budapest and Slovak diasporas in the Central and Southern Kingdoms of Hungary but a Slovak-Hungarian ethnic frontier, as well. The Magyarization of intellectuals in Slovak towns was much less strong. It was evident after 1918 that the majority of New Hungarians magyarized only superficially or officially (similarly as Hungarian-Slovaks) and were only so-called statistical Hungarians. Most of them or their descendants integrated with Slovaks, but they often did not manage to accept Czechoslovakia. On the other hand, they alongside Magyarones represented the most numerous groups of Hungarians, especially in the last three decades of the Kingdom of Hungary’s existence after 1918.

The intelligentsia with other ethnic background In Slovakia, there were other Hungarian intelligentsia of non-Slovak origin. One part of them was native, they came from noble, Jewish or German families. A great majority of the intelligentsia of Hungarian origin came here from Hungarian ethnical regions mainly during the period of the dualism because of the process of the overall modernization. They worked as agricultural officials, engineers, professors or teachers, public officers, journal- ists, higher clergymen or doctors. They were the main power holders and propagandists of Magyarization in a Slovak area. A considerable proportion consisted of Jewish intellectuals which was one of the reasons why relationships between a larger part of the Slovak intelligentsia and Jews worsened. A significant part of the intelligentsia with other ethnic background coming from Hungarian regions moved back to Hungary after 1918 where a part of the native intelligentsia with other ethnic background joined them.

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Resumé Slovenský inteluktuál a slovenký intelektualismus v 19. storočí Dušan Škvarna

V 19. storočí sa v Európe výrazne menil obsahu identít. Tradičné etnické identity boli s rôznou rýchlosťou a úspešnosťou nahrádzané identitami založenými na intím- nom vzťahu k svojmu národu. Postupne sa identifikácia s „malými spoločenstvami“ a stavovskými štruktúrami rozplývala a utvárali sa homogénne národné spoločnosti. Tento príspevok približuje, ako prebiehala tvorba týchto nových identít v prostredí slovenskej inteligencie. Pod vplyvom rôznych vnútorných a vonkajších, historických a súčasných determinantov sa odohrávala spomalene a deformovane. Príspevok prezentuje 8 typov identít inteligencie na Slovensku (uhorskí patrioti, regionalisti, náro- dovci, „tichí“ Slováci, Maďaro-Slováci, maďaróni, pomaďarčení Slováci, inteligencia inoetnického pôvodu) vo vzťahu k svojmu pôvodu, uhorskému štátu a jeho deji- nám, k Habsburskej monarchii a načrtáva príčiny tejto heterogénnosti a jej dôsledky. Aj zložitá štruktúra identít inteligencie na Slovensku svedčí o zložitej národnej eman- cipácii Slovákov, ktorí sa dokonštituovali v moderný národ až v medzivojnovom Čes- koslovensku. Po jeho vzniku sa vďaka priaznivým podmienkam rôznorodosť identít inteligencie prudko narušila a došlo k jej rýchlemu poslovenčeniu.

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250 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE

Museums of Czech Silesia 1814-2014: The Re-Construction of Identity

Pavel Šopák

Abstrakt: From Bohemia and Moravia - two of the three historical lands, which forms the historical nature of the Czech Republic - Silesia is handicapped by the absence of historically contingent integrity. Constitutional regards stress the formation of several principalities, which left Austria after the Berlin Peace (1742), without having common ideological principles safeguarded by a secular or ecclesiastical authority. Despite - or perhaps that´s why- just here arose first museums institution of national identity, supporting cultural and ethnic uniqueness of this area. Keywords: Museum, Silesia, Cultural Identity

The concept of identity relates causally to (Central) European memorial institutions (archives, museums, libraries) in their traditional interpretation which formed over the course of the entire 19th century: it forms a vanishing point of the message they communicate and, at the same time, a cornerstone of their social function. It is also thanks to them – and especially thanks to them – that we understand the concept of identity as the integration of an individual and/or the society. The coherent unit of opinions, attitudes, intentions and values, which is permanently interrupted by some- one and something (political attacks, generational changes and demographic processes, fashion), questioned in its context and repeatedly reconstructed or, more precisely, resuscitated in its organic character, context and intentionality,

251 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE has its traditional arbiter in museums. Perhaps also because of this a museum is more than an institution; it is the fulfilment of the anthropological constant of collecting and gathering things or benefits in kind; it is a product of this natural, ancient human need, which is constantly born and extinguished. It is true, of course, that only a moment of change provokes one to search for identity, for the revival of its harmonising force; that only the loss of the integrative potential of a culture provokes the need for the reconstruction of the identity as specific value integrity. The museum is, thus, a very important place: a specific code of values is articulated here, which are consequently revealed and made clear, in fact even monumentalised and, at the same time, revitalised. As well as any specialised historiography (of art, intellectuality, culture), historic museology also interprets the museum as a double subject, dynamic perhaps because there is nothing more attractive than the drama of change, the moment of sudden regress or the process of revitalisation, distinguishing itself, however, with a remarkable force of resistance. If today, face to face with value chaos, we appreciate something with museums and if there is something which we discover museums for again1, that it is the very element of resistance towards changes. This is the real purpose of museums in these days of change; it forms a constitutive feature, it gives it meaningful- ness and it lends the times, lacking the element of historicism, which are our times, the status of a certain, even though not generally shared, but understandable idea constant. The harmonising function of the museum – that is to say, of every Euro- pean museum – does not deprive its essence of numerous ambivalences. The museums of Czech Silesia in the 19th and 20th centuries express these ambivalences even more strongly depending on how the region itself to which they are related is unclear in its demographical, social, national, political and, as well, in the territorial definition. The museum is a place of rituals, which strengthen its identity; the museum is an inventory of symbols with which identity is expressed and becomes generally understandable and “identifi- able”; the museum is a scene of stories of mythical significance and scope,

1 The magazine Vlastivědné listy (National History and Geography Papers), published by the League for the Advancement of Opava, concentrated this year (2014) on the phenomenon of museums in Silesia. It is remarkable that in the first issue it noted also entirely new museum institutions such as the Museum of the Silesian Countryside in Holasovice and the Museum of Isolation and Integration in Bílá Voda.

252 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE which justify its society in its historically conditioned indistinctness. The basis for understanding the museum is the knowledge of “key words”, generally understandable, not accessible by special study, but which are acquired by everyday experience. And, at the same time, together with the understandability of this vocabulary, it is the associative force of objects or natural facts, with which are these words – abstracts from the teaching or aesthetic areas – are defined, not in the causal link, but illustrated in a symbolic way in order to open to the inter- pretative perspective, whose limits are generally accepted and which form an inseparable part (which is just another of the ambivalences) of this general understandability. This perception of identity overcomes the traditional concept, when we match the identity with a claim of religion, science or political doctrine; when no border between identity and teaching is obvious at all or it is not even accepted. At the watershed of the old, feudal society, the society of the Baroque culture, and the new society, opened to the political perspective of civic life and culturally oriented to Classicism, Romanticism and Historicism, the museum as an institution has an entirely irreplaceable role of a mediator – a mediator between two eras, a mediator between the old and the new; a mediator between the feudal and the civic representation. Why it was in Silesia, where museums were “successful”, is patently obvious, because it was here where the weakening took place. The first such pre-modern institution of the Austrian part of Silesia was the Royal Office (1742-1782), established by Empress Maria Theresa as an executive body for the remaining Austrian part of Silesia. It was based in Opava, which anticipated the metropolisation of the city in the 19th century. The establishment of the regional administration together with the existence of the Opava and Cieszyn region followed. This was important only with nationalisation; from the standpoint of the museum activity it was even of key importance, even though it did not have a countrywide overlap. However, the Silesian public convention2 remained here, no matter how far from social

2 DRKAL, Stanislav: Slezský veřejný konvent v Opavě (Silesian Public Convention in Opava) (1742–1861), Opava, inventory of the Provincial Archive in Opava, typescript; Štěrbová, Jarmila: Slezský veřejný konvent (Silesian Public Convention) (1644) 1742– 1848, Opava, inventory of the Provincial Archive in Opava, Opava 2000, typescript.

253 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE commotion – the feudal autonomous body, whose activity is within the years 1742-1861. In the pre-March period it expressed the constitutional identity of the Austrian part of Silesia, which was important in the situation when the government could not express this identity by the distribution of State power and, obviously, it did not even want to – the Royal Office disappeared too soon and regional authorities had the character of separate entities. Only here the representatives of all principalities of the Austrian part of Silesia, i.e., Opava, Krnov, Cieszyn, Nysa, Bielsko and the delegates of the Opava and Krnov estates, could meet here. Between April and June 1848 the number of members rose by 27 representatives of the aristocracy, large estates, towns and even farmers. In 1849 it encouraged the development of an archive, which was assumed by Franz Tiller, and again in 1851. By the February constitution (1861) it was reconstituted into the Silesian Provincial Assembly; this gathered until the outbreak of World War One. The ambitions of the feudal representation significantly concerned economic progress. In this respect the Silesian agricultural society3 played a key role. What were the circumstances of its origin? One of the manifestations of economic interests of the feudal society of the second half of the 18th century, which however, came across manifestations of constitutionalism in the economic sphere, were economic companies, established in individual parts of the Austrian monarchy. The activities of society were to a considerable extent prescribed by the Viennese government, so we can observe analogies between the Imperial and Royal Moravian and Silesian Society for the Advancement of Ploughing in Brno and between the societies in individual Austrian provinces (for example, a society with an analogical name and mission originated for Kranjska in Ljubljana in 1767). The Austrian part of Silesia lost this representation of its regional identity in the economic sphere in the years 1808-1811; it acquired it again only after the autonomous Silesia was created by definition in the February constitution as an equal part of the Austrian group of provinces (1861) and, at the same time, the elements of a civic society, confirmed by anchoring civic rights in the December constitution (1867) being established. Although the Silesian Agricultural Society, 3 MATÝSKOVÁ, Marta: Královská slezská zemědělská společnost Opava (Royal Silesian Agricultural Society in Opava) 1770–1811, Opava, inventory of the Land Archive in Opava, Opava 2001, typescript.

254 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE which emerged in 1862 was a manifestation of asserting liberal tendencies and capitalist principals of business, in the agrarian Silesia it was clear that a strong influence of aristocracy would remain deeply preserved in their ranks until the 20th century. The year 1782, when Austrian Silesia was administratively submitted to the Moravian and Silesian government in Brno, was a breakthrough. If the provincial feudal representation in the form of a Silesian public convention remained – even though in a much weakened position – the economic society for Silesia disappeared. However, the city preserved some other supra- regional functions. The important thing was the location of Opava on the line of the postal route between Brno and Lvov via Olomouc (1775).4 Then it was the statute of the Opava City Hall as a mercantile court of the first instance. The city was significant from a military and political point of view as a garrison town and the seat of the regiment No. 1 Der Kaiser. Last but not least, it was the cultural and especially educational institutions, which even more than power and political or administrative institutions, moved Opavian society closer from a feudal society to the civic society. In the first place, it is necessary to note the printing works, publishing house and bookshop of Josef Georg Trassler, creating a link in time and meaning between the last decades of the 18th century and the first half of the 19th. Trassler (1759-1816) came from Vienna and in 1780 he bought the printing works from the widow of Josef Gabriel, which was in the 18th century a seat of the distribution of the current book production for the entire Austrian part of Silesia. Shortly after Trassler’s arrival in Opava, a circle of scholars developed, to which belonged, apart from Trassler, also Franz Anton Schrämbl, director of the main school, catechist Johann Rotter (1744–1819)5 and minorite Barnabáš Hanke. Around this theoretical gravitation point, a large group of subscribers gathered – subscribers of scientific as well as romantic literature dominated by the Büsching and Krünitzer encyclopaedia, Kneifel’s topography of Aus- trian Silesia, as well as philosophical works of Moses Mendelssohn, the repre-

4 D´ELVERT, Christian: Die Culturvorschritte Mährens und Österreichisch-Schlesien, besonders im Landbaue und in der Industrie während der letzten hundert Jahre, Brünn 1854, p. 184. 5 More details in MYŠKA, Milan: Svobodní zednáři a opavská společnost pozdního osvícenství (Free Masons and the Opavian Society of Late Enlightment), ČSM–B 40, 1991, p. 163-166.

255 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE sentative and immensely influential natural history of Georges Buffon,6 world history of Wilhelm Guthrie and collections of literary works of Wieland and Klopstock; i.e. works of art forming modern Central European thinking in the period around 1800. After the administrative closure of the Silesian Ag- ricultural Society, Trassler’s publishing house substituted a sort of scholarly society, which could not exist in Austrian Silesia if we do not count, naturally, private aristocratic and civic salons. As it is known, scholarly societies formed a key condition of the development of pre-museum intellectuality, which can, to a certain extent, be said of Trassler’s circle. This fulfilled one very important mission in the specific conditions of the Silesian periphery: it bound the ties of the elite to Brno and from there to Vienna and other West European intellectual centres. It was, after all, Trassler himself, publishing magazines (Moravia) in which we read about the intellectual advancement of Moravia, about research in various spheres of the knowledge of nature, about the history of the land and, last but not least, also about private collecting activities.7 Trassler’s printing works and publishing house in Opava – this is a key, always underappreciated, centre of scientific and artistic culture of Austrian Silesia at the turn of the 18th and 19th century, intermediating a supra-regional cultural exchange and, at the same time, forming a part of this non-regional network of relations and ties. An example was the fact that it was the distribution centre of the national calendar of Christian André, which places Opava in the list of distribution points of this publication next to Central European centres such as Vienna, Prague, Brno or Graz.8 Not even when Trassler extended his business activity to Brno (1786) and Jihlava (1788), did the Opavian printing works lose their importance. On the contrary, they found it at the beginning of the 19th century in a new activity: publishing the regional periodical Troppauer Zeitung, as well as several other, but only ephemeral, periodicals. It was Trassler’s son

6 The popularity of Buffone´s encyclopaedia is documented by the fact that it was published again at the turn of the centrury by F. A. Schrämbl in Brno. 7 RINCOLINI, Ernst: Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Naturaliensammlungen in Mähren, Moravia no. 104, 1st July [1815], p. 415-416; p. 105, 3rd July [1815], p. 419; č. 131, 17th August [1815], p. 524; no. 137, 28th August [1815], p. 548. 8 Mein neuer Nationalkalender, Hesperus 2, 1811, p. 99.

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Adolf (1793?-1859), standing at the head of the Opavian printing works since 18239, who continued in this activity. Besides Trassler’s publishing house, the theatre was a seat of cultural endeavours and a place where modern thinking was concentrated, sounding on the stage in contemporary attire of the current drama or opera. The theatre obtained a new modern building (1805) and the Private Society of the Opavian Aristocracy and Dignitaries (1806), headed by the nobleman Mořic, Count Lich- novský (1771-1837), was established for its operation. In the theatrical area, similarly as at the origin of the museum eight years later, the representatives of the town circles met the aristocracy, as documented by the time sequence between the establishment of the Opavian theatre company and the Private Theatre of the Princes Lichnovský (Fürstlich von Lichnowskyschen Privat-Theater zu Gräz) at the Hradec chateau, for which a space on the ground floor of the chateau building was made available in 1806 at the place of a separate standing theatre pavilion. If we compare the situation to the sphere of museums, it is an analogical situation of a tie between noble collections and the Grammar School Museum as a public museum. The modernisation of the intellectual and creative artistic activity of Opa- vian society around 1800 needs to be seen also in the change of educational institutions.10 In the first half, it concerns two of them – the grammar school, i.e. the then “Latin school”, secularised after the abolition of the Jesuit order, and the main school. The change of the grammar school from the Latin school, connected to the Jesuit order, into a secular institution, culminated in 1806 by the acceptance of a new study plan, in which real sciences appeared next to Latin and Greek – a greater share of mathematics, natural sciences, geography and history, which, together with the teaching of religion, required the engagement of new pedagogical forces.11 The main school in Opava12 kept its importance and its teachers also, for example, created the first men’s choir.

9 BITTNER, Eustach: Z minulosti opavských tiskáren (From the History of Opavian Printing Works), Opavsko no. 11, 1964, p. 6-10. 10 ŠOPÁK, Pavel: Mezi civilizací a kulturou. Školství v Rakouském Slezsku do roku 1918 (Between Civilization and Culture. The School System in the Austrian Silesia by 1918), Kuděj 2013, no. 2, p. 39-49. 11 ENS, Faustin: Das Oppaland oder der Troppauer Kreis 3, Wien, Carl Gerold 1836, p. 154. 12 Ibid, p. 155-156.

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One type of institution interconnects the schools and the museum sphere, aristocracy and Baroque ecclesiastical orders with the civic society of modern times. This is the library – a form and also product of the cultural activity of the estate, Enlightenment; i.e., civic-oriented as well as the modern civic society, with a key importance for the formation of identity or identities. If we observe the situation of Opava, its cultural milieu in the mid-18th century was influenced, if not determined provably by four monastery libraries, i.e. the libraries of the Jesuits, Dominicans, Franciscans and Minorites. A library is not just a certain set of books, but also a place intended for them. The only authentic library space of the 18th century today will be found in the Minorite Monastery. It is a typical late Baroque Gesamtskunstwerk, joining architecture and art more for the celebration of erudition under the protection of the Church than for the protection of the book collection. The library hall is a central space on the second floor of the street wing of the Baroque monastery building; the exterior being stressed with a plaster façade and completed in the interior with a ceiling painting by Josef Matyáš Lassler (1699-1777) with a complex allegorical scene and the central scene with the theme Wisdom built a temple, coming from the sayings of the bibli- cal book of Proverbs Wisdom has built a palace [a] supported on seven pillars. This palace, or the palace of Wisdom, celebrated by the fresco, was in this specific case a set of books, stored in bookcases along the walls, unfortunately no longer preserved. Naturally, the theological production at the time was primarily available in them, but, in general, in the Opavian monastic libraries of the 18th century we would also find numerous treatises from the fields of natural science, teaching, medicine, mathematics, literature and history. Monastic libraries disappeared during the 1790s – i.e., long before the establishment of the grammar school library as a specific part of the grammar school museum. However, it is obvious that the continuity of the book fund between them and the library of the Grammar School Museum13 can still be found here and there. There is no space here to name all the titles that came from the Jesuit library into the library of the secularised grammar school,

13 Provincial Archive in Opava, Grammar School Museum in Opava Opava, unprocessed fund, book no.l, there is a list of prints and manuscripts from the 18th century from the property of the library of the Grammar School Museum; among other things, there are sermons, Passion plays and annual reports of the Marian fraternity attached to the Church of St.s George and Adalbert.

258 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE from there into the public library of the Grammar School Museum and after 1945 into the collections of current Opavian institutions. Two preserved examples, however, are worth mentioning due to the demonstrable continuity of this origin. In the first place, is the manuscript of a didactic play with singing, when the singers of four basic voice groups represent the allegoric figures of the Soul (soprano), Faith (tenor), Reason (alto) and Conceit (bass).14 The moral lesson, drawing upon the concepts of Baroque spirituality, is presented as an exemplum in the range of Jesuit education and, at the same time, as an aesthetically refined manifestation of the conventional musical and dramatic form of the time, alternating arias with recitatives. The manuscript of this play with singing, performed in an unspecified year on Good Friday in the Church of St. Adalbert, came to be in the library of the Gram- mar School Museum, which is confirmed by the stamp on the title sheet in the upper right corner. The title sheet contains a marginal note from Edmund Wilhelm Braun Jesuitica ca 1750 Charfreitagsspiel in der Troppauer Jesuitenkirche, which documents Braun’s interest in the piece of work, related to the Jesuit church – an artistic monument in which he was very interested. Besides the plays, coming from the tradition of moralities, developing from the Middle Ages, homiletics, partly occasional, was very successful in the environment of the Opavian Jesuit college and the pedagogical activity of the grammar school. An example for all was the preaching under Anton Florian, Count of Lichtenštejn (1656-1721), presented in the Krnov Church of St. Martin on 2nd December 1721 and published in Opava by Schindler’s printing works. The preserved copy has a provable origin again: it went from the Jesuit library to the library of the Grammar School Museum and from here in 1945 into the library of the Silesian Provincial Museum.15

14 Provincial Archive in Opava, the fund of Jesuits in Opava, inv. no. 55, Divum in alimentorum Sumptione Temperantiae Exemplum a Domino nostro JESU CHRISTO Familiari mortialibus ratio Gulae oppositum ad Gulam Temperantiae christianae Subsidio extirpandam exlibitum. Sacro Paracsenes Die ad S. Georgiam in Templo Soc: JESÚ Opaviae. 15 Theodor Tischler, Virtutis Comes Honor et Gloria Leichenpredigt Fürst Anton Florian Liechtenstein, Tropppau, Schindler 1721, Silesian Land Museum, library, inv. no. STC2197, originally the library of the Grammar School Museum.

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In the history of Opavian museums we can identify several independent museum libraries,16 which figure in our exposition either as a specific type of museum activity or as its integral part. The Library of the Gram- mar School Museum is the oldest of them. Its function was multiple and the context of its origin ambiguous: 1) the aim was to create a modern scientific library of regional validity; i.e., to relate the establishment and functioning of the library to the modern concept of science; 2) to compensate symbolically Baroque order libraries, of which Opava was deprived by their sale and liq- uidation at the end of the 18th century, and make this new library accessible to the public, i.e. to make a public institution of it; 3) to come into step with the intellectual centres, i.e. to offer the local elite the option of education and, at the same time, to understand the presence of the library in the town as a representation of this town. Opavians of 1814 certainly appreciated the libraries towards the end of the 18th century, which produced Hirsching’s catalogue of German libraries; they had in mind the establishment of the Olomouc Study Library; they knew Viennese libraries and perhaps they were thinking also about the library of the Wrocław library of the Silesian Society for Patriotic Culture, which had been established in 1809 and where Franz Mückusch became an honorary member.17 And, above all, they had their own private libraries. The adjective “grammar school”, which we understand today as a certain depreciation of the meaning, rather confirmed than decreased the prestige in its times, after all, a number of scholarly libraries in German towns of the second half of the 18th century were conceived as attachments to grammar schools, i.e. as grammar school libraries with a guaranteed right for the public.18 And here it is neces-

16 Karl Friedrich Gottlob Hirsching, Versuch einer Beschreibung sehenswürdiger Bibliotheken Teutschlands, nach alphabetischer Ordnung der Städte 1– 4, Erlangen 1786–1791. 17 The library was open to the public free of charge on Wednesday and Saturday from 2 pm to 4 pm, it was administered by the custodian and from 1824 it was located in the building of the stock exchange. PETZHOLDT, Julius: Handbuch deutscher Bibliotheken, Halle, H. W. Schmidt 1853, p. 58-59. 18 Compare KOHLER Johann David (1762): Anweisung für Reisende Gelehrte, Bibliothecen, Münz–Cabinette, Antiquitäten–Zimmer, Bilder–Säle, Naturalien und Kunstkammern u. d. m. mit Nutzen zu besehen, Frankfurt – Leipzig, Knoch- und Eßlingerische Buchhandlung, p. 5.

260 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE sary to distinguish it from the grammar school library as a school library with two departments, i.e. for the teachers and for the pupils.19 The library of the Grammar School Museum in Opava originated in 1814; any older existence of a book collection, preceding it is thus presupposed.20 It functioned in the Jesuit College and in 1857 in the hall of the Minorite Mon- astery.21 The important thing was the number of titles and their composition: in 1834, or 1836, it had 13 thousand,22 in 1844, 15 thousand books,23 in 1864, 32 thousand books, by 1939, 50 thousand volumes and in 1944 it allegedly reached the number of one hundred thousand – from the area of German studies, Slavic studies, Roman studies, classical philology, English studies, lexi- cography, history, military sciences, natural sciences, forestry and agriculture, medicine, geography and technology, philosophy, theology and pedagogy. Since 1859 it acquired production from the region of Austrian Silesia; in 1937 the right of a compulsory copy, which caused a rapid growth of books at the turn of 1930s and 1940s. At the beginning of the institution, significant gifts of books were donated by the court councillor Josef Witteczek (12 thousand books) and Jo- sef, Count Sedlnický (8 thousand books). As regards the composition, these were books produced in 1800-1850; newer literature was represented only selectively due to the lack of public funding for the purchase of the acquisition. The library had its librarian – library custodian. This capacity was held in 1853-1861 by Franz Jonscher (1829-1989) in the years 1872-1901 by Alois Beierle (1838-1916), from 1924 to 1925 by Emil Brenner (1887-?) and between 1927 and 1939 it was the secondary school teacher of philology Moritz Harich (1891-1988). Since the mid-1850s the library had a reading room and a catalogue together with the system of class marks, which had been founded by Jonscher, and whose structure was preserved until the end of World War

19 For example, Waněk (1900). 20 The archive of the German grammar school was destroyed in the spring of 1945, which makes it impossible today to judge how the library looked before the foundation of the grammar school museum of which it became an integral part. 21 Basic data in Harich (1939); Buhl (1973), p. 42; similarly Mazur (1961); clearly Šefčík (1984a), p. 11-13. 22 F. Ens, c. d., p. 155. 23 SOkA Opava, the Archive of the City of Opava, inv. no. č. 480, Pamětní kniha opavského magistrátu (Memorial Book of the Opava City Hall) (1825–1856), fol. 99.

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Two. In 1871 the transfer of the library to the old building of the grammar school was considered, which did not take place.24 In April 1945 it was practically destroyed by the fire of the Minorite Monastery; its remains went to the Silesian Study Library. Which words can be used to express the function of the museum as a place of the articulation of identity? An attempt at such a vocabulary (and it could be much wider) was the new permanent exhibition of the Silesian Regional Museum (2011).25 These words from practical life, denominating an abstract quality from the area of cultural and social anthropology (death, peace), social and historical aspects (town, village), cultural institutions (language) or the conditions of existence (landscape) have their superior terms, or, we feel the need to find such terms. At the highest level, such words signify the meaning itself of one museum or another. To harmonise in the historical reflection its current sense and its understanding with the distance of dozens or hundreds of years will always be difficult and the history of museums in Czech Silesia provide a number of very striking examples of this variance: around 1820 the Grammar School Museum was intended as a materialisation of the dream of the founding generation concerning the unexplored, charming Jeseníky mountains (Museum Montes demersorii) – and not as a representation of the country (Landesmuseum); around 1900 the artistic and industrial museum in Opava was understood as an apotheosis of the claim for an integrative mission of culture and art in the life of a society, guaranteed by aesthetic selection, with which social elites identified themselves – not a bureaucratic institution, which it turned into after 1921; in the 1950s the Silesian Regional Museum was a manifestation of the resistance of the historic national history and geography towards Marxist historiography – and not a tool of the conscious education of the working class, as was required. After 1989 the Silesian Regional Museum did not cease to play the role of a place, enabling a return to the roots, i.e. the place of

24 TZ no. 10, 13th January 1871, p. 2. 25 A part of the Encyclopaedia of Silesia by Pavel Šopák. – Z hlediska historické perspektivy Pavel Šopák, Proměny stálé expozice Slezského zemského muzea v Opavě (From the Point of View of Historical Perspective – Pavel Šopák, The Changes of the Permanent Exhibition of the Silesian Regional Museum in Opava): an appeal for the present, in: Acta historica Universitatis Silesianae Opaviensis 5, Opava 2012, p. 213-230.

262 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE reconstruction of Silesian or Central European identity – no matter how it seems today as an institution, directed by fashionable managerism. How to understand the sense of the institution, when the documents, i.e., written sources to whose validity historical science can swear, often try to cover this sense! Historical museology does not have to defend against the associations which the museum institution provokes and which we accept from the sphere of the current intellectually emotional experience. For example, the Grammar School Museum in Opava has an aesthetic parallel to the French protoromantic, heroic, lyric or comic opera of French and Italian origin,26 presented by the Opavian municipal theatre and, at the same time - on the teaching plane – a teaching parallel to the German natural philosophy, received by natural scientists from the circle of sympathisers of the Grammar School Museum.27 Another, somewhat newer example: the Silesian Museum around 1970 captivates even today, with the distance of more than four decades, with the exhibitions and activities, organised at that time on the premises of the arboretum in Nový Dvůr, i.e. in an attractive natural environment, when the tie between the presentation of works of art and the environment suggested the idea of naturalness of the relationship of the life of people and art, the anti-official character of such a visual opportunity, which stands at direct variance with the ceremonial character of visual exhibitions of the 1950s. The understanding of the sense of the institution means to realise these associations and symbolic ideas, context and connotations, because they delimit the “valence” field of identity of the society of the time and the museum’s share in it. Today we understand a museum unfortunately as a leisure time activity; as something that is considered to be beyond serious, important and substantial themes. Current museologists, in the eyes of the majority society, are not arbiters of generally shared truths any longer, not even the notorious magnetic 26 Francois Adrien Boieldieu (1775–1834), composer of the opera John of Paris, presented in Opava in may 1814 and 1820; Pierre Gaveaux (1761–1825), composer of comical operas, Nicolo Isouard (1773–1818), Étienne-Nicolas Méhul (1763– 1817), composer of the opera Joseph and his Brothers, presented two times for the benefit of the Grammar School Museum in the course of 1817. 27 Kajetán Koschatzký bequeathed in his last will the books by natural scientist and philosopher Lorenz Oken (1779-1851) and the doctor of medicine and natural scientist Gotthilf Heinrica von Schubert (1780–1860) to the Grammar School Museum.

263 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE needle on the compass of value orientation. We come to a paradox: with how gradually the perception disappeared of a museum as a storage of information for scientific activity, i.e. how other institutions have exceeded- muse ums as the bearers of modern science (together with the fact that museology was not successfully codified as a specific intellectual activity, independent of other sciences), the social significance of museums decreased even more than was the significance of the times, when it was justified by the scientific activity; i.e., still in the 1950s and 1960s. And if we descend even deeper into the past, back to the years of the end of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, we come to the idea of a museum as a highly prestigious social institution, i.e., as something nobody understands any longer today. Let us try to explain it with the following simile: a view of the majestic front of the Opavian Regional Museum with the proposed piazetta, decorated with ornamental flora and a pool with a fountain and a restricted view of the building of the former teaching institute, all this unified with the green vegetation, mostly exotic; this is a view countlessly multiplied by postcards. It could be understood as invariable since the construction of the museum building as it corresponds with our visual experience. Mistake! The scenery remained almost unchanged, but the social content is completely lost! The promenade, which had its starting point in front of the museum, plays mainly a utilitarian communication role and the shadowy parts of ancient trees entice rather the homeless than dreamers of poetic ideas. If we understand the museum as a source of identity of the society at the time; i.e., Central European society before 1914, it happens so in the sense of the petrification of patriarchal and authoritarian interests, when the hierarchy of values, articulated by the museum, is directly proportional to the hierarchy of the society. When the idea of the regional museum was being established in Opava in 1903, it should have been a project of a large museum with the building itself; of an integration of the existing Arts and Crafts Museum, Grammar School Museum (as a museum of natural history, even though this function was not generally accepted)28 and the libraries of the Grammar

28 For example, Karl Fritsch in the overview of institutions, focused on scientific cultivation of natural science, mentions the Franz Museum in Brno, Moravia, or the museum club in Olomouc, but he does not mention any museum in Silesia, and in Opava he mentions only the German club of natural science and the agricultural experimental station. SeeKarl Fritsch, Geschichte der Institute und Corporationen,

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School Museum and the Minorite Monastery. If we realise that one of the exhibition units of the Arts and Crafts Museum was a painting gallery and, at the same time, director of the museum Edmund Wilhelm Braun established an archive with press cuttings, notes as well as original documents, concerning the history of art and culture of Austrian Silesia, then a comparison arises with the period structure of the Graz Provincial Museum “Joanneum”.29 The system of museum institutions in the fixed organisational framework, contained in the palace building with three cupolas,30 forming a silhouette comparable with exceptional Baroque temple monuments, the Church of St. Martin in Olomouc in Morava, reminiscent, with its trio of cupolas, of St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome (even if the cupolas have different proportions). Cupolas belong to universality – the universality of European culture, whose other, not less estimable and representative form are references, pen- etrating the whole building from historising façades to the interiors with collections. In the event of this certainly most significant museum in the entire history to date of Czech Silesia, the conviction that it is all meant seriously; that the view, visitor, passer-by, etc. believes the striking arrangements, which is not a fashionable figure, but is directly pulled in to the intellectually emotional contents of the museum as a cultural piece of work, forms the essence of the identity. However, today it is all otherwise: the unity of the contents (museum) and the form (building) is lost. But museums have not lost their capacity to co-determine the activity; however, it must happen with different means than elitism; i.e., building up the administrative hierarchy as proven by the tragic example of the Silesian Regional Museum of the last five years. It must happen with the means which do not resign to what has always determined a museum: that it is a specific means of sharing also because the

welche in Österreich von 1850 bis 1900 der Pflege der Botanik und Zoologie dienten, in: Botanik und Zoologie in Österreich in den Jahren 1850 bis 1900. Hrsg. von der k. k. zoologisch-botanische Gesellschaft in Wien anläßlich der Feier ihres fünfzigjährigen Bestandes, Wien 1901, p. 113-116 (Moravia) and 116 (Austrian Silesia). 29 It consisted of the following parts: A/ Naturhistorisches Museum; B/Prähistorische Sammlung und Antiken-und Münzen-Cabinet; C/ Culturhistorisches und Kunstgewerbe-Museum und Landes-Zeughaus; D/Landes-Bildergallerie; E/ Landes- Bibliothek; F/Archiv. Quoted, for example, according to LXXXVII. Jahresbericht des steiermärkischen Landesmuseums Joanneum über das Jahr 1898, Graz 1899. 30 This is according to the idea of the completion of the museum from 1903.

265 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE essence of each museum is formed by a basic principle of culture, which is sharing certain values by a non-numerous community of interested persons. The sacred contents of sharing – the mystery of faith and initiation – is secularised in modern society; the theme of sharing is then history, nature, arts, creation, literary work, painting, region, scientific discourse, dreams... Around 1820 the Grammar School Museum offered an entirely unique form of sharing: the first, limited by participants of museum events, if formed by the theme of the Jeseníky mountains, “very remarkable, but unfortunately even more than little known” mountains, as expressed by August Meyer, the economic administrator of the estate of the counts of Vrbno in Velké Heraltice.31 He was in this group together with his friend Kajetán Kosachtzký, priest and teacher in the Sedlnický family at the chateau in Štemplovec, then with pharmacist Johann Spatzier from Krnov and, naturally, also with Franz Mückusch and Faustin Ens.32 Botanising, exchanging information, but also preparations (it is known that in 1844 Ens took to Bregenz a part of Mückusch’s collections), publishing texts as well as a tie to the Brno Society for the Advancement of Ploughing, formed an exterior framework of activities; their essence consisted in the inner character of experiences of nature and its knowledge, em- bodied in the museum as a monument of intellectual endeavour. The history of museums (not only) in Czech Silesia can be then rewritten as a history of sharing certain values; the history of friendly ties and mutual respect, understanding and sympathies. It was not different – in order to stay with natural sciences – with the core of the Opavian club of natural science, founded in 1895 and developing especially in the first third of the 20th century and later at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s during the founding and establishment of the arboretum in Nový Dvůr as a dendrological workplace of the then Sile- sian Museum.33 31 MAYER, August: Über die Flora des Gesenkes, Mitteilungen der k. k. mährisch-schlesischen Gesellschaft zur Beförderung des Ackerbaues, der Natur- und Landeskunde in Brünn 1829, p. 67-72, 161-164, 172-175. 32 D´ELVERT, Christian, Zur Geschichte der Pflege der Naturwissenschaften in Mähren und Schlesien, Brünn 14868, s. 187. 33 KŘÍŽ, Zdeněk: Regional Arboretum in Nový Dvůr, Opavian region. Vlastivěda Ostravského kraje č. 1 (National History and Geography of the Ostrava Region No. 1), Opava 1959, p. 13-15; KRKAVEC, František: Dvacet let arboreta v Novém Dvoře u Opavy (Twenty Years of the Arboretum in Nový Dvůr near Opava), Vlastivědné listy (Papers of National History and Geography) 5, 1979, no. 1, p. 35-39.

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But identity is not formed by only one of the possibilities; the motivation must be more complex just as the structure of a human personality is richer and more stratified. Opavian friends of the countryside of Jeseníky, who gave thanks to the idea of a regional museum, did not remain anonymous, but – at the moment that it would be possible, i.e., after the official approval of the museum – they willingly presented this idea in public, so the report on the establishment and development of the museum, naturally successful, can be found in 1818 even in the London news. And vice versa, in the collections of the pedagogical department of South-Kensington Museum school works of the students from Austria – Vienna, Brno, Prague, Opava, specifically from the local lower of secondary school and from the grammar school34, appeared. And it is thus more paradoxical that the distance between London, Vienna and Opava was smaller than today, in spite of our so-called globalisation. It seems that it was the periodical press that had a determining importance for the understanding of the museum as a source of identity, as early as the very beginnings of Central European museums. An important source for the knowledge of the psychological and intellectual situation in which the museum phenomenon manifested itself this way, is represented unquestionably by the references of the period press and here not only the articles dealing with the museum must captivate the reader, but also such texts as are related objectively with the issues resolved with specific means of the museum. The idea of a public regional museum as the utmost fulfilment of the museum phenomenon of the time gravitated around magazines, published by Chris- tian Carl André (1763-1831), active since 1798 in Brno as the director of the local Protestant school and secretary of the Moravian and Silesian Society for the Advancement of Ploughing. He named his first magazine Patriotisches Tageblatt (published in the years 1800-1805) and dedicated it fully to modernisation tendencies. Therefore, if we look for reports on Silesia in its pages, we will find mostly only reports on its Prussian part, which was for the Austrian part a model of economic and even industrial progress. We read here about the discoveries of coal deposits as well as about the sugar industry; i.e., about clearly modern

34 Museum rapidly formed, The Literary Panorama and National Register (this sentence is not my translation, so I don´t have the original), new series – 7, London 1818, column 447.

267 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE themes. In this respect, the personalities from Silesia cooperated with the periodical, in particular, Leopold Jan Šeršník. 35André understood the museum as an instrument of progress. In the hitherto European intellectual tradition, the word museum was connected to the sets of ancient monuments and works of art or with collections of natural specimens in scholarly cabinets, particularly in Italy, as the travel literature36 of the time informs us, or with the presentation of old and current arts in Paris and German cities. How- ever, the observed context should have lent new content on principle to the term museum, which would be conditioned by an anthropological expression: originally, the museum always stood in relation with culture, specifically with literary and artistic culture, with motionless models of creation, with canoni- cal works, resisting time for hundreds and thousands of years. Now the museum was to serve people; it was to be a tool of an active attitude to the present and to the reality which surrounds a man and which improves him. The fundamental change of the importance which André had implicitly in mind was thus the shift from culture to civilisation, which the museum was to serve. The older and traditional “cultural” meaning of the word was related to the aesthetic claim of the elites, with the taste and satisfaction with experiences in the forefront of works of art, perceived as monuments of ancient cultures, especially the ancient times and the Renaissance. The changed meaning was related to the economic claim of the current elites and their profits. In connection with the Brno Society, in which André was active, it had to be the Regional Museum for the area of Moravia and Silesia (1803 and 1806); the museum, which was regional and adequately focused on national history and geography, related to local elites and their topical interests and needs. Such an idea was really alive, because in 1803 the Society began to create the museum collection and in 1808 it began making an inventory.37

35 The classed catalogue of the educational division of the South Kensington Museum, London 1867. 36 For example, Philipp Joseph Rehfues, Briefe aus Italien währen der Jahre 1801–1805, Zürich 1809, reminds of some Italian collections of ancient antiques and natural objects in aristocratic homes. From the older influencial manuals, see Köhler (1762), p. 145, who uses the words in the expression „musea antiquaria“ (in locative pl.: de museis antiqariis) i.e. as collections of ancient antiques. 37 Many authors in this contect, e.g. Sklenář (2001), p. 32.

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In the second decade of the 19th century, the situation changed: civilisation service ceased and the patriotic, i.e. culture-forming component, leaning against historical references provoking certain positive emotions strengthened. This changed strategy was expressed in the Viennese Archiv für Geogra- phie, Historie, Staats- und Kriegskunst (1810–1829) whose editor was a historian of the younger generation, director of the Viennese State Court and Domes- tic Archive, Josef von Hormayr zu Hortenburg (1781-1848), a personality often connected in literature with the enforcement of Romanticism in Mora- via, with the collecting of Austrian art and with the beginnings of monument preservation, i.e., with intellectual activities literary contrasting to those expressed by the Brno Society and André’s magazines together with it. This is the case also of the Museum of French Monuments, remmem- bered in connection with the note dedicated to its founder Alexander Le- noir (1761-1839)38 and in the enthusiastic review of the third volume of the topographical work of Thomas Frognall Dibdin (1776-1847) on France and Germany.39 The issues of the museum resonate, for example, in the great memoir of natural scientist Antoine-Françoise de Fourcroy (1755–1809) 40or in the requirement to raise the sciences and the level of education in Galicia.41 The admiration for the Johanneum connects the requirement of interest in regional history as well as the appreciation of the relation of local authorities to the museum in Graz.42 Hormayr’s Archive is also known to other museums – in Vatican, London, Braunschweig and also in Prague, here it is related to the publishing of a museum magazine. This reflection of the museum issues, no matter how bound to history or historic geography, could not influence André. His new magazine took the symbolic name of Hesperus and was published in the years 1809-1812 in Brno and then until 1821 in Prague. Hesperus is Hesperos in Greek mythology, whose opposite is Phosporus, which both personify the double unity of Venus as the Morning Star and the Evening Star; the term used also by 38 Miscellen, AGHSK 1, 1810, p. 191-192; as regards the same institution compare AGHSK 1, 1810, p. 645. 39 AGHSK 13, 1822, p. 123. 40 Biographische Züge, AGHSK 1, 1810, p. 279-282. 41 ROHLER, J.: Über die Wohltätigkeit des Einflusses der österreichischen Regierung auf das Königreich Galizien, AGHSK 1, 1810, no. 144, p. 614. 42 Fortgesetzte Wirksamkeit des Johannäums von Gratz, AGHSK 3, 1812, p. 78-79.

269 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE younger philosophy and, in general, this name, restricted for an entity of light, in which an association of free masonry is hidden. André focused the new magazine on literature and historical statistics. He brought information into it concerning England as well as France, he monitored the situation in the Ger- man lands and thus helped the beginning of modern business as well as the development of the sciences, particularly by interconnecting with the Brno Society for the Advancement of Ploughing. The light of knowledge spread by Hesperus concerned also museums, for which André pleaded in the article published in 1811. At that time, he was interested in regional museums, undoubtedly because the idea of a museum had been occupying the participants of the Brno society. These ideas had period parallels. If we remain with Hesperus, in 1812 Kajetán Nenning (1769-1845), Wanderart from Vrchlabí, asks on its pages in a provocative manner how long it would take for a museum like the Joanneum43 in Graz to appear also in Bohemia. Surprisingly, Opava was discussed late, only in 1818, in a clear article about the fate of the museum so far and then in a short note about the increase of the collection in spite of the lack of money and favour.44 Episodic, but important was the periodical issued simultaneously in Olo- mouc and in Brno45 by Karel Josef Jurende (1780-1842), a personality younger than André. Jurende was also settled in Brno and his periodical’s name was Redlicher Verkündiger. Ein Archiv des Mannichfaltigen und Interessanten (RV; 1813–1814). The magazine brought short articles, anecdotes and curiosities, often based on the comparison of measurable data (according to the principle of which is the highest monument, the longest bridge or the deepest abyss, etc.), interesting statistical data, which concerned, for example, demographic

43 Hesperus 1812, p. 630. – Sklenář (2001), p. 58. 44 Kreismuseum in Troppau, Hesperus no. 17, 1818, p. 129-132. Besides this, an article on a geographical teaching aid – a globe, written by Faustin Ens, see Faustin Ens, Der Zeune´sche Tasterdball für Blinde und Sehende, Hesperus 1818, p. 288. This type of globes was appreciated in its times as documented by other period references in literature, for example, seeTEinrichtung und Schicksale der Görlitzer Gymnasiums in den letzten 25 Jahren, Neues Lausitzisches Magazin 4, 1825, p. 358. 45 For Jurende see MYŠKA, Milan: Jurendovo vymezení regionu Kravařsko (Jurende´s delimitation of the region of Kravař), in: Andros Probabilis. Sborník prací přátel a spolupracovníků historika prof. PhDr. Miloše Trapla, CSc. k jeho 70. narozeninám (An Anthology of the Works of Friends and Co-workers of Historian Prof. PHDr. Miloš Trapl, CSc. to his 70th Birthday), Olomouc – Brno 2005, p. 489-495.

270 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE indicators, passages of verse and all types of references to political information, aphorisms or sharp-witted parallels between historical events. At the same time, he incited one to the development of a patriotic relation to one’s homeland, region, a specific place. The basis of patriotism to one’s land (the word “land” was not used at that time) was primarily the feeling – love for a place and its unchangeable complexion. This, at the same time, iniciates rational knowledge. This is related to generally shared principles such as the idea that history is a personified moral, etc. The magazine brought data to specific regional monuments – the word monument, however, does not appear at all, rather – and, moreover, in a different context – landmark or exquisiteness.46 Also important are the obituaries of significant Moravian and Silesian personalities such as the director of the provincial headquarters for the construction of roads in Brno, Josef Wussin (1753-1813) and, naturally, Leopold Jan Šeršník (1747-1814)47. Perhaps more interesting than the contents is the circle of subscribers: nine people from Silesia, three of which are from Krnov, two from Cieszyn and one from Opava, Frýdek, Jeseník and Javorník – Jánský Vrch; from the point of view of occupations, there are a chateau commissioner Jo- hann Schallmayer from Opava, the Jeseník and Krnov deans, representatives of clergy and the economic sphere. There are the names of both subscribers from Silesia, i.e., Leopold Šeršník and Franz Mückusch.48 The aristocracy and representatives of power elites are missing, which differentiates the circle of Silesian subscribers from those from Brno, from the circle of the local Soci- ety for the Advancement of Ploughing. In July 1821, another periodical began to be published, covering the issues of research and musicological work in Moravia and Silesia – Mittheilungen der k. k. Mährisch-schlesischen Gesellschaft zur Beförderung des Ackerbaues, der Natur- und Landeskunde in Brünn, edited by Karel Josef Jurende. The themes were given

46 Öffentlichen Säulen in Olmütz, RV 1, 1813, no. 36, column 564-566; Öffentliche Brunnen in Olmütz, RV 1, 1813, no. 37, column 591-592; Leopold Johann Scherschnick, Urkunden der Vorwelt im Herzogthume Teschen, RV 2, 1814, no. 7, column 105-111. 47 Joseph Wussin, mährisch-schlesischer Provinzial-Strassen-Baudirektor. Nekrolog, RV 1814, no. 8, column 123-125; d´Elvert (1854), p. 104. – Über Scherschniks Verdienste, RV 2, 1814, no. 37, column 605-607. 48 RV 1, 1813, column 596.

271 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE by the orientation of the Society for the Advancement of Ploughing, which was its publisher: it was fruit farming and potato farming, meteorology as well as sheep farming or coal mining. But there were also reminders of regional history – from Silesia there was a notice of the Benedictine abbey in Orlová. However, perhaps due to the personality of the editor himself – a native from Leskovec – the Silesian region got in a more comprehensive manner into the active radius of the Brno periodical, judging at least by the study concerning the Silesian geognosy, published in the very first year of the magazine.49 It was written by Albin Heinrich. Another personality forming a tie between the magazine and Silesia was Franz Mückusch von Buchberg who was appreciated in the report on the activity of the Society for the Advancement of Ploughing in 1820 for his journey across Jeseníky for the purpose of collecting natural objects (“alle dortigen Gebirgsarten, Mineralien und Pflanzen”) for the Franz museum50 in spite of his old age. Naturally, if the magazine was interested in a museum, the periodical stressed this very museum in Brno as a provincial museum, i.e. a museum covering the entire area falling under the Moravian and Sile- sian government; i.e., both Moravian and Silesian regions.51 However, when Jurende referred to his visit to the castle of Šelenburk, he did not forget to emphasise that a small set of archaeological findings, which “provide us with a view into the darkness of the ancient times”, is offered to an interested person by the Grammar School Museum in Opava.52 Significant contributions for the magazine were written by Faustin Ens, oscillating between the interest in nature and the oldest history of the region.53 A decade later, a spectrum of Moravian magazines of national history and geography was extended with Moravia, which was published in Brno in

49 Heinrich, Albin: Beitrag zur Geognosie von k. k. Schlesien, MMSchG 2, 1822, no. 8, p. 57- 61 and no. 10, p. 73-79. 50 MMSchG 2, 1822, p. 18. 51 Compare Ein Wort über die Gesellschaft als Herausgeberin dieser Blätter, MMSchG 2, 1821, no. 1, p. 2; Museum, MMSchG 1, 1822, no. 7, p. 51. 52 JURENDE, Karl Josef: Alterthümer bei Lobenstein und Kreuzendorf in k. k. Schlesien, MMSchG 2, 1822, no. 22, p. 216. 53 (Code) P. E., Bild der Vorzeit Schlesiens, MMSchG 2, 1822, no. 6, p. 41-44; (Code) P. E., Das Gesenke. Geognostisch dargestellt von […], MMSchG 2, 1822, no. 35, p. 276-278.

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1838-1848 and followed Jurende’s unsuccessful title of 1815. The magazine was conceived in the spirit of Moravian patriotism, i.e., the focal point of the contents consisted in the need to point out the variety of cultural and intellectual events in Moravian centres and on the periphery and to the potential provided by linguistically by with German and Czech society. In the first year of the periodical, the professor of the Olomouc university, philologist and aesthetician Franz Michael Canaval (1798-1868) reported on the Opava museum in an article which was later often cited source of knowledge of the Grammar School Museum in the pre-March period.54 The last cultural and historical periodical, published in Brno, which we must mention in this overview as regards the tie to the Opavian museology and its protagonists, was Notizen-Blatt of the historical and statistical section of the Society for the Advancement of Ploughing (NBl). It was a scientific periodical, published in the time when the polarisation of the contents of periodical press was strengthening. In the years 1859-1862 it reported on the Grammar School Museum and with the benefit of hindsight the opening of the town museum (1895).55 After 1860 the sharing in the sense of a value tie and the conditions of experiences and knowledge were made easier also by regional newspapers. In this case, it was presupposed that their sense consists in strengthening the identity in relation to the place or region. But what shall we imagine in this! In particular, a tie to specific period relations, in other words, in the periods of reduced or directly suppressed civic activities, not to say in the period of political and civic lack of freedom, it would be erroneous to rely on their news, because the image provided by them was misleading. For example, if we leaf through the press from the years 1814-1818, we discover the unbelievable: that is, that Faustin Ens, later valued as an expert in the history and countryside of Czech Silesia and co-founder of the Grammar School Museum, was successful in the media as an organiser of the evening to honour Emperor Franz I and his wife and as a composer of a panegyric (1817), and not as a museologist.

54 CANAVAL, Franz Michael: Das Museum am k. k. Gymnasium in Troppau, Moravia. Ein Blatt zur Unterhgaltung, zur Kunde des Vaterlandes, des gesellschaftlichen und industriellen Forschrittes 1, 1838, no. 56, p. 221-222; no. 57, p. 225-226; no. 58, p. 229-230. 55 Die Eröffnung des Museums in Troppau, NBl no. 12, p. 94.

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Before 1860, Troppauer Zeitung monitored events in the centre of the empire and in European cities and at the same time reported on the decisions of the Moravian government, presented the announcement of contests and sale of property, announced markets and published various decisions of an economic character – but it was not at all interested in the museum, which will be later appreciated – now let us omit that unjustifiably – as the oldest in the Czech lands. This fact, today perhaps paradoxical, confirms the rule that in Austria in the first half of the 19th century financial freedom is superior to civic freedom, so we do not find the events of the kind of “opening” a museum (specifically, the Grammar School Museum) on the pages of the newspaper – unlike, let us say, the draw of the Austrian lottery. Only after 1860, museology found space in the media, but even then it was clear that museums would stand behind other activities: industry, technology, sports, courtroom reports or paid advertisements and not above them. But even then – due to the influence of the engagement of the elite – museums were written about. They even got on the first page from time to time, especially if it concerned the representation of the elite in the sense of cultivating cultural memory. To- day, it would be unthinkable to incorporate a report of the museum this way. The regional press is related also to local and municipal museums of the end of 19th century, even so that it looks like a general rule, when we find on their pages both the appeals to establish this or that museum and later reports on the rise of collections. It is obvious that the urgency of the public appeal was related to the generally acknowledged manner of how to establish a museum; reports on museum acquisitions were connected with prestige, which museum patrons had. It was like that in the Jeseník region, as well as in Bruntál, Opava or Cieszyn. In the case of the Cieszyn museum, the political and denominational and national restriction identified itself with the mission of defending the relics of the patriarchal society, covered with layers of modernisation processes, which corresponded to the national or political profile of the newspaper.56 We can follow an analogical process in the event of the establishment of the Museum of the League for the Advancement of Opava (1884-1885).57 56 Do rodaków śląskich, Gwiazdka Cieszyńska 49, 1896 (11. dubna), p. 147. 57 ČERNOHORSKÝ, Karel: Museum matice opavské a jeho sbírky (The Museum of the League for the Advancement of Opava and its Collections), Opava 1927, a separate copy.

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The foundation of museums took place in a remarkable balance between the modern and the traditional, between supra-regional and local, which is documented by industrial, economic and trading exhibitions at the end of the 19th century and the first third of the 20th century, whose integral part were museum departments, prepared by independent museum committees, as it was in 1913 in Bruntál. The traditional social elite – in Bruntál, represented by Archduke Evžen Habsburský – met here with wide civic circles, representing different club, economic and cultural interests.58 Another type were ethnographically oriented exhibitions, in which resonated the romantic idea of the people, the source of authentic culture, as documented by journalism, related to the first Polish ethnographic exhibition in Cieszyn, held between 30th August and 8th September 1903.59 The year 1918 caught Opava and the whole region in a rather complicated political situation. Perhaps due to its complexity it was already then when a requirement was raised – naturally, impracticable in reality – “to establish a large central museum of natural history and geography for the entire area of the former Silesia with the newly attached Hlučín region. It should be reached by merging the Grammar School Museum and museum collections of the League for the Advancement of Silesia with the Silesian Regional Museum, as the newly taken-over institution was denominated now. Even today we must regret that the implementation of these plans was not successful due to various obstacles, especially, due to troubles caused by the character of the foundation of the Grammar School Museum and its large study library.”60 The situation after 1918, however, changed dramatically: museums were exposed to general common- ness and popularisation of society, which related to the spread of literary and visual trash, which was a problem plaguing the intellectuals in the Ostrava region similarly as the spread of venereal or lung diseases was plaguing medical circles. 58 HORNIŠER, Igor: Průmyslová výstava 1913 v Bruntále (The Industrial Exhibition in 1913 in Bruntál), in: Sborník bruntálského muzea 2013 (The Anthology of the Bruntál Museum 2013), p. 5-22. 59 Gwiazdka Cieszyńska no. 35, 29. 8. 1903, 431; Gwiazdka Cieszyńska no. 36, 5. 9. 1903, 435-436; Gwiazdka Cieszyńska no. 37, 12. 9. 1903, 450-451. 60 Cieszyńska no. 37, 12. 9. 1903, 450-451. 62 ČERNOHORSKÝ, Karel: K dnešní situaci Zemského musea v Opavě (As to the Current Situation of the Provincial Museum in Opava), in: Dvacet let československého Opavska 1918–1938, Moravská Ostrava 1938 (Twenty Years of the Czechoslovak Opavian region 1918-1938, Moravian Ostrava 1938), p. 19-23.

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The traditional elite became a victim of the disassembly of the political order of Austria; new elites were established, but their democratic, if we do not want to say common, character, forced them into the role of a social service more than it was aimed at intellectual sovereignty. A new problem consisted in the Czech Ostrava region and metropolitisation ambitions of Moravian Ostrava as a natural administrative centre of the region, which is interesting for observation even in the sphere of museological work. It was stated in the very introduction of this essay that museum activity distinguishes itself with ambivalences; however, what we observe in relation to the museum issue, as it was formulated in the 1920s in the Ostrava region, brings ambivalences to a head to a level of a sort of social or cultural and political utopia: the museum shall be a tool of national education, support for the “bohemisation” of the region even in the situation when there is no money at all for such a task, even the interests of the power elite as in the administrative sense (Prague and Brno are too far away to understand the specific issues of the Ostrava region), or in the financial or economic sense (the representatives of theeconomy in the Ostrava region had different ambitions than to support a museum). Only a circle of Czech intellectuals from Moravian Ostrava, specifically Alois Adamus and Rudolf Tlapák, saw Ostrava as a centre of regional museology.61 And it was not only the municipal museum, but also the technical museum, or specialised museum institutions.62 The blame for the failure of these ambitious intentions cannot be laid only on the lack of money or dis- organised relations; the fact is that even the function of the museum from the point of view of supporting regional identity was problematic, that is to say, the cultivation of the Lachian identity, as something which is a priori independent from the Czech identity and, at the same time, is directly related to it. Even the ethnographic exhibition in Orlová (1893-1894) was conceived as

61 ADAMUS, Alois: Budujeme Ostravské muzeum. Apel k české veřejnosti nejširšího Ostravska, Moravská Ostrava 1922 (We build up the Ostravian Museum. An Appeal to the Czech Public from the Widest Ostravian Region, Moravian Ostrava 1922); Rudolf Tlapák, Pokus o zřízení župního muzea v Moravské Ostravě (An Attempt at Establishing the Province Museum in Moravian Ostrava), Osvětový obzor (Enlightment Horizon) 1, 1922, p. 16. 62 Moravus [Alois Adamus], O kulturním významu Ostravy a Opavy pro lašský kraj (About the Cultural Significance of Ostrava and Opava for the Lachian Region) , in: Rok lidovýchovné práce v širším Ostravsku (The Year of Popularly Educational Work in the Wider Ostravian Region) 1925/1926, Ostrava 1926, p. 34-35.

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Lachian; on the contrary, after 1945 the adjective Lachian appeared in the official denomination of the district museum in Frýdek-Místek. However, most likely nobody knew what exactly it meant. It is necessary to mention two thematic spheres, which participated in the formation of identity – the rural and the legionary tradition. Both were guaranteed by central institutions in Prague and in both cases in Silesia it was about a sort of decentralisation of Prague museums and documentation institutions. The social tasks of legionary organisations were taken over in the mid-20th century by the Social Legionary Institution and from there came the establishment of legionary departments attached to regional museums. The Legionary Museum in Opava was a unique project in the Silesian region for the preservation of legionary monuments. Local legionnaires opened it on 28th October 1928 as the so-called department of national resistance movement attached to the Regional Museum, with the financial support of the provincial administrative commission and the district public enlightenment committee. The structure of the exhibition in the Müller House corresponded with individual legions, i.e., Russian, French and Italian63 troops. Analogically, it happened in Místek, where, in 1933, the appeal to collect legionary monuments was declared. The Liberation Memorial in Místek was opened on 28th October 1933 and in 1935 it merged with the Municipal Museum by being moved into the joint rooms of both institutions. The “bohemisation” of Opava headed for the establishment of an agricultural museum (1924). The origin of agricultural museology was related to the policy of the agrarian party and its political influence decided that in 1932 a Congress of the Union of Czechoslovak Musems took place in Opava, whose focal point was the interest in agricultural museology as a shop-window of the Czech national culture in the Sudetenland, which unquestionably fell into a more general cultural and political strategy. 64At the same time, the

63 Cyprián (1930), p. 53; Kalus – Žáček (1988), p. 172-173. 64 RYCHLÍK, Jan: Zemědělská muzea v Československu (Agricultural Museums in Czechoslovakia), in: Josef Harna – Blanka Rašticová (eds.), Agrární strana a její zájmové, družstevní a peněžní organizace. (The Agrarian Party and its Interest, Cooperation and Monetary Organization) Studie Slováckého muzea Uherské Hradiště 15 (The Study of the Moravian-Slovak Museum in Uherské Hradiště 15), Uherské Hradiště 2010, p. 205-211; Pavel Novák, Zemědělské muzeum a jeho program (The Agrarian Museum and its Program), in: Ibidem, p. 213-222.

277 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE endeavour is remarkable of the organisers of the meeting to present Opava as the “city of museums”, with a certain unconfessed effort to compensate with the cultural importance of the city the loss of its prestige, suffered after the end of the provincial autonomy in 1928.65 We can say that history repeated with the merge of Moravia and Silesia towards the end of the 18th century; even then the museum formed a basis of a jointly experienced identity in the sense of a substitute for non-existing central Silesian political institutions. To establish or found a museum in the 19th and the first half of the 20th century meant to confirm a high prestige of culture, science and art in the life of (Central) European society, and not only a majority society, but social elites themselves, particularly those connected to power and economic issues. Over the entire 20th century, however, this high prestige of museum, or its integrative potential towards society and its co-experienced identity were gradually disappearing. However, even when the literate and Czech cultural worker Zdeněk Vavřík, towards the end of the First Republic presented Opava, designated before by the museologist and ethnographer František Myslivec, organiser of the country-wide museum congress in 1932, as a city of museums,66 he paid the greatest attention to museum institutions. “Not far from the Eastern Opava railway station,” wrote Vavřík “a pilgrim will find a good-looking, but today almost insufficiently large building of the Regional Museum.” After the words of admiration of its intellectual significance and aesthetic value of collections, he continued: “in the nearby building of the former Silesian land diet there is a museum of natural history, in the Blücher palace at the corner of Janská and Masarykova Streets there is an expert collection of the Agricultural Museum, (…) in the former town hall building in the square there is (…) an immensely interesting city museum, dedicated to the history of the city of Opava.” 67 This multiplicity is paradoxically gone, if we consider that next to the mentioned institutions Vavřík unintentionally omitted the existence of the then closed Museum of the

65 VACHOVÁ, Zdena: Opavské sjezdy muzejních pracovníků (Opavian Congresses of Museum Workers), in: Bohumil Sobotík (ed.), 150 let Slezského muzea 1814–1964 (150 Yearrs of the Silesian Museum 1814-1964), Ostrava, Krajské nakladatelství 1964, p. 81-82. 66 MYSLIVEC, František: Opava – město muzeí (Opava – the Town of Museums), Moravskoslezský deník (Moravian and Silesian Diary), 15th May 1932. 67 VAVŘÍK, Zdeněk: Opava, in: Dvacet let československého Opavska 1918–1938 (Twenty Years of the Czechoslovak Opavian Region 1918-1938), Moravská Ostrava 1938, p. 63.

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League for the Advancement of Opava, the smaller Legionary Museum and the semi-private Apiary Museum. Multiplicity and prevailing social prestige of the museum work characterises the whole period of the First Republic, for which the multiplicity of manifestations of museum activities is typical68 – as well as for the period after 1945 the tendency for unification, merging and closing small units, subsumed under big organisational bodies. Entirely aside from these culturological concepts, i.e., aside from the museum as a place of experiencing the history of the region as a land, were natural sciences, which however, also formed, although in a very specific manner, the identity of the society of republican times, while lacking national dimension, necessarily present in social sciences, in the historical and theoretical reflection of sciences, culture and artistic creation. Natural sciences, especially the geology of the region, were widened after 1918 with Czech researchers. Outclassing others was secondary school teacher František Drahný (1879- 1964). Drahný deepened his knowledge of geology and mineralogy, acquired during his studies at the Philosophical Faculty of Charles University, by his four-year work in the position of assistant at the mineralogy and geology institute of the Czech Technological College in Brno. After his arrival in Opava, he was busy as a director of the Masaryk Higher Economic School and co- founder of the local agricultural museum, but he also found time for geological and mineralogical researches, carried out in the field, in the surroundings of Opava and in Hrubý Jeseník. In 1925 he published a synthetic view of the geological development of the Silesian region; partial studies concerned, for example, the abundance of meteorological irons. This publication activity, however, was not immediately received in the museum work.69 Even Opava did not leave aside the modernisation tendencies of the 1930s, which distinguish the culture of Ostrava. The second half of the 1930s is immensely interesting with the intense effort of the young generation of the Czech intelligentsia to catch up with the delay of the city and the whole Silesian region behind the rest of the Czechoslovak Republic. Intel- lectuals, brought up by Prague and formed by republican thinking, dreamt of

68 SKUTIL, Josef: Moravská musea 1 (Moravian Museums 1) , Brno, author´s edition 1941. 69 DRAHNÝ, F.: Přehled geologických poměrů Slezska (Overview of Geological Relations in Silesia), in: Vlastivědný sborník slezský 1 (The Anthology of Silesian National History and Geography), Opava 1925, p. 87-115.

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Opava as a centre of revived culture, an integral part of which is also a newly conceived museum of national history and geography as a central Regional Museum institution. Its opposite should be the Silesian Research Institute of National History and Geography, whose “early establishment (…) is a national and state necessity for us,” as wrote Jose Bonhard in the fateful year of 1938. The author and witness of these time considerations notes the “binding resolution” of the Silesian branch of the National Council, the League for the Advancement of Opava, the Silesian Foundation of Peoples’ Education and the National and Economic Committee in Moravian Ostrava concerning the placement of such an institution in Opava, favourable with the existence of the Regional Museum as well as the archive for its activity... It is an irony of fate that the idea that it is possible to formulate identity from the above, i.e., in an authoritative manner, or that identity is understood as a product of targeted cultural policy, which the Left-oriented Cul- tural Council for the wider Ostravian region and its participants strove for before 1938, became a determining factor for museum work after 1948, i.e., not so much in the sense of museums as institutions, communicating certain world-opinion or cultural and political contents, but in the sense of museums as arbiters of current regionalism. “Silesianship”, so as to avoid rejected local patriotism, had to be one-sidedly identified with the cult of Bezruč, declaring national and political revolution, which was based on the February events of 1948. An imaginary temple of this idea was the Petr Bezruč Memorial and even, to a certain extent, in a more intensive manner the Chateau in Hradec near Opava, the seat of the Regional Public Enlightenment Centre (since 1952). The largest space of the piano nobile of the Hradec chateau – the former central hall, in which the life of aristocratic society was concentrated – turned into the Hall of the Hammerers. This was an apotheosis of the Ostrava region as the region of working people and their heroes – the heroes of Socialist labour. Cultural and national values were expressed in the 1950s and 1960s by music composer Pavel Křížkovský (1820-1885). He captivated audiences through his Silesian origin and by the fulfilment of the ideological doctrine of the origin of Czech culture in the rural (understood as the people’s) environment. Even since the end of the 19th century the representatives of the Czech intelligentsia in Silesia appealed for the knowledge of its life peripetia, for the documentation of its Silesian life period and the protection of monu-

280 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE ments relating to this personality. That is to say, the personality of Křížkovský became at that time the symbol of Czech national culture in Austrian Silesia and evidence of its high level, which can be reached on the basis of tal- ent, developed diligence and happy chance. At the beginning, the interest in Křížkovský took place on the level of newspaper memories, but in 1910 a monument to the composer was unveiled in Neplachovice – Křížkovský’s birthplace. After 1918 an individual publication of Jaroslav Čeleda (1920) and other texts, especially in magazines, were published. The younger generation of cultural workers, such as museologist Karel Černohorský, also accepted the composer. After 1945 the Society of Pavel Křížkovský (1946-1948, renewed in 1969, but soon disappeared again), but in terms of research; this time full musicological interest in this personality did not cease. Its product was the Křížkovský memorial hall in his birth house, opened in 1960.70 The only personality which kept his continuity between the period of the Socialist Czechoslovakia and the present day is Petr Bezruč. His personality was continuously updated: in the inter-war years, after 1945, in the 1950s and 1960s. If in the 1960s Bezruč was conjoined with the updated concept of “Silesianship”, in whose articulation the change of visual speech of the installation practice was taking place as it influenced the view of the revitalised Monument of Petr Bezruč (1967),71 in the years of the so-called “normalisa- tion”, the social tune of the work was stressed and it seems that not even twenty-five years from the political coup is not a sufficiently long period for losing Petr Bezruč and the social revolution, as the Left-oriented intelligentsia and after 1948 the official places of the Communist State wished it once, is not long enough. However, it was necessary to defend the museum (any museum) as an institution forming the identity of the place and region much more than any time before.

70 The Memorial of Pavel Křížkovský ceased to exist after 1970. Bohumil Sobotík, Muzeum v Holasovicích (The Museum in Holasovice), Opavsko 1961, no. 5, 21-22. 71 HOLÝ, P.: Znovuzrození Památníku Petra Bezruče (The New Birth of the Memorial of Petr Bezruč), Listy PPB, 1968, no. 8-9, s. 127-130.

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Resumé Muzea českého Slezska 1814–2014: re-konstrukce identity Pavel Šopák

Oproti Čechám a Moravě – dvěma ze tří historických zemí, jež tvoří historickou pod- statu České republiky – je Slezsko hendikepováno absencí dějinně podmíněné integrity. Státoprávně jde o formaci několika knížectví, jež zůstala Rakousku po Berlínském míru (1742), aniž by měla společný ideový úběžník v světské či církevní autoritě. Pojem země nikoliv ve stavovském, nýbrž v občanském smyslu slova jako teritoria, obývaného mo- derním národem, zde v průběhu 19. století vinou česko-německo-polského soupeření a střetávání nabýval ještě silnější ambivalence, než tomu bylo v případě sousední Mora- vy. O to více se o společné slezské identitě přemýšlelo a o to složitěji a klopotněji byla formována, a to díky muzeím, která si uchovala až hluboko do 20. století nespornou harmonizační funkci. Muzeum je místo rituálů, jež posilují identitu; muzeum je inventářem symbolů, jimiž se identita vyjadřuje a nabývá na obecné srozumitelnosti a „ztotožnitelnosti“; muzeum je jevištěm příběhů mytického významu a dosahu, které zdůvodňují společnost v její dějinně podmíněné nesamozřejmosti. Základem porozumění muzeu je znalost jakýchsi „klíčových slov“, obecně srozumitelných, k nimž nevede cesta speciálním studiem, ale jež se osvojují každodenní zkušeností. A současně se srozumitelností tohoto vokabuláře je to asociativní síla předmětů či naturfaktů, jimiž jsou tato slova – abstrakta z naukové nebo estetické oblasti – definována, a to nikoliv v příčinné vazbě, nýbrž symbolicky ilustrována, aby se otevírala interpretační perspektivě, jejíž limity jsou obecně přijímá- ny a tvoří neodmyslitelnou součást (což je jen další z ambivalencí) této obecné srozumitelnosti. Toto chápání identity překonává tradiční pojetí, kdy identitu ztotožňujeme s nárokem náboženství, vědy nebo politické doktríny; kdy není hranice mezi identitou a mezi naukou vůbec patrná, resp. ani se nepřipouští. A kde jinde, než právě v muzeu byla v regionu českého Slezska takto pojímaná identita v minulosti vyjevována! Kolem roku 1820 bylo Gymnazijní muzeum v Opavě zamýšleno jako zhmotnění snu svých zakladatelů o neprobádaných, kouzelných Jeseníkách (Museum Montes demersorii); kolem roku 1900 bylo uměleckoprůmyslové muzeum v Opavě chápáno jako apoteóza nároku po integrativním poslání kultury a umění v životě společnosti, garantovaných estetickým výběrem, s nímž se ztotožnily společenské elity; v padesátých letech 20. sto- letí 20. století bylo Slezské muzeum projevem rezistence historické vlastivědy vůči mar- xistické historiografii. A po roce 1989 Slezské zemské muzeum nepřestává plnit funkci místa, umožňujícího návraty ke kořenům, tedy místa rekonstrukce slezské nebo středo- evropské identity, jakkoliv se dnes jeví jako instituce, ovládaná módním manažerismem.

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Do you Like Smetana? Movie Poll as a Direct Diagnostic Tool of National Identity

Martin Štoll

Abstrakt: When Olga Sommerová came in 1989 with the idea of making a poll, which would pay tribute to Czech composer Bedřich Smetana, she was sure that it is not just about him. Czech composer who in his musical works processed Czech topics had and has the potential to be perhaps a symbol until these days. What position has the poll in the cultural identity of the population? Is the survey method or genre? Keywords: Film Culture, Movie, Social Effect, national Identity

When in 1989 Olga Sommerová came with the idea of shooting a movie- poll which would pay tribute to the Czech composer Bedřich Smetana, she was sure that it would not be just about him. The Czech composer who in his musical works processed Czech themes had and still perhaps has got the potential to be a symbol. Does it mean that whoever likes Smetana, likes the Czech nation? Is it possible to identify Smetana with the phenomenon of Czechness? To what extent does the nation delimit to him? To what extent does the nation identify itself with him?1

1 At that time it was possible to perceive Smetana with humour or pejoratively, because he was portrayed in the high-value banknote (of one thousand), and therefore interviewees could identify with material wealth through „Smetana“. Or with food – the concept of cream refers in Czech to a milk product, suitable for whipping.

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For that simple question “Do you like Smetana?” (Máte rádi Smetanu?, 1989) was a very good time. That time was a pregnant end of the epoch and people were not afraid of speaking on camera once again. While the conductor Sir Charles Mackerras, who gained recognition for a glory of Czech music in the world perhaps more than any other foreigner, declares his love to the composer, the Czech rock musician Michael Kocáb argues that Smetana’s music is just one of the few things of which we can be proud. That is why we are on the tail of European affairs after forty years of communism. Along the same line all anonymous people on the street answer, as well as musicians, actors, directors, stage designers. Where are to be the sources of our national pride and self-worth? How are we actually getting on? These are the cornerstones of the author’s fresh confession expressing directly the essence of the mental state of the society at this very moment through a seemingly marginal musical theme.

Poll as a method and a genre The film historian Antonin Navrátil called once the movie-poll for “new means of intimate penetration of the problem” (Navrátil 1968, p. 283). It was born in France in the late fifties, as a founding work there is considered a poll movie by the director-ethnologist Jean Rouch, a movie-maker and a sociologist Edgar Morin and the Canadian cameraman Michel Brault “Chronicle of a Summer” (Chronique d’un Été, 1961). A peculiar preaching that can be a deeper sociological probe opened the door to a huge increase of authenticity in the film of the sixth decade known under various names, however the most often as a “cinéma vérité”. There was a long series of movies of various levels and power created by that method. Some of them proved that survey methods were not sufficient for the author’s testimony, that were abused and their vehemence grew weak. And again Navrátil characterized it precisely as early as in the year 1968: “The movie-poll became a desire, prestige and an arena where a social proficiency of a documentarian was demonstrated, one of friar’s lanterns over marshy ground, unfortunately considered to be the creative future of documentary films “(Navrátil 1968, p. 284).

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It is necessary to distinguish between a survey as an implementation method and a movie-poll as a peculiar genre that was born of the potential options of the poll. Poll shooting was allowed primarily by discovery of light cameras and synchronous sound recording just at the end of the fifties. The method of cutting various randomly collected opinions on the street established itself soon and rightly in the film and television journalism, and it is still serving as a complement to current affairs programs, in extreme cases, as a means of light entertainment programs.2 It found, however, a wider use in documentary production, let us say as a creative tool. In the mainstream of the non-fiction production (including BBC) almost every time we can meet with movies built on interviews with five or more respondents. In film parlance we call it “talking heads” and it is often such a creative approach document of simplification of work, or even lack of inventiveness. But it is not a poll in the true sense, these are rather controlled interviews approaching methods of oral history as for their conducting. Of course, this way of research lacks a structured meth- odology, a sociological research tools (e.g. questionnaires, measuring viewing figures and audience ratings through peoplemeters, etc.), so mostly it is not possible to obtain a valid conclusion only from collected testimonies. However, as it turned out in the sixties of the last century, some of movie- polls were more than a demonstration and a proof of new options of the authenticity on the projection screen, but some of gathered-up testimonies might have resulted in an in-depth study. And that they even had either a diagnostic or a therapeutic function. The movie-poll as a genre designation has become common. The author poses questions to achieving certain goals and prepares his own attitude to a problem, to life, with the aid of answers of respondents. It does not mean that he is hiding behind the answers of the respondents, in fact it is quite the contrary: by choosing the protagonists, by selecting testimonies and their sequencing, by composition of various testimonies to a resulting whole he is heading towards audiovisual essays. It only requires putting good and right questions.

2 Since the year 1998 (!), The Private television “PRIMA” has presented - with a small break - an entertaining programme entitled “Nobody’s perfect” (Nikdo není dokonalý) based on the responses of people on the street. As a moderator there is a popular actor, a performer of comedy roles, Jiří Krampol

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As an example of a well-posed question I can mention a seeming banality - the question: “What is your greatest wish?” It is not possible to give one word answer, it is thought-provoking and the desire is often based on an negative reality - have got a better flat, visit Paris, learn-up English, to be free. And when in the year 1964 exactly that question was posed Jan Špáta3 to some miscellaneously selected protagonists, he was able to piece together a plastic reflection of a momentary temper of the citizens of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. So, the journalistic method was transformed to a sociological probe then, an author’s statement that charmed with its im- mediacy. “To what extent the author succeeded to get rid of stage fright those questioned, to introduce them as people we can meet, making us feel that we are talking to them ourselves, listening to their reasoning and argumentation,” Pavol Branko, a Slovak theoretician, marvelled at the poll-movie “The Great- est Wish” (Největší přání). (Branko: 1964, p. 8).4

Corporate social effect of movie-polls During the existence of that genre and it does not refer only to the sixties of the last century, the presence / absence of polls has become a certain indicator of the state power attitude to the mass media. The boom of polls in the 60s of the last century could not be stopped: TV debates, live coverages, openness of publicists, criticism of social ills, as well as asking basic questions became the “daily bread”. There can not omitted that the former documentary production of that time questioned by means of polls the artificiality of folklore (“The Moravian Hellas”, Moravská Hellas, directed by Karel Vachek, 1963), they criticized the monstrous facility

3 The works of Jan Spata, including its methodological approachs were described in three publications at least: HÁDKOVÁ, J. – BRDEČKOVÁ, T.: Dívej se dolů. (Keep looking down), The Czech Film Institute, Prague 1990; ŠTOLL, M.: Jan Špáta. Malá Skála, Prague 2007; ŠPÁTA, J.: Okamžiky radosti (The Moments of Joy). Malá Skála, Prague 2002.,f rom which the last one is an authentic interview with the director himself. 4 That movie won the main prize of the Folk High School on the West German Short Film Days in Oberhausen (1966). And there Špáta also established himself as a director, because his original profession was a cameraman and jumping from one professional “category” to another one was either impossible or very difficult.

286 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE of week-nurseries (“They await every Sunday”, Čekají každou neděli, directed by Václav Táborský, 1962) and other state youth custody centres causing a deprivation syndrome of children (“Children without love”, Děti bez lásky, directed by Kurt Goldberger, 1963; nominated for an Oscar), or took to task the dull cramming of encyclopaedic knowledge in schools of that time, which would surely make Jan Amos Comenius, a teacher of nations, cry - as it was said in the comment of that movie (“Mind your head!”, Pozor na hlavu!, directed by Ondrej Očenáš, 1964). In some movies their authors perhaps went too far - beyond bounds of politically possible - when they criticized situation in the United Agricultural Cooperatives that were the pride of the socialist economy (“The farmers have word”, Slovo mají zemědělci, directed by Miroslav Gross, 1964), or when from polls with preschool children, it became clear that the social ownership is a false belief, because each person comes into the world with a kind of personal “capitalism” (“This is my bucket”, To je můj kyblíček, directed by Raduz Činčera, 1962). So it was an ominous sign when immediately after the invasion of the Warsaw Pact troops in the year 1968 there emerged not only one image that would work with this method. However, there was an exception in the case of Věra Chytilová, who managed to push anything under the sun thanks to her go-ahead manner (it was a poll movie about old age “Time is inexorable”, Čas je neúprosný, 1978), but otherwise, for the following ten years the “document” was again drowning in ideologically unambiguous commentaries and due to plenty of cadre post-occupation purges nobody could, and nobody wanted to express his / her opinion on camera. Only the eighties of the last century brought high hopes that maybe something positive could happen, even in the heart of the Empire. When a Soviet movie-poll by Juris Podnieks , a Latvian director, “Is it easy to be young?“ (Vai viegli būt jaunam?, 1986), flew round the Czechoslovak cinemas it was as a revelation. And Helena Třeštíková was working on her time-lapse image “The Marital Etudes“ (Manželské etudy, 1980-1986), it was even possible to implement a poll probe into the lives of adherents of rock, metal and punk (“... so people take attention to!”, ...aby si lidi všimli!, directed by Vladislav Kvasnička, 1988), and it was also possible to talk on camera to women undergoing treatment of alcoholism (“Try to prove it”, Zkus to dokázat, directed by O. Sommerová, 1987). No wonder, then, that on the eve of the fall of com-

287 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE munism there was created a national confession “Do you like Smetana?” or the second part of the “The Greatest Wish” by J. Špáta (1990). When looking back at the last two decades we can see that the attitude of the state authority towards the mass media was fundamentally different. There was no need to make polls. At present they are only used in entertaining programmes, or they only illustrate / refute any thesis of a publicist on the TV screen and concern purely current events. With coming the video technology in the polls disappeared in “talking heads” and established themselves in an expressing register as a controlled interview. The movie-poll, as it is known from the sixth decade as if disappeared, it turned to shooting using the observational method, perhaps it only glimmers in documents compiled for a long time (The Marital Etudes after twenty years, Manželské etudy po dvaceti letech, directed by H. Třešíková, 2006). And quite specifically it has been used in movies of Pavel Koutecký “One year after” (Po roce, 1990) “One year after and again one year after” (Po roce a opět po roce, 1991), “After years” (Po letech, 1994), “After years II” (Po letech II, 1997) and “The Seekers after a point of support” (Hledači pevného bodu, 2001), which follow four protagonists of the Velvet Revolution5 using a poll leap forward method to find out how they are looking for their place in the newly emerging democracy. A quick historicizing overview partly and inadvertently defines the field on which the movie-poll has found the most breeding ground. These are mainly social themes that have the value of social testimony6. If the authors focused their attention to historical or cultural themes, in the second plan of responses there emerged at once even more general themes of identity, home or national identification.

5 Musician Michael Kocáb, a former dissident Jan Ruml, a former student leader Martin Mejstřík and participant of the police intervention on Narodni Street 17 in November 1989 Krištof Rimsky. 6 See the author’s text “The Social themes in a film document – a mirror set to normalization in the collective monography„ In The Film and History 4: Normalization. Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes and Casablanca, Prague 2014.

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Movie-Poll and National Identity From the myriad of poll movies let me choose now those who managed to go beyond novelties of that time and than social or community problems promised. These are images that either directly or indirectly reflect the cultural or national identity, or even formulate some possible approaches to it using a method of poll questioning. For at least a basic typology of these movies they must be divided into two groups. They differ from each other a) in direct or indirect questioning, b) in measures of closeness and openness of questions, c) the ratio between the specific theme and it’s a degree of its generalization. The group of movies using a principle of direct questioning about the given subject and a wider context is rather of the second level, is relatively small. The more closed and more direct questions, the less the chances to get any multilayered or allegorical answers. However, this disadvantage can be overcome by proper choice of the testing group of respondents. If we ask, for example, preschool children, it is safe to say that we do not get their own opinions, but some mediated opinions of their parents, and moreover in “a charming and sweet garb.” From that assumption Radúz Činčera,7a director and inventor, proceeded in his movie “The Children’s Na- tionality” (Národnost dětská, 1965). He visited one kindergarten in Prague and another one in Bratislava where asked children simple questions. In children their progress can be studied very well. The youngest children do not know what is the nation concept, their national feelings develops gradually due to the background and education. “Such artless child answers say much more than a complete sociological analysis.“ R. Činčera said (the Film Re- view: 1965). He proved that between mutual Czech-Slovak and Slovak-Czech awareness is a world of difference. While the Slovak children are very well informed about the Czech life and institutions, Czech children do not respond to the word “Tatras”, they do not understand a word of a recorded Slovak song and they imagine Slovaks as chimney sweepers.

7 He became famous mainly through multimedia inventions presented at the EXPO exhibitions, the most famous is the Kinoautomat for the Expo exhibition in Montreal in 1967, where viewers can vote via the buttons, which way the storyline of the film will continue. For more details see: ŠTOLL, M .: Documentary„ filmmaker Raduz Činčera“. The diploma thesis FAMU, Prague 1997.

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However, the context and the tone with which Slovak children present their “knowledge” demonstrate a negatively delimiting emotional mood, as they defend themselves against the Czech superiority, selfishness and disdain- fulness of others. So, that movie of Činčera became the Corpus delicti dem- onstrating that mutual national perception was in disproportion as early as 27 years before the split of the Czech-Slovak state, so it could not last forever. If we ask members of noble families how they live in a socialist society, we find out that they did not break their roots and that they are proud of them. That itself is an inspiring and productive message. In the movie “The Citizens with coat of arms” (Občané s erbem, 1966) by Vít Olmer we can see members of Dačicky, Žižka, Lobkowitz or Stránsky Families in blue-collar jobs (at a building site, as operators of petrol filling stations, etc.), while the author is conducting conversations with them about orders, family trees, and he even talking to their neighbours who do not mind “these strange comrades and fellow-citizens”. The film is in a feuilleton style (“Is the noble blood really blue?”) and the director keeps firmly the topic, but at the end he stands up for their status8, thus predetestining the movie way to the normalization safe. The director returned to that movie after 35 years (“The Citizens with coat of arms”, Občané s erbem, 2001) with intent to cover and finish the theme, by far not, however, without such a force as under the supervision of censorship. If we ask artists, conductors, scenographers, folk singers and rock musicians the title question of this study “Do you like Smetana?” the dominant theme of portrait drawing and the image of the world-famous composer remains, which, of course, does not avoid other contexts and perhaps they even can not be avoided. Therefore I have classified the introductory movie by O. Sommerová as belonging to this category. In contrast, the second group of films that ask wide open questions and that does not follow pure informative but rather emotional and associative lines of responses are paradoxically able to express more accurately the state of society, national awareness and the relation to identity.

8 Comment: „The elite exists even today and will exist in each period. The criterion obviously varies and a family ancestral affiliation is not crucial and weighty. However, it should not be a burden. Even for people with a coat of arms.”

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As an illustration there is a satirical poll movie “History of the eight” (Dějiny na osm, 1968), by Václav Táborský that expresses not only to the then-present with the aid of a mystifying poll of historical milestones of the Czech history9, but contains a substantial degree of generality. When the famous actor Miloš Kopecký asked on the Pilsen street, in relation to the topic of the Defenestration of Prague in the year 1618: “Imagine that the people stormed in the castle and threw those bad boys out of the window down “, he heard some answers as follows: “Finally!”. But another one added: “There will come other ones again!”. It would be hard to express more explicitly the Czech plebeianness, resignation to the fate and relationship to nobility than that simple, authentically recorded dialogue. The typical Czech pragocentrismus is expressed in that movie by means of answers the question concerning the revolutionary year of 1848, transferred to the present: “What do you think of beginning a revolution in Prague?” And the answer of a Pilsen patriot: “If somebody went mad in Prague it does not mean that we have to go crazy here! In Pilsen we are easy! And in that manner I could continue kicking around various themes and questions. As for his courage to mystifying transpositions is considered that movie directed by V. Taborsky was an unique work. And it gained its social force even retrospectively, because it was made in the spring of 1968 and posed the question what would bring that year ending with that fateful “eight”?10 The director Fero Fenič had a similar happy idea. In 1989, he joined the train that hauled recruits for their two-year military service. Those trains were a social event in a way, a ritual always accompanied by many tears and big interrogation points, fears, or resignation. Among those young men, who were transported by to perform the service of the socialist motherland, he made a poll “The train to adulthood” (Vlak do dospelosti, 1989). The key to his theme was the fact that then those guys commenced their military service who had been conceived within the years 1968-69, thus were born about the

9 A typical Czech stereotype of thinking about the history is a fixed idea that the most important events in the Czech history took place in the years whose numerical expression ended with the number 8. (1438, 1478, 1618, 1848, 1918, 1938, 1948, 1968 – (as if the date of the burning of Jan Hus in the year 1415 was less important?) 10 Immediately after the occupation by the Warsaw Pact troops Václav Táborský left the republic and settled in Canada, where lectured at the University of Toronto for the rest of his life.

291 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE year 1970. They were for him a reification of the whole normalization epoch. They were the ones who had never experienced the revival of a reformed socialism full of hope, subsequently destroyed by the occupation. They also had got their own opinions, and they were willing to express them, either because of a situation in which they just found themselves or they were unbent thanks to increasing levels of alcohol. Inner tension, a dramatic conflict between the desire for freedom of thought, belief and expression and the need to pay for the altar of the homeland two years of life, perhaps the loss a partner relationship, engaging in organized defence of their own country, it was a driving force of that movie. “My dream is to be a free man!” says one of the protagonists of that movie.11 I myself consider that Fenič movie to be one of the strongest Czechoslovak documents at the turn of epochs, because through a simple localization he managed to gain the maximum with using only open questions on the theme of national identity and sense of belonging. Probably the most significant feat of the Czech document expressing the theme of national pride, cultural identity and status of the society there was the second part of “The greatest Wish” (1990) directed by Špáta. At the same time when Fenič was travelling by a train and Sommerová was examining love to Smetana, Špáta decided to return to his movie of the sixties. He believed that it was a right time for him to ask people again. He found some of the protagonists of the original movie and created an hourly essay, its strongest societal opus. Took a wide spectrum of society, worked with the testimony of the principle of musical contrast and not afraid to ask anyone - from high- spirited fans at a rock concert or a football match, through soldiers of the compulsory military service taking an oath to the police officer standing in a cordon of of anti-riot police with shields of plexiglass in hand on Národní třída on the 17th November in the year 1989. Directly before eyes of Špáta and the camera lens the regime was falling apart keeping itself alive thanks to the state power, but it had a very minimal chance in those days. The final of the movie, when protesters chanting before the police officers with batons “We love you!”, “Freedom! Freedom!” Or they were calling desperately “ But we are only one nation, it is not right standing against each other here like

11 Fenič was able to get statements on the verge of a confession: “What am I afraid of? That I’m a gay. I have not told anyone yet“.

292 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE that” in combination with continuous increasing in power until fortissimo point of the programme musical composition, the Smetana’s Blanik,12 it was a celebration of filmmaking and chilling catharsis of one era ending.

Da capo al fine… The intensity of the above mentioned movies comes out not only from a happy idea, understanding the problem, the creator’s courage and an extraordinary successful implementation. However, without the social context at least of two turning points late sixties and late eighties such authentic statements of the author could not emerge. Over the method and a genre of polls some queries raised for all that time, whether a random pack of replies to the topic may bring other than an informative supplementary value, or only fulfils the purpose of entertain- ment13. Empirically, when simply counting-up movies made in different periods of filmmaking I can substantiate my claim that the tougher a regime is, the fewer poll movies can be made, and vice versa. But what to do in a situation where the regime has made no restrains? Can the poll movie still find any application in the dual media system which treats the creative freedom legally and relatively effectively at a time and place, where the freedom of speech, of religion and assembly are acknowledged? What theme will appear even in a democratic market system that will require the return of polls as a diagnostic tool of the society?

12 The part of the programmme musical composition My country, which expresses the legend of soldiers hidden in the Mount Blanik and waiting for that time when our nation needs their help. 13 I purposely did not mention in this text a poll document by Evald Schorm „Reflection“ (Zrcadlení, 1965), which does not intersect thematically with our search for national identity. It posed questions of life and death, combined statements of physicians and women deciding to undergo an abortion or undergoing abortion. About the work a big controversy erupted in the Czech film criticism and on pages of on pages of the press of that time attacking especially the limitations of polls as a method – whether it can express such a difficult theme. Navrátil called that movie a “free meditation” (Navrátil: 1968, p. 286) and he stated that it was a “marginal work, reaching for the most extreme possibilities of documentary methods, but a work whose path and principle are hardly repeatable”. (Navrátil: 1965, p. 437)

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I must admit that when a young director Olga Špátová14 started preparing the feature film The“ Greatest Wish 3” (Největší přání 3, 2012) in the Czech Television I had some misgivings about creation a productive topic of today’s society with the aid of that “outdated” method. And the fact that she consciously espoused and followed the classic movie of her father to whom her new movie was even devoted, her situation was not easy at all. The result is, in my opinion crucial for the Czech document. In the film there defile extremist groups in their demonstrations but alsoa Christian, right-wing and left-leaning young people who want to live an active civic life. Their wishes are frequently intangible, reflected the wisdom and appropri- ateness of their approach to life, they are able to identify not only with the nation, but also with the Earth on which they live, with the order of nature. They think in the context of the consequences of economic globalization and communication, they are able to apply problems of the world to their personal roles, they are willing to assume a part of the responsibility. Using a very sophisticated film language the author reveals the theme of possible alternatives in the approach to the world, she searches in what condition the Czech society is 22 years since the fall of the dictatorship. Is it possible to live in a democracy actively and not to remain a passive plebeianness? What is the burden of the consequences of freedom? What is our role within the new European and Euro-Atlantic structures? By way of particular fates Olga Špátová is able to uncover the inner freedom of an individual (a woman with cancer dying during shooting, a girl loosing her sight gradually and her blind girlfriend playing the piano, a butcher, who is also an opera singer and who loves Antonin Dvorak, originally also a trained butcher...), and she is able to generalize their findings in the monumental conclusion with massive demonstration under the Czech flag and in parallel with this, with a mother – a chimney-sweep giving birth to a new life in a maternity hospital. That movie was not accepted by critics, which was a result of current trends in the Czech documentary filmmaking, where an observational method of shooting dominated and a movie-poll seemed to be an anachro- nism, and exaggerated and unnecessary reference to a time long past. Using the polls methods as a creative method was bold in that context , because it

14 Daughter of documentary filmmakers Olga Sommerová and Jan Špáta.

294 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE did not have to come out well. But Olga Špátová created the most important work of her life which will be difficult to overcome even by herself. In the publication “What our country gave Europe and humanity” Histo- rian Josef Tomeš noted aptly: “The modern Czech nation did not excel in militancy or revolutionary romanticism, but rather in sober realism, in relationship to petty positive works, in the values of everyday life and the ability to cope flexibly and tenaciously with their fate.” “(Tomeš: 2000, p. 46) in connection with the efficient principle of polls we have no choice but to believe that we will not need it in the coming decades. It is to be hoped that the poll as a creative principle will not disappear and will not be forgotten. And similarly, as soldiery under the command of St. Wenceslas hidden in the Blaník Mountain are ready to help the Czech nation, as well as a legendary sword of the same Saint preserved in the depths of the Prague’s Charles Bridge, the poll as a crystal clear tool can come in handy again when there is a need to do a clean surgical incision through the Czech nation. What if it becomes a question about Smetana current again? What will be our answer like?

Resumé Máte rádi Smetanu? Filmová anketa jako přímý diagnostický nástroj národní identity Martin Štoll

Když Olga Sommerová přišla v roce 1989 s nápadem natočit anketu, v níž by vzdala hold českému skladateli Bedřichu Smetanovi, byla si jistá, že nebude jen o něm. Český skladatel, který ve své hudební tvorbě zpracovával česká témata, měl a dodnes snad má potenciál symbolu. Znamená to tedy, že kdo má rád Smetanu, má rád i český ná- rod? Je možné identifikovat Smetanu s fenoménem češství? Jak se vůči němu soudobý národ vymezuje? Jakou prožívá míru ztotožnění? Jaké je postavení anket v identitě národa? Kolik o ní vypovídají?

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Imaginary Travelling. Natural Films up to Year 1918

František Švábenický

Abstrakt: Despite expectations with Czech term „natural film“ taken to refer not only for records from nature, but also to record anything natural (in the sense of the document), which also corresponds to the German sense. Unlike photographs did so with the full measure of dynamics and thus corresponded more process- understanding of reality. As a medium the film succeeded also in the field of promotion. Records of burials, national celebrations and others strengthened the construction of collectively maintained and shared information that is the subject of this study. Keywords: Film Culture, 1918, 1948, Travelling, Nature, Troppau

The film was perceived from its beginnings as a medium that allows to travel through time and space. Comments that at the beginning of the 20th century marked the cinema, postulated that the beholder „can travel distant countries, where his leg would never set foot, enjoy the impressions of the most beautiful landscapes, watch the bustle of urban life and manners of its inhabitants at work and play ... and all this while sitting comfortably in his chair, effortlessly and perils.“1 Ambiguity of the meaning of the word imaginary causes the subject of this consideration, ie. “Imaginary traveling”, can evoke more surreal film voyages, which were in the early 20th century created by Georges Méliès,2 than documen-

1 SCHEINPFLUG, K.: Kinematograf vychovatelem, Květy 1. 6. 1904, nr. 6, p. 839. 2 Voyage dans la lune (1902), Le Voyage à travers l‘impossible (1904), La Conquête du pôle (1912).

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tary film. Just in the ambiguity of term imagination is best shown, that each film is inherently fiction and document at the same time. This is due to two reasons. The film accrues from the process of „photographic capture“ that makes it very suggestive and creates the impression, that what we can see is real. Advertisement of company Illusion (Kinorevue, The fiction of film accrues 16. 2. 1914.) from its perception, from the moment when we forget that in reality affects us very different patterns of power, that each individual derives the reality its perceptions. Film reduces reality to a „flat“ record and gives us at the mercy of our abilities to reconstruct what really happen in real. By itself, the film is more illusive than traditional visual media. As we know, the word illusion comes from Latin and means „enter the game“ (in-lusio). If all films built its power on effect of illusion, then there is a question, what is relationship between “feature film” and natural films (documentary). The difference between them lies not in the technology of their creation, both of which are essentially the same. Principle of difference is in the relationship between the idea of consciously accepted the fiction that constitutes authors license of feature film and a requirement for „unedited“ realistic reproduction of reality, which represents the natural film. Leaving aside the fact that the cut, installation, film abbreviation under- mines record reality, we get to do what “natural film” wants to show - objective reproduction of reality, its recording and transfer from one place to another. In lusio, however, implies, among other question, which in their in their studies pointed sociologist Roger Callois. Modern society has created a means for easy blending games and reality. Besides the purpose of propaganda there are primarily film fakes that were created from the beginning of cinema. Fic- tions were also accompanied with natural images. As an example of natural film fiction we can point on Eruption of Mount Vesuvius (1905).3 A closer look

3 BARNOUW, E.: Documentary: A history of the non fiction film, New York 1993, p. 26.

298 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE at the Czech term „natural film“, we can soon reveal significant terminological difficulties. Although the theme of nature between images labeled as natural are more or less prevalent, it seems, that at beginning of 20th century the question of the precise designation was not important and the term “přírodní” (natural) covered the wider genre area. The term is, New York subway (Burton Holmes, 1905) however, difficult to grasp for many reasons. The question is not, whether the movie is bringing static natural pictures (without arrangement of what is happening in front of the camera) or „assembly“ (narrative non-fiction film images abbreviation). In Czech terminology is a major problem in the origin of the term. The term “přírodní film” (natural film) was presumably constituted as eq uivalent for german term Naturaufnah- men. German word Naturaufnahmen can be interpreted as a „footage from nature“ as well as a shot of something natural, realistic. In this sense of meaning is „natural“ the same as non-fiction. In the press as well as in censorship books we can find out, that marking “natural films” also comprise films that are not related to nature. Kino magazine published text 1913, which shows, that as natural films were marked views of cities, among which a significant places took the spa centers (Brandýs, České Budějovice, Hradec Králové, Luhačovice, Teplice, Mělník, Malá Strana), footages of various types of activities (Leaving the ice on the river Vltava, Hop picking , Construction sokols stadium, Regulation of river Labe) takes on interesting projects exhibition (exhibition in Chomutov, Eco- nomic exhibition in Prague), sports activities (Winter sports in the Giant Moun- tains) but also, for example Celebration of His Majesty‘s birthday in Prague.4 The extension of the term is therefore very wide and includes records of natural

4 Kino, 24. 10. 1914, p. 4, unpaged.

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phenomena – landscapes, fauna, flora, and all else that is in Czech language commonly accepted as nature. Moreover it includes anthropological records, ethnographic films, travelogues, sports, cultural and social events) to which the theme of ubiquitous nature relate more or less, but it is not the dominant Moscou, (Pathé Frères, 1908) topic. Thing is more complicated because in addition to the concept of natural film are at the same time also occurred inter- mittently such qualifications as travelogue, industrial, science, sport, etc. In this point of view were newsreels and journals closely related to natural films. Advertisements promised to create and expedite film within 24 hours.5 In addition to the concept of natural film, there was, even in the period less often, also marking cultural film (a concept as uncertain and general as natural film). If we would look for natural film in the Archives françaises du film, browsing through the tabs, the most of them we would find under tabs Découverte de la France, Découverte du monde, Industrie et artisanat, Nature Santé, Societé and Sport et Loisirs. Large amount of films produced in the first two decades of the 20th century were spread across the continents, has allowed millions of people to view distant, inaccessible or dangerous places. “On a magic carpet of movie I can reach in while the centre of Canadian forests. I‘ll pay for it just six crowns. For the same price I can reach in the middle of winter the regions of eternal summer. Within hot afternoon, when the pavement on Wenceslas Square becomes a hearth, film gives me the illusion of eternal snow and ice.”6 The specific manner of speech, which silent film spoke to the people, in principle, does not require knowledge of the language. Film as a series of

5 Český kinematograf 23. 8. 1911, p. 8. 6 KARLAS, K.: Tráva a kámen, Kinorevue 29. 5. 1940, nr. 41, p. 292.

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„animated photographs“ creates its own narrative line. As each set of information, as well as film images give a good sense only if they are written into context, while the context is more important than the information itself. Also Russian semiotician Yuri Lotman understood silent film the film as specific system of symbols. Lot- Excursion dans la Haute Egypte (Pathé Frères - Mi- man interpreted the film lanese Film, 1914) as a set of image symbols, a system in which the word has different role than in other media. He pointed out that the mute is not the same as having no language. With this argument he planted a film from the period before the advent of sound to semiotics. It means into system, where film creates own speech system – system of collectively shared informations (characters) in it transmitted a stored. In contrast to the „words“ written or spoken, that allows recipient to create abstractions, film represent a medium that suppress abstraction and fix slice of reality. The dimension of this definition is more obvious in the outreach of the film. If the „recipient“ dependent on ability to interpret data, contextual component also depends on knowledge of the individual horizon. What could in the Czech society had an effect of exotic travelogue , when the film put the finishing touches to imagination arisen from reading, differs from what could evoke the same footage in France. According to Gauthier French documentary films of 20s were close to propaganda, which should support and deepen the sympathy of the French people to colonial empire.7 We cannot say, that colonialism wasn’t theme in the Czech lands. Czech trave- lers between them especially Emil Holub, Enrique Stanko Vráz or Alberto Vojtech Fric had a variety of estimations of colonialism. Generally that was

7 GAUTHIER, G.: Dokumentární film, jiná kinematografie, Praha 2004, p. 59 –60.

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positive attitudes, which were also published in print.8 Czech context was different to the intent that in that for Czech society was crucial other topics. However, foreign „natural“ films in the Czech lands maintained long- term fundamental position. „The English, Germans, Frenchmen, Swedes, Russians Pêche à la sardine (Pathé Frères, 1906) and others organized the expe- dition travelogue film, but we do not [...] Therefore we have to obtain travelogues from abroad.“9 Natural images belong to the oldest kinds of short films. A Czechoslovak film discourse of the 50s reminds them as conglomerates of simple-minded„ views of the cities, landscapes, mountains, castles and attractions, when the film images resemble cruise postcards and subtitles family calendar.“ Image of man in these films appeared only rarely. Most often there was extravagantly dressed tourist who made „as he looks.“ This films does not have coherent storyline or dramatic structure.“10Although the position of natural films were characterized as problematic since its beginning and sometimes those films were mentioned as underprivileged cinema11, gradually displaced the previously popular “panorama”. This was due to the unique ability of the film to reflect the reality, in almost full measure of its dynamics, with “movements”. That made it in technical conditions of its time „real“ mimesis. „... In the film is nothing more beautiful than shake the leaves, waves, lakes, radiation and thousands of silent seas broken veil of surf, and is barely in the film as more beautiful than the unmodified forms of nature ...“12 While not capture natural 8 ROZHOŇ, V.: Zámoří v povědomí české společnosti, In: Cizí, jiné, exotické v české kultuře 19. století, Praha 2008, p. 38-53. 9 KUJAL, Q. E.: Krásná bilance kulturního filmu, Český filmový zpravodaj, 1931, p. 43-45. 10 Film o vlasti a o lidech. Krása Beskyd a život jejich obyvatel v novém filmu gottwaldovského studia, Kino 27. 3. 1952, p. 7., p. 160. 11 Přírodní snímky, 3. 10. 1913 Kino, p. 5. 12 Od panoramy k žurnálu, Kino 1931, nr. 2, p. 23.

302 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE images natural movement in the landscape, their concept itself was static. This rigidity „cinematographic postcards“ with the passage of time and also due to the reflection of the public, rather than enforcing change the subject as a change of means of expression. The core of idea, to see authentic place on another site remained, however, film became increasingly epical and lyrical narrative faded away. Natural film have created own interaction and storyline. As we can see, a lot of natural films have worked with theme of traveling. This also corresponds to the abundance of natural films with this theme. Compare selected natural films and as the name is an obvious travelogue character - What is a journey of a letter from Central Africa to us, Tour in airship As- tra, Gorge of the Wolf in southern France, Sultan‘s wedding in Pahang , Frei steamboat ride on the Baltic Sea, French military school in Saumur. We can say without any doubt that natural films since the second decade of the 20th century provided insight into all areas of the world. More- over, the iconographic character of the movie broke through national barriers. Even taking into account the narrative character and the requirements for obtaining films with appropriate subtitles, main component is an image, not a text. Natural images were created because of demand for possibility to visit places that were for wider public because of various reasons unavailable. Very interesting were those that we can characterize as socially exclusive. By one of example is coronations. Since year 1896 we count those footages, probably first is coronation of Russian Tsar Nicholas II. The opportunity to make a record of the coronation of King George V. (1911) sought 14 cinema companies, and individual companies have not hesitated to pay high sums for granting swivel seats at Westminster Hospital. The resulting film was the day of the coronation brought in hundreds of London‘s theaters, cinemas in Paris and soon spread to the whole world. Magazine Český kinematograf commented on the image content with regret that failed „receives permission to record a ceremony at Westminster Abbey.“13 Records of the environment of the ruling families are generally remarkable chapter in documentary cinema. As „a great friend of the film“ was marked the German emperor Wilhelm II., who was during his travels, especially on overseas voyages, accompanied by a photographer and cameraman. Remembered in this context is the emperor‘s visit to the island of Corfu,

13 Korunovace anglického krále, Český kinematograf 28. 11. 1911, nr. 8, p. 137-138.

303 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE where was taken footage of selected areas – the crew of the ship and castle Achildion.14 Emperor Franz Josef I., after seeing a cinematographic performance in which the person of his own was caught during the hunt for wild animals15, gave a speech which to press: „Thank you; It was beautiful! I was really amused. And so admire to myself, such as I am, it won’t happen to me every day. „16 Main difference between so-called newsreel a natural film was, that actuali- ties based its exclusivity in time. Footage capturing the process of building and leaving the steamer Titanic (1912) won the higher value at the moment when the ship sank and soon shots were used to create film reports Titanic Disaster (1912).

Natural film as travelogue Naturaufnahmen or natural movies built up in the early 20th century media space that was formerly represented by travelogue reportage, illustrations, photographs and panoramas. Panoramas using various techniques offered illusion of view on selected parts of the world.17 Their entrance into Central Europe, on a wider scale in the early 19th century, improved „travelogue“ Imagination by removing what defines the image, the frame. Size of the canvas installed around the perimeter of the circular walkway forced the visitor to move and thereby shift the focus. The illusion of reality and wasn’t built on dynamic scene, but on movement on tribune. Since the second half of the 19th century still abundant Kaiser-panorama built its imagination on the effect of stereoscopy. Cinematography inflicted a heavy blow to these media. „The film is more interesting than the best-written travelogue, no pen is able to portray the beauty of landscape. You cannot imagine the cardinality of the iceberg, if you have not seen it before.“18 Film is indeed acting as an imaginary travel agent and the more that It is coeval of great the phenomenon of the 19th century, tourism. The German company UFA (Universumfilm Aktiengesellschaft) incorporated in 14 Český kinematograf, 23. 7. 1911, nr. 7, p. 120. 15 We assume that this is a film calledMajestaet Kaiser Franz Josef I. auf der Gemsjagd, 1909. 16 Jedna z nejdelších řečí císaře Františka Josefa I.,… Český kinematograf, 23. 2. 1911, nr. 2, p. 30. 17 MACHALÍKOVÁ, P.: Panorama a techniky iluze, In: Člověk a stroj v české kultuře 19. století, Praha, Academia, 2013, p. 103 – 114. 18 Apollo-film. Cesta smrti kapitána Scotta k jižní točně, Film, 1. 7. 1925, nr. 7, p. 14.

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1918, began his work on documentary films whose pattern in Austria borrowed and developed Köfinger Kurt in his films oriented tourism.19 Rela- tionship between tourism, travel, and nature of the film was manifested in different ways. In Italy, the 30s was even an amateur nature film supported by purchasing of footages by General-Directoratel for tourism.20 The Czech- German tourist associations noticed the significance of film to promote their activities already before the First World War. Mountaineers Club Ústí nad Labem gained license to operate cinema in year 1914.21 With the passage of more than forty years brought the magazine Film a doba condemnation of natural films. However, for us is interesting, how is pointed out tourism „Movies were natural and cultural [...] in most cases, utterly boring, dull, dry and pedantic tourist hortatory that their effect were discouraging more than gaining fans for the beauties of our country. „22 Stručný všeobecný slovník věcný describes the Oberammengau village in Upper Bavaria with 1,226 inhabitants. World repute acquired community for regularly staging open air passion plays by its inhabitants since the 17th century. This custom became established as an expression of thanks to God that this place in year 1634 kept from the plague.23 In 1910, American director Burton Holmes (1870-1958) made in Oberammengau footage on which it is noteworthy, that it follows not a passion plays, but mainly the behaving of people on this site. This concept transmits the viewer into a specific cultural microclimate, into place with a „unique“ historical tradition and thus presents new concept travelogue. Oberammergau is an example of pars pro toto in the process of genesis of natural film with travelogue theme. Since beginning of 20th century, Holmes created a number of film travelogues sort of film diary of the places visited. During year 1910 spent Holmes in Bohemia five weeks where he made some films. After returning to USA Holmes used those

19 AITKEN,I.: The Concise Routledge Encyclopedia of the documentary film, New York, 2013, p. 60. 20 Úzký film. Rozvoj amatérského filmu v Itálii, Filmový kurýr 19. 7. 1935, nr. 29, p. 4. 21 PELC, M.: Umění putovat. Dějiny německých turistických spolků v českých zemích, Brno 2009, p. 311. 22 Film a doba, 1958, nr. 5, p. 316. 23 Oberammergau, Stručný všeobecný slovník věcný. Malý slovník naučný, Praha 1880, p. 127.

305 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE materials for his lectures.24 Even then, he was tied to the concept Travelogue, which could be in Czech language interpreted as creating a „film footage“ during voyages.25 In the Czech press has been Holmes likened to the Czech traveler Enriko Stanko Vráz (1860-1932) and his work has been characterized as the creation of „Travel Encyclopedia“.26 Holmes thanks to his work became widely known, the press in advance informed where the American traveler will appear.27

Natural film in the Czech lands So far we have talked mainly about foreign companies, which have im- ported natural films (Gaumont, Pathé, Nordisk, etc..), Among which long maintained a dominant position French companies. At the end of the first decade of the 20th century, there had been established first Czech companies, which began their work on the latest news and natural movies. Leaving aside the role of the short episode of the Prague production of cinematographic images, then it is Kinofa, Illusion, ASUM and Lucernafilm. Most of them began work with natural films, Lucernafilm for example with documentaries Kladno ironworks, Perštýn Castle, St. Vitus Cathedral at Prague, Nové město nad Metují. In this list of companies also include the previously mentioned enterprise Alexandra Kolowrat-Krakowského, who in his castle in Velké Dvorce founded in 1911 manufactory films Sascha-Film, which later moved to Vienna and renamed Sascha-Filmindustrie. Despite the flood of foreign films that brought the records of almost all the places on the planet, Czech companies managed to present the Czech lands as terrae inkognitae. In the year 1913 ASUM announced that each month will create a five films, two of which would be natural cycles - Obrazy z Čech (Images of Bohemia) and

24 Burton Holmes přenáší v Čechách, Národní politika 27. 11. 1910, p. 7. 25 Burton HOLMES, Burton Holmes Travelogues: Cities of the Barbary coast. Oases of the Algerian Sahara. Southern Spain, 1910; Burton HOLMES, Travelogues: Down the Amur. Peking. The forbidden city [Peking], McClure, 1908; The Burton HOLMES Lectures: Seoul, capital of Korea. Japan, McClure, Phillips & Company, 1905. 26 Novina, 27. 11. 1908, nr. 24, p. 758. 27 Burton Holmes přenáší v Čechách, Národní politika 27. 11. 1910, p. 7.

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Světové lázně (World spas).28 To these were later added series Hrady v Čechách (Castles in Bohemia), which offered a view of the ten selected monuments.29 Great success reaped Motivy ze Staré Prahy (Themes of Old Prague), which captured following places Charles Street, Old Town Square, the Jewish Cem- etery, Coal Market and other locations including Prague panorama. Themes of Old Prague, were soon added a second series, in which, however, appeared to complaints dismissive attitudes of Prague cinema owners „... fact, that own production is ignored and underestimated is proved by orders and appreciation from abroad: Themes of old Prague have a huge success in London, Barcelona, Berlin, Vienna – in Prague was bought only one copy… „30 Natural film Themes shot of Old Prague is interesting yet in one aspect, that is particularly useful for historical usage. It refers to the requirement to create a record point in time for future generations; it means the idea that in its statement Une nouvelle source de l‘histoire published in the late 19th century by Polish cinematographer Boleslaw Ma- tuszewski.31

The manifestation of the national idea – from the center to the periphery, from the periphery to the center The company named „The Illusion“ founded in 1911, had entered into the public with the record of the funeral of the popular Czech actor Jindřich Mošna.32There was a gold brougham with team of horses observed with real grief, which was transporting to the Olšanské cemeteries the mortal frame of a man, with whose name we unwittingly visualize the images of this beautiful patriotic enthusiasm, which dominated whole nation and all its social classes during the time of foundation of the National Theatre.33 Records of burials represented a remarkable part of the film material. By the grave

28 Z továrny Asum, Kino 10. 10. 1913, p. 10. 29 Pražský hrad, Vyšehrad, Hvězdu, Bezděz, Jestřebí, Ralsko, Hasenburk, Střekov, Michalovoce a Zvířetice. Továrna Asum, 17. 10. 1913 Kino, p. 5. 30 Kino 17. 10. 1913, nr. 3, p. 4. 31 Seznámení s geniem, Panoráma zahraničního filmového tisku 7. 7. 1967, nr. 13, p. 689. 32 „Český kinematograf“ (The Czech Cinematogrph) 23. 6. 1911, nr. 6, p. 100. 33 The burial of Jindřich Mošna, „Národní politika“, 8. 5. 1911, nr. 126, p. 5.

307 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE were presented obituaries commemorating the Merit of the nation, creating a cultural pantheon, proclaiming the cohesion of the nation, in many cases it was a mede-to-order creation, when the customer asked to make a record. Crowded funeral lanes, churches and cemeteries made the burials highly visible events. Therefore the funerals of very exposed celebrities used to play the significant role in the sacralization of the national movement. In this light the special status belonged to the funerals of political leaders. 34 The funeral as a public rite gave an opportunity to proclaim the patriotic attitudes and in many cases it was a device for making peace and in fact negotiations in general.35 The newspaper brought news of funeral processions and namely reported about significant figures of public life who participated in these funerals. The city of Prague, the Czech metropolis, had - already before the outbreaking of the First World War - arranged dozens of spectacular and ostentatious funeral ceremonies, which had aroused an attention even in other parts of the monarchy. It was also their secondary purpose - the performativity of narrative burials were used for the purpose of the open manifestation of the Czech national ideas. Sure pragocentrismus and burials of the prominent personalities as an important social events aroused an attention and became the subject of interest of cinematographic companies. These recorded events were presented in the cinema-news. Records of burials were also produced outside the Prague, an example could be the obsequies of politician Bedřich Pacák, the member of Young Czech Party , which was taken in Veltrusy. It could be assumed that for the film makers right the funerals that took place outside the „center“ were representing a hot topic because their record helped to make the idea of national unity widespread. Before the First World War took place dozens of them - epic and the idea of nation manifestating burials. They were organized on the costs of the capital city and the coordination of individual activities was governed by for that purpose specially established committees. Filmed was,

34 VELEK, L.: Stáří, smrt a pohřeb politických vůdců, In: Fenomén smrti v české kultuře 19. století, Praha 2001, p. 298-308. 35 An example could be an effort of Jaroslav Kvapil to reach a conciliation with Julius Zeyer during the funeral of Czech landscape painter Anthony Chitussi 1891. Jaroslav Kvapil, however, alleged that Zeyer not even in the situation „of all conciliating sadness“ did not accept the proffered hand.– Jaroslav KVAPIL, O čem vím. Sto kapitol o lidech a dějích z mého života, Praha 1932, p. 156.

308 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE among others, the last farewell to Jaroslav Vrchlický (1912). To its implementation contributed the municipal administration by 10 000K.36 The organization of Vrchlický funeral was thoroughly thought-out in details. In addition to the obligatory reporting of attendance at police headquarters, the clubs and the corporations notified themselves to the administration of Old Town Hall, by which were them (via the public press) announced their place in a funeral procession. Preparation included the announcement if the clubs would participate in costumes or civil mourning attire.37 The social significance of Vrchlický funeral could be proved also by the fact that in September 1912 Jaromir Čelakovský hastily returned from Sicily to participate on that event.38 In the case of funeral of Mikoláš Aleš (1913), which was also recorded, was access to the Vyšehrad cemetery allowed only to the people with a valid ticket to the Pantheon - the tickets were almost immediately sold out.39 The attributes of the Czech national ideas were presented at the funerals emblematicly – by national symbols - and also personified by the presence of guard of honour of Sokol members or by presentation of choral society Hlahol and choir of the National Theatre, etc. Using a film strip a number of funerals was recorded – for instance those of composer Franz Kmocha in Cologne (1912), painter Václav Jansa (1913), mayor of Prague, Czech Sokol mayor and deputy of Young Czech Party Jana Podlipný (1914), writer Jakub Arbes (1914), etc. Records of the last farewell appeared as the single recordings or could be integrated into the cinema journals - eg. funeral of Bedřich Pacák (Prague Cinematographic Journal, 1914). The records cannot be seen just as a kind of public presentation of public events. These images primarily represent a significant feature of the time - the theatralized society. Records of burials arose naturally in Vienna, an example could be the recording of the funeral of the Viennese mayor and co-founder of the Christian Social Party, Karl Lueger (1844-1910) - Der Trauerzug Sr. Exzellenz des Bürgermeisters Dr. Karl

36 SVATOŠOVÁ, H.: „Zlatá slovanská Praha“. Slovanství ve slovech a skutcích pražské obecní samosprávy 1880-1914 in Slovanství a česká kultura 19. Století, Praha 2006, p. 161. 37 Účast spolků při pohřbu Jaroslava Vrchlického (The participation of the clubs on the funeral of Jaroslav Vrchlický), „Národní politika“ 12. 9. 1912, p. 3. 38 ČELAKOVSKÝ, J.: Moje zápisky 1871-1914, Praha 2004, p. 341. 39 Pohřeb mistra Mikoláše Alše („The Burial of Master Mikoláš Aleš“), Národní listy, 13. 7. 1913, nr. 190, p. 3.

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Lueger or record of funeral of social democratic deputy Franz Schuhmeir, who was assassinated in 1913. The phenomenon of by film recordings publicized burials could not be naturally bounded only within the frames of national ideas. However the fact could be considered that in the Czech context the national funeral is perceived as a substitute for the state funeral, which was under the above mentioned criteria unfeasible. State funerals were „organized in Vienna“. In this respect, could be mentioned the records from the funeral of Emperor Franz Joseph I. (1916) or the Prime Minister of Count Karl Stürghk, whose dead at the same year was a result of injuries caused by his assassination. Recording of the grand-arranged funerals was at least Europe-wide phenomenon, which only reflected the local specifics. Theatri- cally arranged funerals outwardly presented the importance of the deceased for the society, assisted to strengthen a cult of personality. Recordings gave the opportunity to share this information among single countries. Naturally there cannot be mentioned all of the records, but in the context of Europe we could remark about those of the Queen Victoria (1901) or the recording of the funeral of the French War Minister Henri Maurice Berteaux (1911)40, who died in a plane crash.41

Sokol - „The Core of The Nation“ Participation of Sokol guards and the Sokol processions was a self-evident part of the various national ceremonies, among others above mentioned funerals. However the self-manifestation of Sokol mostly appeared at Sokol festivals, which should represent a „grand-theater of power, passion and discipline that amazes the world.“ 42 The ceremony was more than just organized parade and exercises. The character of the national manifestation was enhanced by the grand implementation and epic welcome of Slavic Sokol members at the National Theatre, where after the rendition of selected composition (often Dvořák, Smetana) performed actors reciting poems and then there was revealed „tableau“ on the stage (1901, for example. The Tribute of Sokol Members to Tyrš and Fügner). As

40 Pathéjournal nr. 111, Český kinematograf 23. 6. 1911, p. 6. 41 Berteaux funeral imposing, The New York Times 27. 5. 1911. 42 Lví silou. Pocta a dík Sokolstvu, Praha 1948, p. 109.

310 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE in the case of other mighty national celebrations, the rallies attracted public attention and just in that respect they represented an attractive topic for cinematography. Records of Sokol festivals were acquired since 1901, so since 4th Sokol Festival/Rally, which was filmed by Jan Kříženecký in the form of several short scenes. The The exercises of boys. The shot from the record of 4th surviving fragment of the Sokol Festival. (1901) film attracted in the late 40‘s the discussion about whether is this a real shot of IV. festival or of other public event, for example public exercises of Sokol members43, nowadays we consider it as not survived. The film was recording the parade of gymnasts at the Old Town Hall and variations of exercises, including the appearance of the Polish Sokol. The wider international participation was perhaps the reason why the “ČOS” ordered a record made by Kříženecký. Rally of 1901 was characterized by the participation of Slavic Sokol. Visitation of Prague was reciprocated by after-rally visits of Czech Sokol in Krakow, Lviv, Zagreb, Bel- grade, Sofia and others. Whether the copy of the recording was exported to these destinations, we do not know. However, it is not so unlikely imaginable, because, for example, the shots of Sokol Festival in Zagreb44 were screened in the Czech lands.45 The record was then mentioned as a supplement to the solemn meetings of Sokol, applied was for example during such festive gatherings as the one in The National House in Vinohrady.46 Film record “ČOS” also ordered at Kříženecký, which had upgraded for this purpose his camera Lumiere, that was bought by him almost ten years ago. Records of

43 SMRŽ, K.: Píseň o sletu. Sletové filmy kdysi a dnes, Kino 12. 9. 1949, nr. 10, p. 134. 44 Considering the General Rally of the year 1906. 45 Český kinematograf 23. 9. 1911, nr. 9. 46 Sletové filmy, Zpravodaj československého filmu 1988, nr. 3, p. 42.

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4th Sokol Festival (1907) were made in many copies, screened in cinemas and spread throughout the old continent. Also, due to this fact, it is mentioned as the first major festival and among others it brought its creator the financial success. Even the scene of The Chess Tournament was recorded, which staged the The photography of recording of the 4th Sokol Festi- clash of Jan Žižka and Si- val in Prague (1912) gismund of Luxembourg in the battle of German Brod (1422). Groups of Sokols in disguise for the Hussite and the Crusader army were moving on the large chessboard. Pompous and originally conceived reconstruction ushered in a new part of the program, in the frames of which the Sokol members posing as heirs of historical traditions. The last Sokol festival, which took place before the fall of the monarchy, was in the order the 6th festival in the year 1912. Its record was made by the Czech company “Kinofa”. The tradition started by a game of chess was followed by exterior staging of Athens after the battle of Marathon „... 1500 Sokol brothers and sisters take the robes of ancient Greece, the souls and the bodies transformed by the sacred enthusiasm of shining ideal - as they withdrew the atmospheric curtain of presence of Letensky stadium, centuries become forfeited and retinas of the highly-strung spectators depict fictional but thus so dramatically presented and true picture of kalokagathic past ... „47 Later references to the record mentioned that the festival presented a spectacular manifestation of the brotherhood of Slavic peoples.48 Rally of 1912 was recorded by three cameras and it was 1,200 meters long film, which has been exported to many European countries and even the United States of America.49 Before the outbreak of the First World War there was another re-

47 Lví silou. Pocta a dík Sokolstvu, Praha 1948, p. 120-121. 48 Všesokolské slety ve filmu, Kino 2. 7. 1948, nr. 26, p. 500-501. 49 SMRŽ, K.: Píseň o sletu. Sletové filmy kdysi a dnes, Kino 12. 5. 1949, p. 134.

312 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE cord of the Sokol festival made in Brno (1914). Due to the complicated conditions in the country were his screenings private and it appeared in cinemas only in January 1918.50 It can be assumed that Sokol festivals of local level had been scanned much more. We could remind the record from the rally in Prostejov (1908) made by Kříženecký, a record of Sokol parade in České Budejovice (1903), which was made by Swiss entrepreneur Louise Preiss, or documentary film about the regional Sokol festival in Ostrava (1913), which was made by Josef Maurer.

Resumé Imaginární cestování. Přírodní film do roku 1918. František Švábenický

Zdá se, že dobový pojem “přírodní film” vznikl jako výrazový protějšek víceznačnému německému slovu Naturaufnahem. Navzdory očekávání, se český pojem užíval nejen pro označení záznamů z přírody, ale také pro záznamy čehokoli přirozeného (ve smyslu dokumentu), což také odpovídá německému smyslu slova. Mezi přírodními filmy sice měl motiv přírody zásadní postavení, nicméně český překlad slova příroda lehce překryl úplný smysl pojmu. Mezi přírodními snímky se běžně vyskytují také pohledy na památky, města, místa a také záznamy různých událostí či pracovních činností. Blízký vztah přírodního filmu k dokumentu (později etablovaný pojem) a parciálně také k zpravodajskému filmu otevírá otázku vlastní funkce média. Již na počátku 20. století nabízel film možnost zhlédnout místa a události, které byly většině populace z různých důvodů nepřístupné. Narozdíl od fotografie tak činil s plnou mírou dynamiky a více tak odpovídal procesuálnímu chápaní reality. Jako médium film uspěl také na poli propagace. Záznamy z pohřbů, národních slavností aj. posilovaly kon- strukt kolektivně udržovaných a sdílených informací.

50 ŠTÁBLA, Z.: Data a fakta z dějin čs. kinematografie 1896-1945, p. 237.

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The Fate of an Intellectual in the 1st Half of the 20th Century (Theodor Hopfner, classical Philologist)

Karla Vymětalová

Abstrakt: One of the major figures in classical philology, who worked in the first half of the 20th century at the German University in Prague, was the professor of classical philology dr. Theodor Hopfner. His work dedicated to the history of magic and witchcraft in Egypt, the sexual life of the ancient Greeks and Romans, is published till today. As a consequence of his friendly relationship with the Austrian papyrologist Carl Wessely the papyri from his private collection were brought to Prague, now known as Papyri Wessely Pragenses. Keywords: filologist, 20th Century, classical filologie, Austro-Hungarian Monarchy

Theodor Hopfner (1886-1946) was one of few German classical philologists who worked at the university in Prague and who have been studied by researchers quite systematically. It is connected with the significance of his work,1 when some of his studies are still published and form the ground for studying history, the history of Hellenistic or Roman religion, in particular, 1 For instance, Griechisch-ägyptische Offenbarungszauber (abbreviated title, full title, See below), published in 1921 and 1924, was newly published in Amsterodam (Volume 1 in 1974, Volume 2 was divided in two parts and was published in 1983 and 1990). Also Iamblichus. Űber die Geheimlehren (De mysteriis), Leipzig 1922. Hopfner’s translation was reprinted in 1978 (in Schwarzenburg), 1987 and 2007 (in Hildesheim); his Sexualleben der Griechen und Rőmer von den Anfängen bis ins 6. Jh. n. Chr. (abbreviated title), Prag 1938, was republished in New York in 1975.

315 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE and with a project which is mapping the history of Egyptology at the Prague alma mater in 1882-1945.2 His fate was inseparably linked with the history of the university in Prague. As a student he witnessed it in its double form (Czech and German) under the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and as a university lecturer he fully developed at the German University after World War I in the then newly founded Czechoslovakia (1918-1938). At the end of World War II his fate ended tragically – the fate of a scholar who despite his German origins had perceived Prague as his home and had never wanted to leave it. He was born on 7 April, 1886, in the family of a German secondary school teacher of mathematics and geometry, at that time working in the borderlands Trutnov (Trautenau).3 A few months after his birth the family4 moved to Prague where the father started to work as a teacher at the realschule in Kampa since September 1886 to complete his carrier as the principal of the realschule in Prague II (in Heinrichsgasse/in Jindřišská Street). The Hopfners moved to the city which in the 80s and 90s of the 19th century was the scene of conflicts – not only verbal conflicts – between the Czech and German inhabitants. The Czech inhabitants, who had realised their growing economic potential and developed a political awareness, asked for more space in the public and cultural life of the city and the country, whereas the Ger- man inhabitants perceived every concession as an attack and threat to their up to then privileged status. Such feelings logically emerged from the changing demographic structure of the city when the Czech inhabitants had begun to

2 The project Výzkum civilizace starého Egypta. č. MSM 002162826 of the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports, within which OERTER, Wolf B.: Die Ägyptologie an den Prager Universitäten 1882-1945. Gesammelte Aufsätze und Vorträge. Prag 2010, was published, for Th. Hopfner See the chapter Zwischen Berichterstattung und Reisebeschreibung: Theodor Hopfner űber seine Ägyptenreise von 1937, p. 64- 74. For the study with the identical contents See OERTER, Wolf B.: Zwischen Berichterstattung und Reisebeschreibung: Theodor Hopfner űber seine Ägyptenreise von 1937. In: Gedenkschrift Ulrike Horak. I. Teil. Hrsg. Hermann Harauer und Rosario Pintaudi. Firenze 2004, p. 305-310. 3 The given information and other information in the text: Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner, box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508. 4 Theodor Hopfner had two siblings – brothers. Only his older brother, Friedrich, reached adulthood (1881-1949), he was a surveyor and physicist and taught at Technische Hochschule in Vienna in 1936-1938 and after 1945, See Biographisches Lexikon der bőhmischen Länder. I. Band. Wien-Műnchen 1979, p. 678-679.

316 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE prevail as to their number or economic status. A typical bone of contention between the two nations was the above mentioned Charles-Ferdinand Uni- versity in Prague, which was seen as a university founded by Charles IV from his position of the Bohemian king by the Czechs, but at the same time it was seen as the oldest German university by the Germans because they perceived it had been founded by Charles IV from his position of the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire.5 The young Hopfner started studying classical philology at the German part of the Charles-Ferdinand University in Prague after having graduated from Deutsche Űbungsschule in Little Quarter and the German state grammar school in Smíchov. At the time of his university studies (1905-1909) among remarkable personalities of the field were the classical philologists Profes- sors Otto Keller,6 Carl Holzinger von Weidich,7 Alois Rzach8; he attended Professor Henrich Swoboda’s lectures on Ancient Greek history,9 Professor Wilhelm Klein’s lectures on Classical Archaeology,10 Professor Max Grűnert’s

5 The first proposal for the “utraquism“, i.e. firstly, only bilingual division of all the university faculties, was presented at the meeting of the Bohemian Diet on 22 January, 1866. A final decision by Emperor Franz Joseph I., which was surprising to many people, of 11 April 1881, stated that “Charles-Ferdinand University in Prague will be organised in such a way that in Prague there will co-exist one university with German and one university with Czech as a teaching language and the both of them will use the name of Charles-Ferdinand University“. Dějiny Karlovy univerzity III. Red. Jan Havránek. Praha 1997, p. 185. 6 Otto Keller (1838-1927), ordinary professor of classical philology, worked at the university in Prague in 1882-1909. His work on the flora and fauna of the Ancient World was particularly recognised, he also worked on Horatius intensively. 7 Carl Holzinger von Weidich (1849-1935), ordinary professor of classical philology, worked at the university in Prague in 1883-1921, particularly recognised for his work on Aristophanes. 8 Alois Rzach (1850-1935), ordinary professor of classical philology, a doyen among professors, who had taught in 118 terms at the university. He worked mainly on Hesiodos, later on the prophecies of Sybilla. 9 Heinrich Swoboda (1856-1926), ordinary professor of the Ancient Greece and epigraphy, he worked on the history of Greek poleis. In Prague he taught from 1891 until his sudden death. 10 Wilhelm Klein (1850-1924), ordinary professor of classical archaeology. He worked in Prague all his life (1886-1923). He worked on the Greek vase painting, famous for his designs for completion of the Antique statues torsos, long-term curator of the Antique statues plaster casts collections in the Clementinum.

317 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE lectures on Orientalism and Professors A. Sauer and A. Hauffen’s German lectures. He was particularly influenced by Carl Holzinger who was a supervi- sor for his doctoral thesis “Űber den Sprachgebrauch des Thomas Magister, Demetrios Triklinios und Manuel Moschopulos in ihren Scholien zu Aeschy- los, Sophokles, Euripides, Aristophanes, Pindar, Hesiod, Theokrit”11 which he dedicated to his teacher. Similarly to many of his contemporaries, after passing the final exams to receive the teaching qualification in Latin and Greek, as major subjects, and that in German, as a minor subject, “mit sehr befriedigendem Erfolge”, he started to teach at a secondary school.12 From November 1909 to the end of January 1911 he worked as a substitute teacher (suplent) at the German grammar school in Smíchov, Prague, and then, after a several-month pause due to the illness, he worked as a temporary teacher at the German state grammar school Na Příkopech, Prague II. His last position of a secondary school teacher was at the German state grammar school in Little Quarter, Prague (September 1914 to September 1923), however, he did not held it from his habilitation in Sep- tember 1919 until he was appointed an extraordinary professor of classical philology in 1923, having been exempted fully of secondary school teacher’s duties due to the ministerial decree.13 Therefore, for several years, his career of a secondary school teacher intertwined with the beginnings of his scientific career at university, where he, from the winter term 1919/20, contributed to training the students of classical philology as a private senior lecturer.

11 The thesis was printed in Sitzungsberichte der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien, phil.-hist. Klasse Band 172, III. Abhandlung, 73 pages. 12 He passed the Teaching Qualification Exam in front of the Committee on4th November, 1909. Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner, box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, the Committee’s Report (Martini, Reiter, Stein, Swoboda, Grohmann) from April 1923. 13 Hopfner’s biography – unsigned and undated, in his personal file in the Archives of the Charles University in Prague, rather illogically accompanied with a note that the last school where he was nominaly listed as a secondary school teacher was the German state grammar school in Prague II., Štěpánská Street (Stephansgasse), where he moved in 1924 after the abolition of the German state grammar school in Little Quarter. It would mean that he was listed as a secondary school teacher when he was appointed an extraordinary professor of classical philology at the German University. For an account of classes and subjects which he taught at the grammar school in Little Quarter, See Programm des k.k. deutschen Staatsgymnasiums der Kleinseite in Prag am Schlusse des Schuljahres for the respective years (1914-1919).

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Similarly, most private senior lecturers, extraordinary or regular professors practised several years of teaching at a grammar school, which was quite a good practice. By means of teaching at a secondary school the starting teacher gained pedagogical and methodical skills which he then could apply at the philosophical faculty, the priority of which was to train the students for teaching at secondary schools. Secondary school experience verified the teachers’ enthusiasm for their subjects and the ability of independent research, which was usually proved by means of articles published in the annual reports of grammar schools and often attached as evidence of research work of a candidate in the doctoral or habilitation procedures. Theodor Hopfner passed the doctoral procedure from classical philology as a major and Ancient history as a minor (mit einstimmiger Auszeichnung)14 in May 1911 and the examiners were his former teachers, Professors Holzinger, Rzacha and Swoboda. Eight years later he applied for habilitation in classical philology, which was approved and which he finalised with a habilitation lecture on “Abergläubisches in Petrons Saturae” with the result “gut“.15 As a private senior lecturer he was the head of the Latin department of philological proseminar at the German philosophical faculty and used to have two-hour lectures on Ovid’s Fasti (Winter term 1919/20), Juvenal (Summer term 1920), Herodas (Winter term 1920/21), Apuleius (Summer term 1921), Lucian (Winter term 1921/22), the Letters of Pliny (Summer term 1922), the history of Greek poetry (Winter term 1922/23) and “seine Vorlesungen weisen durchwegs eine hőchst befriedigende Frequenzziffer auf”.16 In its memorandum the Committee to examine Hopfner’s possible appointment as an extraordinary professor of classical philology commended him also for his intensive research work, “Daneben entwickelte Hopfner … eine ausserordentliche Produktivität als wissenschaftlicher Forscher und Schriftsteller, die umso beachtlicher erscheint, als seine 14 Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, The Committee’s report (Martini, Reiter, Stein, Swoboda, Grohmann) from April 1923. 15 Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner, box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, unsigned an undated biography with a list of works. He was apponted a private senior lecturer of classical philology on 31st July, 1919. See Bericht űber das Studienjahr 1918/19 und 1919/20 erstattet vom Prorektor Prof. Dr. August Naegle. Prag 1921, p. 67. 16 IBIDEM, The Committee’s report (Martini, Reiter, Stein, Swoboda, Grohmann) from April 1923.

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Arbeiten sich auf einem űberaus schwierigen, verhältnismässig wenig betretenen Gebiet, dessen Bearbeitung nebenvoller Vertrautheit mit dem griechischen und rőmischen Altertum grűndliche Kenntnis der orientalischen Kultur erfordert, bewegen und sich sämtlich als umge- mein gediegene, főrderliche Leistungen darstellen, die von dem Fleiss, der Belesenheit, der kritischen Umsicht und Darstellungsgabe des Verfassers das gűnstigste Zeugnis ablegen.”17 Complimentary assessment by colleagues regarded particularly his studies which combined the thorough knowledge of Ancient Greek studies with insight knowledge of Egyptology and the history of religion in the Late Antiquity. The prior position had “Griechisch-ägyptische Offenbarungszau- ber”, the first part of which was published, owing to the co-funding by the Czechoslovak government and the Austrian classical philologist Carl Wes- sely’s friends from Britain, as the Volume 21 of Studien zur Papyruskunde und Palaeographie, published by Wessely in Leipzig.18 The second part was published in the same series three years later.19 The manuscript of that study, which is still appreciated by researchers today, had most likely been completed during the World War I, but the political instability and financial problems delayed its publishing. In addition, the study, which dealt with transcription and interpretation of the texts written on the Egyptian papyri about magic and witchcraft in their varying forms, and which was supplemented with references to the Greek and Roman writers starting with Homer until 6th century, A.D., had to face another problem which was a bad legibility. The number of lithographic printing plates which Carl Wessely had at disposal for manual transcription of texts proved to be insufficient, which resulted in a gradual reduction of the size of writing, and thus transcriptions in Volume 2 were almost illegible. In the reprint of Volume 1 in 1974 Reinhold Merklbach in his afterword referred to them as “eine Art Gift fűr die Augen”.20 Perhaps also 17 IBIDEM, The Committee’s report (Martini, Reiter, Stein, Swoboda, Grohmann) from April 1923. 18 HOPFNER, Theodor: Griechisch-ägyptische Offenbarungszauber. Mit einer eingehenden Darstellung des griechisch-synkretistishen Daemonenglaubens und der Voraussetzungen und Mittel des Zaubers űberhaupt und der magischen Divination im besonderen. Bd. 1. Leipzig 1921. (Studien zur Paläographie und Papyruskunde, Bd. 21.) 266 pages. 19 HOPFNER, Theodor: Griechisch-ägyptische Offenbarungszauber. Mit einer eingehenden Darstellung des griechisch-synkretistishen Daemonenglaubens und der Voraussetzungen und Mittel des Zaubers űberhaupt und der magischen Divination im besonderen. Bd. 2. Leipzig 1924. (Studien zur Paläographie und Papyruskunde, Bd. 23.) 122 pages. 20 MERKLBACH, Reinhold, afterword of the reprint of Volume 1 which was published

320 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE this lead Hopfner to rejecting the following offers to reprint the study. It was printed again, as amended, not earlier than a few tens of years after his death (See footnote 1) The author himself wrote in his preface to the study that the study was an attempt to deal with all forms of witchcraft upon all available sources and from all possible viewpoints, “was zugleich auch eine eingehende Darstellung der Voraussetzungen und Mittel des Zaubers űberhaupt notwendig machte; hier mußte ich von der Lehre űber das Zwischenreich, das die notwendige Verbindung zwischen Gőttern und Menschen herstellt, und von der Lehre űber das Verhältnis zwischen dem Sichtbaren und Unsichtbaren auf Grund der alles umfassenden Sympathie und Antipathie ausgehen, das die Grundlage des magischen Zwanges bildet.”21 The first volume caused such great interest that it was sold out within half a year and in 1922 it was reprinted in Liepzig. The members of the Committee to evaluate the study with regards to Hopfner’s nomination for appointment as an extraordinary professor of classical philology expressed that in the following words,”Es ist ihm gelungen aus den zahllosen Bausteinen und Bausteinchen einen wohlgefűgten Bau zu errichten, wobei eine Menge űberraschender Zusammenhänge zwischen Occident und Orient, die fűr das Ver- ständnis des religiősen Synkretismus der Spätzeit von grosser Wichtigkeit sind, aufgedeckt sind.“ 22 Another study also dealt with religion and was mentioned in the Commit- tee’s report for the academic senate of the philosophical faculty; it was “Fontes historiae religionis Aegyptiacae ex auctoribus Graecis et Latinis collecti” and it was published in several volumes in 1922 to 1925 in Bonn.23 It covered the period from Homer to the 6th century, A.D. and focused on all the known records about the religion, mythology and cult, the belief in miracles of the old Egyptians comprised in the works by Greek and Latin writers.24 In his re-

as amended in 1974 in Amsterdam by publisher Adolf M. Hakkert, p. 669. 21 HOPFNER, Theodor: Griechisch-ägyptische Offenbarungszauber. I. Bd., p. 2-3. 22 Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner, box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, The Committee’s report (Martini, Reiter, Stein, Swoboda, Grohmann) from April 1923. 23 HOPFNER, Theodor: Fontes religionis Aegyptiacae. Pars 1-5. Bonnae 1922-1925. In: Fontes historiae religionis ex auctoribus Graecis et Latinis collecti. Ed. C. Clemen, fasc. 2, pars 1-5. 932 pages. 24 The Committee’s memorandum mentions the first two volumes, the others were at that time (April 1923) in the form of manuscript.

321 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE view Karl Preisendanz summed up the valueable points of the work by these words, “Fűr jetzt mag uns genűgen, was Hopfner mit gewaltigem Fleiß, mit umfassender und eindringender Kenntnis an literarischen Zeugnissen zusammengestellt hat: sie bilden ein in allen Teilen hőchst nűtzliches und jeden Religionshistoriker vollkommenes Archiv aller Äußerungen griechisch und lateinisch schreibender Autoren űber ägyptische Religion im weitesten Umfang des Wortes, ein Sammelbecken aus dem jede Notiz űber dieses Thema ohne Műhe mit Hilfe eines ausfűhrlichen Sachverzeichnisses herausgezogen werden kann, die zwischen Homer und dem byzantinischen Mittelalter liegt.”25 The third recognised work was a translation of, from the religious viewpoint, an important treatise by the Neoplatonist Iamblichus. 26 It was the first attempt to translate a text by Iamblichus into German and it was, according to the Committee, a better translation than those then available French, English or Latin translations. 27 The private senior lecturer, Dr. Theodor Hopfner, was appointed an extraordinary professor of classical philology by Decree of 26 July, 1923, issued by president, and effective as of 1 October, 1923, with the duty “to lecture in his field as required by the German University in Prague, however, at least five lectures a week in every semester and, in addition, to lead the necessary seminars“.28 He was appointed at the then newly founded German University (in 1920 by law), into which the parallel part of the former Charles-Ferdinand University had been transformed.29 The fights between the both sides about the legitimacy

25 A review by Karel PREISENDANZ, Gnomon 2, 1926, p. 478-481 (hic p. 481). 26 HOPFNER, Theodor: Jamblichus. Űber die Geheimlehren (De mysteriis). Aus dem Griechischen űbersetzt, eingeleitet und erklärt. Leipzig 1922. XXIV and 278 pages. 27 According to the Committee Hopfner’s contribution was outstanding because of the language difficulty of the original text, ”zudem vielfach korrupt űberliefert ist, welcher letzter Umstand dem Verfasser Gelegenheit bot, seinen kritischen Scharfsinn an vielen Stellen aufs Glűcklichste zu bewähren“. Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner, box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, The Committee’s report (Martini, Reiter, Stein, Swoboda, Grohmann) from April 1923. 28 Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner, box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, A letter to Th. Hopfner from the Ministry of school and national education from 26 September, 1923. 29 Act on the both universities in Prague, of 19 February, 1920, was written on the proposal by Prof. František Mareš, therefore it is also referred to as ”Lex Mareš“.

322 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE and historic traditions of the university, disputes over the historical insignias, the archives and Carolinum, lasted until the 30s and were the ground for the varying nationalistic feelings, which were often anti-Jewish.30 Whereas some of his colleagues at university took some part in political life in the then newly established Czechoslovakia,31 Professor Hopfner was the man of science and he was also seen in that way by his students.32 Professor Martin Sicherl, one of his most successful students in terms of science,33 remembers the atmosphere at the Hopfner’s seminars, “waren sehr locker, meist ohne ’Referate´, wenn auch solche, wenn einer eines halten wollte, nicht ausge- schlossen waren, aber immer interessant durch seine aus enormer Kenntnis der griechischen und rőmischen Literatur und des antiken Lebens schőpfenden Beiträge literarischer, reli- gionsgeschichtlicher, kulturgeschichtlicher und sittengeschichtlicher Art”.34 However, it cannot be said that Hopfner did not feel a part of the Ger- man cultural and scientific life in Prague. From 1916 he was a member of Deutsche Gesellschaft fűr Altertumskunde and three years later, in 1919, he became their president and in 1936 he became a member of Deutsche Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften und Kűnste fűr die Tschechoslowakische Republik.35 On the other hand, he perceived the reality of Czech-German

30 E.g. demonstration of German students against the appointment of the historian Professor Samuel Steinherz, as a rector, who accepted that position in 1922 to become the first rector of Jewish origins at a German university. 31 E.g. university professors: professor of the Slavic studies, Franz Spina, professor of the Civic law, Bruno Alexander Kafka, professor of the State and Administrative Law, Ludwig Spiegel, professor of the History of Religion, August Naegle. Later, during the Protectorate, particularly professor of the Roman Law, Mariano San Nicolo. 32 BRŰNHOLZ, Franz: Theodor Hopfner (1886-1945), Viktor Stegemann (1902-1948), Albert Rehm (1871-1949) in: Festgabe fűr Ernst Vogt zu seinem 60. Geburtstag am 6. November 1990. Hrg. Werner Suerbaum. Bologna 1993, p. 203-216 (hic p. 205). 33 Martin Sicherl (1914-2009), professor emeritus of the Classical philology at the University in Műnster. 34 SICHERL, Martin: Erinnerungen an Prag (1933-1937). In: Eikasmos. Quaderni Bolognesi di Filologia classica IV/1993. Festgabe fűr Ernst Vogt zu seinem 60. Geburtstage am 6. November 1990. Erinnerungen an Klassishen Philologen hrsg. von Werner Suerbaum. Bologna 1993, p. 85-94 (hic p. 85). 35 The successive society to Gesellschaft zur Főrderung deutscher Wissenschaft, Kunst und Literatur in Bőhmen which was founded in 1891 as opposed to the Franz Joseph Czech Academy of Sciences and Arts. The development of the Society was completed in 1941 when it was transformed into the German Academy of Sciences

323 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE co-existence (he knew Czech) and fully respected his colleagues of the Jewish origins, who used to teach with him at the faculty for many years (Siegfried Reiter,36 Arthur Stein,37 Maxmilian Adler).38 Whereas Hopfner’s appointment as an extraordinary professor was com- paratively fast – within one year, the procedure as to his ordinary profes- sorship took several years. The first initiative was the handwritten proposal by Professors Reiter, Martini, Swoboda, Stein and Praschnik, by which they turned to the professors at the Philosophical faculty of the German Univer- sity in 1925. The report evaluating the Hopfner’s previous career of a teacher and of a scientist, in particular, was elaborated in December 1925. It mentions a permanent interest in Hopfner’s lectures by students – “beweisen, daß seine Lehrthätigkeit einem wirklichen Bedűrfnis entgegen kommt”.39 It values “Griechisch- ägyptische Offenbarungszauber”, Volume 2 (See above) and its continuation “Fontes historiae religionis Aegyptiacae” (See above). As to the scientific topics the Committee emphasised “volle Beherrschung des Quellenmaterials und der einschlägigen Literatur űber dasselbe, Grundlichkeit, Umsicht und lichtvolle Klarheit”.40

to be dissolved after the war by presidential decree. 36 Siegfried Reiter (1863-1943), classical philologist; he worked at the university in 1922-1933, later he taught Greek courses. He dealt with Philo of Alexandria and the history of classical philology (Friedrich August Wolf et al). 37 Arthur Stein (1871-1950), historian and epigraphist. He taught at the university in 1918-1939. He published the works on the Roman equestrians and state administration (particularly during the emperorship). Co-published “Prosopographia Imperii Romani“ and Groag. 38 Maxmilian Adler (1884-1944), classical philologist. 39 Hopfner leactured on the history of the Greek language in three terms (Winter term 1923/24, Summer term 1924, Winter term 1924/25), on Plato’s life and work in Winter term 1924/25, on Attica comedy in Summer term. He also leactured on Xenophon’s life and work in Winter term 1923/24, on Ovid’s Fasti in Summer term 1923/24 and on Antique libraries in Winter term 1925/26. He also taught two-hour seminars for the Latin department of philology proseminar. 40 Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner,box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, the Committee’s report on examination of Hopfner’s possible appointment as an ordinary professor from 4 December, 1925. The Committee members were professors H. Swoboda (chairman), E. Martini, O. Praschniker, S. Reiter and A. Stein.

324 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE

In spite of that, Hopfner was not appointed as an ordinary professor until several years later – on 30 July, 1928.41 The long-lasting negotiations between the university professors and the ministry were nothing new and they used to be typical, in this respect, also for the former Austrian Ministry of Cult and Education in Vienna (until October 1918). The negotiations between the both sides (the university and the Ministry of Education and National Enlightenment) in the newly developed Czechoslovakia might have reflected the problems which the German Uni- versity had to face. It was the permanent decrease in the numbers of students with German nationality, since a lot of them went to study at universities in Germany and Austria ather the split of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. This could have affected the delays in filling the particular seats, especially when the university management tried – as opossed to the oppinion of the Ministry of Education and National Enlightenment, to include not only the Czechoslovak citizens claiming to have German nationality, but also those living abroad, in Germany and Austria, in particular. “Im Verein mit einer Reihe von Ernennungen inländischer Gelehrter seit Beginn des laufenden Studienjahres zeigt diese Namensreihe, daß die Universität eifrig beműht ist die einheimischen Kräfte zu főrdern, und daß die ihr in dieser Hinsicht von mancher Seite gemachten Vorwűrfe vollständig unberechtigt sind. Die Universität muß andererseits sich unbedingt das Recht wahren, den jeweils Tűchtigsten unter den Erreichbaren zu wählen, auch wenn es aus dem Ausland berufen werden muß; ja es ist ein Lebensinteresse fűr sie, daß ihr diese Quelle nicht versperrt wird. Wir sind der hohen Unterrichtsverwaltung in dieser Beziehung fűr Verständnis und Főrderung dankbar und bedauern nur, daß trotzdem manche selbst jahrelang schwebende wichtige Berufung durch Widerstände an anderen Orten nicht zum Abschluß gebracht werden kann.”42 The difficult negotiations about filling the vacant university seats also regarded those for classical philology, especially in the 30s of the previous century, when after a sudden death of Professor Edgar Martini (1932), the first seat became vacant. The seat was finally filled five years later by Maxmilian Adler, who had been teaching at the faculty since 1930, but whose position

41 Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner, box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, Memmorandum on his appointment of an ordinary professor from 13 September, 1928. The appointment was approved by President T. G. Masaryk on 30 July the same year. 42 Bericht űber das Studienjahr 1929/30 erstattet vom Prorektor Prof. Dr. Otto Grosser. Prag 1930, p. 6-7.

325 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE had not been secure until his appointment as an extraordinary professor in 1937. The situation with the filling the second vacant seat, due to the retire- ment of Professor Siegfried Reiter in 1933, was even more difficult, and the seat was never permanently filled. For the holder of the third seat, Professor Theodor Hopfner, it meant the necessity of extraordinary working efforts, of repeated requests for permiting the teaching of retired professors – Rzach and Reiter, who were also sitting the exams, of repeated communication with the Ministry of Education and National Enlightment, etc. The situation is well documented in a memorandum issued in 1936 by Professor Hopfner, a dean of the Philosophical faculty of the German Uni- versity in the academic year 1935/36.43 Therein he turns to the principals of grammar schools, real or reformed grammar schools with German as a teaching language and asks them to prevent from an increased number of students having an interest in studying classical philology.44 ”Darum bitte ich Sie, ….. einen weiteren Zustrom von Absolventen zu unserem Fache vorzubeugen, der den űberdies weder unsere Lehrkräfte noch unsere Räumlichkeiten und Lehrbehelfe ausreichen.“45 His position of a dean, which he had rejected once before because of the volume of his pedagogical and scientific duties,46 was the height of Hopfner’s 43 In the following academic year 1936/37 he was a vicedean at the Philosophical faculty at the German University. 44 According to Hopfner, an average number of classical philology students at the German University until 1932 was around 20 (in all years), in the winter term of the academic year 1935/36 a total number increased to 105 students, 50 of which were students in the first year. 45 Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner, box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, Memorandum for the principals of grammar schools, real or reformed grammar schools from 14th April, 1936. A response by the principle of the German state grammar school in Litoměřice, dr. Rudolf Heinz, was: “Die jungen Leute lassen sich nicht warnen, und sie wollen vielfach auch gar nicht gewarnt werden. Die Absichten, die man zu hőren kommt, sind oft kindlich, wenn nicht gar kindisch. …… Hier hilft weniger die Aufklärung, hier hilft nur die strenge Auslese bei den Prűfungen und zwar noch bei der 1. Staatsprűfung. Ein hartes, aber ganz sicher ein berechtigtes und wirksames Mittel.” IBIDEM, A letter by dr. Rudolf Heinz, posted in Litoměřice on 17th April, 1936. 46 See IBIDEM, a letter by Hopfner to the German newspaper Bohemia from May, 1934. It is his response to the article by the senior lecturer at the Charles University, dr. Josef Hutter, which was published in the journal “Modrá revue”. Hutter assumed that the efforts of the German University to appoint to academic positions only such persons with a clear political affiliation from abroad resulted in not electing profesor

326 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE academic career. Due to the amount of duties in association with that position, he asked the ministry to reduce his teaching duties for the year 1935/36, which was approved.47 In the 30s Hopfner’s research was focused in two directions. One direction was predetermined by a testament of his long-standing friend, Austrian papyrologist and paleographer Carl Wessely,48 who had left him his private collection of papyri he had acquired mainly in the ancient site Soknapaiu Nesos in Fayium in Egypt provided that they would bear his name (the Papyri Wessely Pragenses). In 1933, Proffesor Hopfner brought the papyri, mainly having a documentary nature, to Prague to assign them, after he had sorted them to some extent, to the National University Library in Prague a year later. Most likely he had big plans with them, since he had reserved exclusive rights to working on the papyri,49 and it is a question whether it was his work duties or the gradually worsening international political situation what prevented him from a systematic working on them. He informed the wider public about the collection in the articles in the journals Archiv fűr Papyrusforschung and Chronique d´Egypte.50 He published just one papyrus from the Wessely’s col- lection51 in the journal of the Oriental Institute whose member he was elected

Th. Hopfner as a dean for the following academic year, even though he would have the right to that position. Hopfner explained that prior to the dean’s election for the following year he had manifested – not having been manipulated by anyone – his disinterest in the position of a dean, mainly due to his current involvement in a huge international bibliography concerning the history of religion, which was very time consuming. Also See OERTER, Wolf B.: Theodor Hopfner – Stationen seinen Lebens. Annalecta Papyrologica XXI/XXII, 2009/2010, p. 311-335 (hic p. 328-329). 47 Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner, box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, An application for reducing the teaching duties from 15 October, 1935. 48 Carl Wessely (1860-1931), Austrian papyrologist and paleographer, publisher of the series Studien zur Paläographie und Papyruskunde, publisher of the Habsburg duke Rainer papyri in Vienna. 49 VIDMAN, Ladislav: Ladislav Varcl papyrolog. Zprávy Jednoty klasických filologů 23, 1981, p. 7-10 (hic p. 7). 50 HOPFNER, Theodor: Die Papyrussammlung Carl Wessely, jetzt ”Papyrus Wessely Pragenses“. Archiv fűr Papyrusforschung 12, 1937, s. 68-69; TÝŽ: Die Papyrussammlung Carl Wessely, jetzt Papyrus Wessely Pragensis“. Chronique d´Egypte 10, 1935, p. 417nn. 51 HOPFNER, Theodor: Ein neuer griechischer Zauberpapyrus (Pap.. Wessely Pragens. Graec. No 1. Archiv orientální 7, 1935, p. 355-366.

327 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE in April 1934. The Wessely’s papyri were more dealt with by researchers after World War II, after Theodor Hopfner had died,52 and they were published as a more comprehensive set by Rosarius Pintaud and Růžena Dostálová in the 80s of the previous century.53 In 1938 the results were published of his other long-term research direc- tion54 – mapping the sexual life of the Ancient Greeks and Romans in works in Latin or Greek, in inscriptions and in papyri, until 6 century, A.D. It was a monumental work the evidence of which is also his letter of 1932 to the ministry in which he asks for reducing his teaching duties from five to two lessons a week and justifies it by his previous five years of working on that study for which he had collected about 30,000 excerpts, “um die erste umfassende und wissenschaftliche Darstellung des Geschlechtslebens und der Psychopathia sexualis der Griechen und Rőmer, auch der űbrigen antiken Vőlker zu schreiben”.55 Some of his colleagues were apparently surprised by the topic of his research, on which he commented ironically, ”Soll ich etwa die Partikeln bei Homer zählen?“56 It was most likely the outbreak of World War II which prevented from publishing the other volumes. Nevertheless, all had its ending several years later when in 1960 a letter correspondence started in the matter of publishing Hopfner’s works from the estate of Hopfner, which, after the War, had been overtaken by the Oriental Institute in Prague, between the Cabinet for Roman, Greek and Latin Studies 52 See VIDMAN, Ladislav: Ladislav Varcl papyrolog. Zprávy Jednoty klasických filologů 23, 1981, p. 7-10; DOSTÁLOVÁ, Růžena – VIDMAN, Ladislav: Der heutige Stand der Sammlung Papyry Wessely. Eirene XX, 1983, p. 101-109. 53 PINTAUDI, Rosario – DOSTÁLOVÁ, Růžena – VIDMAN, Ladislav: Papyri Graecae Wessely Pragenses. (PPrag I). Firenze 1988; PINTAUDI, Rosario – DOSTÁLOVÁ, Růžena – VIDMAN, Ladislav: Papyri Graecae Wessely Pragenses. (PPrag II). Firenze 1995. 54 The work was to have several volumes, but only the first volume was published. See HOPFNER, Theodor: Das Sexualleben der Griechen und Rőmer von den Anfängen bis ins 6. Jh. n. Chr., auf Grund der literarischen Quellen, der Inschriften, der Papyri und der Gegenstände der bildenden Kunst systematisch-quellenmäßig dargestellt. Bd. 1. Physiologie, Biologie und Pathologie der männlichen, weiblichen, primären und sekundären Sexualmerkmale. Die Entmannung. Sexuelle Zwischenstufen und Zwitter. Prag 1938. XXIII a 455 pages. Reprinted in New York in 1975. 55 Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of the German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner, box 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, An application for reducing the teaching duties from 11 May, 1932. 56 SICHERL, M.: Erinnerungen an Prag (1933-1937), p. 36.

328 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE in Prague and Institut fűr griechisch-rőmische Altertumskunde in Berlin. It was conducted by Professor A. Salač, on behalf of the Czechs Cabinet, and by Professors Irmscher and Hartke, on behalf of the German Institut. Originally it was agreed that the Institut would publish the Hopfner’s translation of Porphyrios work (“Űber die Enthaltung vom Beseelten“), whereas the both institutes were supposed to collaborate to publish Hop- fner’s “Sexual life of the Greeks and the Romans”.57 However, the negotiations lasted until the following year when it was finally agreed to hand the estate of Hopfner out to the Germans.58 The end of the 30s of the previous century was affected by the growing tension in the world which had an impact on the life of the German Uni- versity, too. One part of the professors tended to agree with Adolf Hitler’s views, another part – mainly those of the Jewish origins – saw emigration as a solution to their situation,59 and yet another part hoped that the times will

57 Archives of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, fund KŘŘL, unprocessed, a letter by A. Salač to the Department VIII of the Academy from 29th February, 1960. 58 Archives of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, fund KŘŘL, unprocessed. In a letter by Salač’s successor in the Cabinet, doc. Varcl, from 24th August, 1961 it is stated that the Hopfner’s manuscript will be provided to the German colleagues at their disposal and that the Cabinet will not make any editorial claims, included the way of abridging the work. The editorial board and the publishing house Akademie Verlag in Berlin will be responsible for the final text. The method of handing the manuscript over to the German colleagues is described in Varcl’s letter (IBIDEM) from October 3, 1961, wherein he informs Prof. Irmscher that seven boxes of Theodora Hopfner’s manuscript “Sexualleben der Griechen und Rőmer“ were sent by courier mail of the Ministry of Forreign Affairs. The author of this article has not found anything about the next fate of the work. However, since the list of Hopfner’s works does not include any further volumes, we can assume that they were not published for some reason (the volume of work, insufficient funds). For the list of Hopfner’s works (incomplete) See OERTER, Wolf B.: Theodor Hopfner – Stationen seines Lebens, p. 338-341. 59 See List of professors and senior lecturers who were, due to racial reasons, forced to leave the university in 1939, in MÍŠKOVÁ, Alena: Německá (Karlova) univerzita od Mnichova k 9. květnu 1945. (Vedení univerzity a obměna profesorského sboru.) Praha 2002, p. 57-63. Also See GLUCKER, John: Juden in der klassischen Philologie. In: Juden in der deutshen Wissenschaft. Internationales Symposium April 1985. Hrsg. von Walter Grab. Jahrbuch des Instituts fűr deutsche Geschichte. Beiheft 10. Universität Tel- Aviv. For the fate of the classical philologist Arthur Stein and professor of the Antique history Viktor Ehrenberg, See CHANTRAINE, H.: Die Leistung der Juden fűr

329 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE get better and kept their positions.60 The action towards the university teachers of the Jewish origins or religion was “facilitated” by the action of the Czechoslovak government, which as early as in the autumn of 1938 ordered them to take the forced holiday and just several months later it suspended them from state service.61 For classical philology it meant that in addition to the vacant second seat after Professor Reiter also the first seat became vacant due to the leave of the extraordinary professor, Maxmilian Adler, and therefore the only professor of classical philology was Theodor Hopfner. Hence, it was him who was mainly responsible for teaching, even though there are records on his bad health conditions in the years of the Protectorate. The bad situation was to be improved by the senior lecturer Viktor Stegemann from Wűrzburk, who was called as a Diätendozent to Prague in October 1940. In addition, the teaching was partially ensured by professors from related courses – e.g. Willy Hűttl took over the lectures from the Greek and Roman history and the Greek courses, Anton Blaschka took over the Latin courses. Theodor Hopfner had lectures and the Latin and Greek seminar. Fragmentary materials as to the history of the German University during the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia as well as to the history of

die alte Geschichte im deutschen Sprachraum. IBIDEM, p. 113-143. 60 In that group were mainly those who had lived and worked in Prague for a long time and regarded the city and university as their home. For the situation at the German University at the turn of the 30s and in the course of World War II, See KUČERA, Karel – TRUC, Miroslav: Poznámky k fašizaci Německé univerzity pražské. AUC-HUCP 1960, p. 203-223; MÍŠKOVÁ, Alena: Německá (Karlova) univerzita v Praze v letech druhé světové války. AUC-HUCP Tomus XXXVI-XXXVIII, 1996-1998, Fasc. 1-2, p. 55-60; MÍŠKOVÁ, Alena: Německá (Karlova) univerzita od Mnichova k 9. květnu 1945. (Vedení univerzity a obměna profesorského sboru.) Prague 2002. 61 Bericht der deutschen Karls-Universität in Prag űber die Studienjahre 1936/37 erstattet vom Prorektor Prof. Dr. Rudolf Schranil, 1938/39 erstattet vom Prorektor Prof. Dr. Ernst Otto. Prag 1942, p. 90-91. “Die grundsätzliche Ausscheidung jűdischer Professoren, Dozenten und Assistenten (Ärzte) wurde uns dadurch erleichtert, daß die tschechoslowakische Regierung alle jűdischen Hochschullehrer der deutschen Hochschulen auf unbestimmte Zeit von jeder Lehr- und Prűfungstätigkeit beurlaubte und die űber 65 Jahre alten jűdischen Professoren aufforderte, ein Pensionsgesuch einzubringen (23. September 1938). In der Sitzung vom 27. Jänner 1939 beschloß die Regierung der Tschecho-Slowakischen Republik: alle Professoren jűdischer Abstammung hőren auf, den Staatsdienst auszuűben (Erlaß vom 4. Februar 1939). Praktisch waren diese Fragen sowie die Fernhaltung der nichtarischen Studierenden mit Hilfe der Dekane, des Dozenten- und des Studentenbundes schon vorher an unserer Universität geregelt, also schon lange bevor der politische Umschwung im März zur Schaffung des Protektorates fűhrte!”

330 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE classical philology at the Philosophical faculty provide us just with pieces of information concerning Hopfner’s life in that period of time. Like all teachers he and his wife were forced to join NSDAP as doccumented by his letter to the faculty dean, Professor Schwarz.62 That step was apparently a necessary “libation” for him to be able to work at the faculty.63 In the reports of the Security Service in Prague (Sicherheitsdienst), which divided the teachers from the German University in the two “detrimental” and one trustworthy groups, Professor Hopfner was in one of those detrimental groups, since, as above mentioned, his frienly relatioship with his colleagues of the Jew- ish origions had not been forgotten.64 The fact that his attitude towards the regime was very reserved is evidenced also by his student Franze Brűnholz, “Hochgewachsen, eher hager als von kräftiger Statur, wirkte er erheblich älter, als er ans Katheder trat. Spärliches, verblichenes Haar deckte ein schmales Haupt, in dem unter hoher Stirn graublaue Augen sehr ernst und wie resigniert űber das kleine Häuflei der Hőrer schweiften. Die schmalen Hände legten ein kleinformiges Manuskript aufs Pult, der vorgeschriebene Hitlergruß, mit ausgestreckter Rechter zu vollziehen, sah aus, als wolle die Hand an einem unsicher zitternden Arm eine imaginäre Tafel abwischen.“65 The unceirtainty of the times and of human relationships is further supplemented by his description of his arrival in the seminar which he visited as a soldier in a uniform on holiday. Professor Hopfner let him translate for two hours without any interuption, which was, as Brűnholz understood much later, an examination of his reliability.66 The events of the last months of World War II did not mean anything good for the Germans living in Prague. Those teachers who had arrived in

62 Archives of the Charles University in Prague, the fund of German University, personal file of Theodor Hopfner kart. 49, sign. P I/8, inv. no. 508, A letter to the dean of the Philosophical faculty from 18 April, 1940. 63 Adolf Hitler appointed Hopfner as an ordinary professor in the Reichs service by a Decree signed by him in Berlin. IBID., A copy from the Reichs Ministry of science, education and national culture of 16 October, 1941. 64 MÍŠKOVÁ, Alena: Německá (Karlova) univerzita od Mnichova k 9. květnu 1945. (Vedení univerzity a obměna profesorského sboru.), p. 161-162. 65 BRŰNHOLZ, Franz: Theodor Hopfner (1886-1945), Viktor Stegemann (1902-1948), Albert Rehm (1871-1949), p. 203. 66 Professor Hopfner told him that he had left somewhere his glasses which was the reason why he let him (Brűnholze) translate for such a long time without any interuption. BRŰNHOLZ, Franz: c. d., p. 204.

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Prague either just prior to the war or during it, decided to flee to Germany, best to the parts which were later occupied by the Allied troops. On the other hand, the professors who had started their career at the German University in the Czechoslovak First Republic did not want to leave Prague and many of them did not understand why they should. Most likely they did not perceive their silent participation (membership in the Nazi organisations, indifference towards the fate of their non-Aryan colleagues, etc.) in the rulling regime as a key obstacle for their staying in the city or at university. However, in the first post-war days almost all of them were taken to the displaced persons camps where many of them died,67 the others were then displaced to Germany. The same was the fate of professor Hopfner and his wife. They both were taken to the displaced persons camp in Prague-Ruzyň, from where his wife was displaced to Germany. The reports of the last days of Professor Hopfner vary. The only thing is certain – at the end of 1945 or at the beginning of 1946 he died in one of the displaced persons camps.68 The fate of the ordinary professor of classical philology, Theodor Hop- fner, reflects, in its peripeteias, the changes which happened in Central Eu- rope at the end of the 19th century to the mid-20th century. It is a reminder not only of an unfavorable destiny of a man, but also that of a scholar whose work he had done in Prague surpassed the borders not only university but also the Central Europe, and who has been to date a source and inspiration for his succesors.

67 MÍŠKOVÁ, Alena: Německá (Karlova) univerzita od Mnichova k 9. květnu 1945. (Vedení univerzity a obměna profesorského sboru.), p. 188 – a list of univerzity lecturers who died in May or later in dispacement persons camps. 68 Ősterreichisches biographisches Lexikon 1815-1950, II. Band. Graz-Kőln, p. 415 states 9th February, 1946, as his date of death, and Ruzyně in Prague as the place of death. The same date can be found in F. Brűnholz or M. Sicherla. Alena MÍŠKOVÁ: Německá (Karlova) univerzita od Mnichova k 9. květnu 1945. (Vedení univerzity a obměna profesorského sboru.), p. 243 gives the same year, but the place of death is, according to her, Kufstein in Austria.

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Resumé Osud intelektuála v první polovině 20.století (Theodor Hopfner, klasický filolog) Karla Vymětalová

Životní osudy profesora klasické filologie, dr. Theodora Hopfnera jsou neodmyslitel- ně spojeny s osudem německé části Karlo-Ferdinandovy univerzity, později Německé univerzity v Praze. Nejprve ji navštěvoval coby student klasické filologie, od počátku 20. let minulého století až do konce 2. světové války na ní působil jako vysokoškolský profesor. Ve své odborné práci se zabýval magií, zejména v souvislosti s Egyptem a zmínkami o kouzelnických praktikách u antických autorů, napsal rozsáhlou mono- grafii o sexuálním životě Řeků a Římanů. Na počátku 30. let přivezl do Prahy z odka- zu vídeňského papyrologa prof. Carla Wessely sbírku papyrů, které jsou dnes uloženy v Univerzitní knihovně jako Papyry Wessely Pragenses a postupně vydávány ve spo- lupráci s prof. Rosariem Pintaudim z Florencie. Těsně po druhé světové válce zemřel v internačním táboře v Praze-Ruzyni, kde se přpravoval na odsun do Německa.

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„…and all delegates understood him“. To the Post-war Return of Hungarian Language to the Public Space

Marína Zavacká

Abstrakt: After the Second World War was Hungarian in Slovakia officially pushed out of the public space, but in a few years established itself in him again. The study follows the selected markers of this process. Keywords: Hungary, post-war Times, Second World War

During the last 25 years, the Czechoslovak minority policy of the immediate post-war period has become a frequent topic of scientific research and political debates.1 The turn from its interwar protective character to a post- war repressive one was accompanied on symbolic level by ruling out minority languages from the public space. Moreover, even the lower representatives of local government were authorised to decide about the level of admissible. Following the end of the war, number of „Hungarian-sounding“ toponyms were changed to invented Slovak ones, the school-instruction should be held

1 For basic orientation see e. g. ŠUTAJ, Štefan – OLEJNÍK, Milan: Law and practice of Central European countries in the field of national minorities protection (Slovak Republic) In: KRANZ, Jerzy – KÜPPER, Herbert (ed.): Law and Practice of Central European Countries in the Field of National Minorities Protection After 1989. Warszawa 1998, p. 269 – 321; ČIERNA-LANTAYOVÁ, Dagmar – ŠTEFANOVIČ, Milan – ŠUTAJ, Štefan – ŠTEFANSKÝ, Michal – ZAVACKÁ, Katarína: Slovakia and Decrees of President of the Czechoslovak Republic Edvard Beneš in the Context of Regulation of the Slovak National Council. Domestic and Foreign Policy Implication. Bratislava 2006.

335 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE in Slovak only, the owners of the shops were required to remove Hungarian inscriptions on a short notice under a heavy fine, and „Czechoslovak citizens“ were instructed by local decrees that in offices, shops and streets only Slovak (i.e. not Hungarian) shall be spoken.2 The process of how in a less than a decade, actually in few years, the social position and civic equality of remaining members of ethnic minorities were regained and stabilised again within the Czechoslovak state, receives much less attention. Primary and secondary education was again accessible in Hun- garian, since December 1948 there was a Hungarian daily, in March 1949 the Cultural association of Hungarian workers in Czechoslovakia (CSEMADOK) was established, and a campaign to join the Communist party of Czechoslo- vakia, aimed at ethnic Hungarians, was launched. Legalistic narratives3 often adopt the contemporary „giving“ versions of the state allowing and providing for the „receiving“ minority, and date the turning points according to the precisely numbered decisions of the parliament and ministries. Seen through such optics, the wider international context, namely development in the field of foreign affairs among the states of the Soviet bloc, is usually included into the picture. But it resigns on developments on the local level, where the inter-ethnic cooperation or conflict formed an integral part of everyday social practices. Such shift of focus from chronology based on Collection of Laws or international treaties toward daily life helps to identify a wide variety of environments where the change of mutual perception took place with not fully controlled dynamics, frequently even before being sanctioned by laws. This concerns practices of mutual relations of different ethnics on the regional and local levels (where the role of „minority“ and „majority“ could even be reverse), tracing medial campaigns and gradual change of image of „a minority member“ in the youth press and in textbooks intended for different target groups, etc. The study thus attempts to identify some of the less formal features of change in the position of the Hungarian minority in the

2 HORONY, Ákos – OROSZ, Örs – SZALAY, Zoltán: A hely nevei, a nyelv helyei. A kisebbségi nyelvi jogok története Szlovákiában 1918-2012. [Názvy miest, miesta názvov. Dejiny menšinových jazykových práv na Slovensku 1918-2012; Names of places, places of names. History of Minority Language Rights in Slovakia 1918-2012, 4-lingual edition.] Šamorín 2012, p. 73. 3 HORONY, Ákos – OROSZ, Örs – SZALAY, Zoltán: A hely nevei, a nyelv helyei...., pp. 71–102.

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Czechoslovak state and to focus on strategies how the status of the minority, mainly represented through the public use of its mother tongue, was not only returned, but also regained by the minority community itself. The most important and influential ground, where the change took part, was the ruling Communist party itself.4 After the war, its policy fully enhanced the nationalistic drive, gaining public popularity by radical call for a „Slav- ic“ state, for redistribution of property, and labelling the less enthusiastic democratic opponents as weaklings and collaborators with an enemy. After accession to power in 1948 in Czechoslovakia, the nationalist line became a hindrance to the political stabilisation – both in the international context of the Soviet bloc and in the national one, since the human resources in the south of the country could not be managed without systematic opening of career paths to numerous members of the Hungarian minority.5 This further strengthened the party position in its campaigns against the class-defined enemies (kulaks, craftsmen, alien bureaucrats, etc.). On the other hand, for ethnic Hungarians the internal Communist party meeting was a special environment, where the requests for public use of Hungarian language could be voiced using the appropriate political vocabulary, and then safely repeated in the public as already „sanctioned“. The changing routine of regional annual party conferences documents successful use of such strategic reasoning. The first step towards such stabilisation was to distance the party from the post-war nationalist fervour. All of it was assigned to „bourgeois“ politicians and their influence. The decisions depriving the ethnic community of civic rights, signed by the party representatives, were referred to anonymously and vaguely, such as „laws valid at that time“, due to which „the masses of Hun- garian working people were not engaged in cultural and political work“ during the particular previous years. On the other hand, Gottwald’s government was thanked for „solving“ the status of Hungarians at the end, after „re- 4 GABZDILOVÁ, Soňa: Prístup vedenia Komunistickej strany Slovenska k maďarským komunistom na prelome štyridsiatych a päťdesiatych rokov 20. storočia. In: Historický časopis, 62, 2014, No. 2, pp. 253-274. 5 „Comrade Široký [the head of the Communist party of Slovakia and the vicepremier of the Czechoslovak government] has said that only the citizens of the Hungarian nationality can remould the southern Slovakia.“ Slovenský národný archív [Slovak National Archives, further SNA], fund ÚV 2, Zápisnice z okresných konferencií KSS [ÚV 2, Minutes from Regional annual conferences of the Communist party of Slovakia], box [kart.] 41, inv. n. 151, region Galanta, 1951, p. 7.

337 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE moval of reactionaries using the traditional controversy between Slovak and Hungarian layers for sinister aims and spoiling relations towards its southern neighbour“.6 The change of propagandist line, now interpreting the post-war ethnic cleansings as deceitful mismanagement of the now defeated Slovak bourgeoisie against the Hungarian „working class“ was further strengthened in accordance to the Moscow-arranged campaign against the bourgeois nationalism at the beginning of the 1950s. What first seemed as a chance for Slovaks eager to carry on containment of Hungarian ethnic influence in the public life became a tool of revenge against flagmen of Slovak communist nationalism from the post-war period. In the highest echelons, the minister of foreign affairs Vladimír Clementis, the commissar of education Ladislav Novomeský, the commissar of interior Daniel Okáli and head of the Council of com- missars Gustáv Husák, remembered for engagement in closing Hungarian schools, carrying on displacement of the citizens of Hungarian ethnicity and for renaming the southern territory with Slovak toponyms, were found guilty of „bourgeois nationalism“.7 On the local level, the label was used against activists involved in forced recruitment of ethnic Hungarians to work in Bohemian borderlands, in population exchange and property confiscations. Again, this critique was wrapped into more appropriate terminology of the class struggle: „Here, mainly in the mixed regions, we must be grateful to our party, that the traitors were unveiled, the bourgeois nationalists, who com-

6 SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 40, inv. n. 139, Dunajská Streda, 1949, p. 6. 7 „Also… [they] did not allow the Hungarian ethnic to get involved in the building of national economy. They forbade Hungarians from schools and from all decisive posts...“ SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 40, inv. n. 140, Dunajská Streda, 1951, p. 102. Due to the specific position of the Slovak national administrative organs there were ministries on the Czechoslovak state level and commissariats (povereníctva) on the national (Slovak) level. The same motive in the neighbouring region: „Husák, Okáli, Novomeský, obstructed and hindered this process [of social and political inclusion of ethnic Hungarians]. Only the Central Committee of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia unveiled those traitors. Since then, there has been a great change in southern Slovakia and the activity of Hungarians has risen substantially, they are everywhere, among workers and shock-workers. The farmers of Hungarian origin got nicely involved in the building activities... “. SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 41, inv. n. 151, Galanta, 1951, p. 7.

338 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE mitted so much wrongdoings on citizens of Hungarian ethnicity, such as the action of recruitment, which especially harmed the village paupers.“ As main culprits, frequently the teachers as representatives of the Slovak school and the Slovak settlers from the North Slovakia or the Slovak re-emigrants from Hungary and Yugoslavia, using their ethnicity as a ladder of social mobil- ity, were named. To strengthen accusations, labels like „they created a Titoist kolkhoz“ were used.8 The radicalism of the change in ethnic terms was reflected also by the composition of the delegates of the annual regional party conferences. In Dunajská Streda in 1947 all participants were Slovaks (actually all local members were only Slovak), whereas in 1951 at the conference half of the 72 speakers were Hungarians. In 1947 the main speaker rallied for punishing of „nyilas“ collaborators with Hungarian war-time administration and called for intensive recruitment of Slovak settlers into the party. In 1951 the plenary regional congress adopted a resolution quoting the call of Viliam Široký on the necessity „to be more courageous in posting our Hungarian citizens into responsible functions“. Moreover, the „already proven“ „old, pre-war members“ of the party were to be preferred.9 In the local environment, prevailingly ethnically Hungarian before and during the war, this meant reducing the authority of the numerous agile Slovak newcomers, Commu- nist freshmen of the 1944/1945 or even later years. Slovak complaints about „Hungarian chauvinism“ were answered with recommendations to fight it „simultaneously with eliminating the Slovak bourgeois nationalism“, and grumbling functionaries were „charged with the task to create an association of Slovak-Hungarian friendship“.10 Low percentage of Hungarian members of the party in an ethnically mixed locality became a regular issue of criticism from the Central Committee, a sign of failure of the local party leadership and a reason to its forced reconstruction.11

8 SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 40, inv. n. 140, Dunajská Streda, 1951, p. 32. 9 SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 40, inv. n. 140, Dunajská Streda, 1951, p. 42. 10 SNA, fund AÚD KSS, N. 20, Ústredná komisia mládeže pri ÚV KSS. [The Central Committee for the Youth], inv. n. 10, Šamorín, Minutes from 27. November 1948. 11 „It is a mistake that the old Hungarian comrades are not involved and are not posted to functions.“ SNA, ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 84, Fiľakovo 1951. The closing speech of c. Bohdanovský, an inspecting guest from the County committee.

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The re-introduction of the Hungarian language to the public space also gained momentum on the party ground. For a Slovak nationalist, it was easier to find arguments for limiting the compulsory elementary education to the official language, for displaying only Slovak inscriptions, or for hampering the right of free association, then to contradict the argument that the class- conscious comrades who would eagerly adopt Marxism-Leninism, only if they understood the lectures. The gradual status rise could be observed by intensity of public use of Hungarian. At first, usually since 1949, there were bilingual official invitations and programs to common party gatherings.12 The main speech – The Annual report – was delivered in Slovak with the consequent Hungarian translation.13 Later in some regions the main speech was in Hungarian and those who did not understand were provided a written copy of its Slovak variant.14 Situation gradually reversed and rising number of delegates spoke Hungarian, with or even without translation – this was true especially in the case of ritual contributions to discussion (greetings from different factories, kolkhozes, etc.). With great probability, such arrangement also helped to avoid malicious reactions of the „adversary“ public, enjoying hilarious mistakes made by less literate or less skilled speakers.15 To pay homage to the internationalism, such speech might be closed with the party-promoted greeting „Honour to labour“ in Slovak. Since to every such meeting an inspecting guest from the Central Committee of the party was sent to write an independent assessment, in many cases their mission became practically impossible.16 For similar reason, many local Slovak delegates were losing any

12 SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 40, inv. n. 138, Dunajská Streda, 1949. 13 An unpleasantly surprised inspecting guest from the County committee complained, that the key-note speech was only delivered in Slovak with no translation „so the Hungarian comrades did not understand“ and followed: „What struck me the most: while my speech was being translated to Hungarian, the Slovak delegates went out from the room.“ SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 167, inv. n. 1954, Veľké Kapušany, 1949, p. 26. 14 SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 82, inv. n. 516, Fiľakovo, 1953; SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 40, inv. n. 143, Dunajská Streda, 1954. 15 KALINA, Ján L.: Tisíc a jeden vtip. Bratislava 1969, pp. 326-327. 16 In 1953 the inspecting guest from the Central party apparatus guessed the Hungarian contributions to 60-70%, so he „could not evaluate the level of the discussion“ since he did not understand it. SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 40, inv. n. 153, Galanta, 1953, p. 44.

340 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE interest in meetings. A peculiar situation occurred in Dunajská Streda in 1954, when a Slovak regional secretary set to read the annual report, prepared in Hungarian, not knowing the language properly himself.17 The development outside party meetings was almost parallel, only a bit postponed. From occasional lectures in the mother tongue the political instruction developed into special Hungarian classes in the evening schools18 and Hungarian boarding courses19 of political education for prospective leaders of Communist regime front-organisations. For promotion in the region, knowledge of Hungarian became a matter of serious consideration.20 In 1953, the local police offices organised courses of Hungarian for Slovak or Czech-speaking policemen21 and – according to complaint voiced in 1955 – due to the chaos in the secondary schooling allocations at the county educational board in Bratislava, in the previous year not only some Hungarian speaking boys from Komárno were enlisted to schools with Slovak language of instruction, but even some implacable Slovak boys from the capital were dully sent to the Hungarian-language apprentice school in Komárno.22 Centrally issued periodicals for adults were at the beginning limited to the Új Szó (The New Word), a pendant to party-published Pravda and Rudé právo, later supplemented with the journal for women Dolgozó Nő (The Working Woman) and some hobby periodicals. Periodicals for younger readers copied the age-structured press for the children and youth of the ethnic majority,

17 SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 40, Dunajská Streda, 1954, Report of Karol Priváček, p. 74. 18 SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 40, Dunajská Streda, 1953, p. 61. During the school year 1952 the classes of the Regional Political Party School were divided according to the language of instruction. 19 Photoreport from the Political education course for women organised by Živena-The Union of Slovak Women in Modra-Harmónia. In: Dolgozó Nő, 1, 1952, No. 2, p. 14. 20 „The main shortcoming of the whole conference is, that neither the Secretary of the Regional party Council, nor the Head of the National Committee, or the Secretary of the Action Committe of the National Front, or the Secretary of the Czechoslovak Union of Youth, do speak Hungarian...“ SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 167, inv. n. 1156, Veľké Kapušany, 1951. Report to the Central Committee. 21 SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 40, inv. n. 143, Dunajská Streda, 1954, p. 26. 22 SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 40, inv. n. 144, Dunajská Streda, 1955, p. 28.

341 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE being published by the Czechoslovak Union of Youth (including the Pioneer organisation) and by the State pedagogic publishing house: Pionírok Lapja (Pioneer news), Új Ifjuság (New Youth), Kis Épitő (Little Builder), Alkotó Ifjuság (Creative Youth), etc. While they strictly adhered to references to Czecho- slovakia as „our motherland“ and its political representatives as „ours“, the term „our history“ was more problematic23 and in their educative content they combined the centrally promoted Czech and Slovak cultural canon (both historical and contemporary) with references to Hungarian one. Usually Pa- vol Országh Hviezdoslav (1849-1921), a poet and a prominent member of the Slovak classic literary canon, was briefly introduced to the readers, followed by Hungarian poet Sándor Petőfi (1823-1849). In 1949 it was 100th anniversary of Petőfi’s death and of Hviezdoslav’s birth, so for both of them an official centenary was organised and an official cult risen, not dissimilar to that of Pushkin in the USSR.24 Next came Hungarian authors such as

23 Silence over the details of the period 1945-48, actually of the whole 1938-49, stood at the core of the ethnical „historical“ ceasefire until the 1989. Revolution of 1848 provided a possible basis for common commemoration of „anti-feudalist“ struggle of L. Kossuth and Ľ. Štúr, but also drove attention to Štúr’s „reactionary“ hopes towards Habsburgs. See e.g. ANDICS, Erzsébet: Kossuth harca a reakció ellen. Budapest 1952. Remembrance of the Slovak soviet republic of 1919 under the auspices of the Hungarian soviet republic and the Red army of Béla Kun were also quite ambiguous. At its 30th anniversary in 1949, with the public memory about „Hungarian army“ crossing the borders in 1938/39 still afresh and the cult of the Czechoslovak legions still strong in the army, this event was hardly mentioned. Only in 1954 it became an „interventionist war of the Czechoslovak bourgeoisie against the Hungarian soviet republic“. KRÁL, Václav: Intervenční válka čsl. buržoazie proti Maďarské sovětské republice v roce 1919. Praha 1954. The 40th anniversary was incomparably more festive, accompanied by a whole range of ritual gatherings, a scientific conference, museum exhibition in Prešov, and publication of veterans’ memories. These were incorporated into the common history to such extent that in the edited volume it was even not mentioned which texts were originally written in Hungarian. ROJÁK, Dezider – SMUTNÝ, Anton – SEDLÁKOVÁ, Mária (eds.): Bojový odkaz roku 1919. Spomienky bojovníkov za Slovenskú republiku rád a Maďarskú republiku rád. Bratislava 1959; DZVONÍK, Michal – CHRISTOVOVÁ, Draga: Slovenská republika rád. Výsledky bádania a spomienky súčasníkov prednesené na vedeckej konferencii v Prešove 8. a 9. júna 1959. Bratislava 1959; SEDLÁK, Imrich (ed.): Robotnícke hnutie a 40. výročie Slovenskej republiky rád. Sprievodca po výstave. Bratislava: Osveta 1959. 24 SANDLER, Stephanie: The 1937 Pushkin Jubilee as Epic Trauma. In: PLATT, Kevin

342 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE

János Arany, Móricz Zsigmond, Mór Jókai, Endre Ady, Vitéz Mihály Cso- konai, Bálint Balassi, etc. In October 1954, the Slovak pioneers from Hybe „have learned about the importance of Balassi from the Hungarian cultural delegation“, who came to celebrate his 400th birthday.25 At occasions, such as anniversaries or state visits, portraits and curriculum vitae of Hungarian politicians were published too.26 Contemporary ideologically loaded poems and short stories for youth were regularly translated to Hungarian from Slovak27 or Russian, but some were contributed by the readers in Hungarian original. In coverage of news the editorial boards followed the central rules and reported from the whole country, but since the letters to the editors of such journals were coming mostly from the ethnic Hungarians, significant medial space was devoted to them. However, any attempt to sort the Hungarians from Slovaks in the news would be hindered by the strange rules of transcription of names, where surnames were often (but not always) transcribed according to Hungarian phonetics28 and sometimes the first names were put in Hungarian form even if the mentioned person was a pupil with a Slovak surname from some school in the north. The rules of using the Slovak and Hungarian variants of top-

M. F. – BRANDENBERGER, David (eds.): Epic revisionism. Russian history and literature as Stalinist propaganda. Madison 2006, 193-219. 25 MORAVČÍKOVÁ, Eva: Štyristo rokov od narodenia Bálinta Balassiho. In: Pionierske noviny, 5, 1954, No. 11, p. 4; SZŰCS Béla: Balassi Bálint szülőföldjén. In: Pionírok Lapja 4, 1954, No. p. 1. 26 (unsigned): Március 9-én tölti be hatvanadik életévét Rákosi Mátyás elvtárs, a magyar nép harcos vezetője, a nemzetközi munkásmozgalom bátor katonája és a nagy Sztálin legjobb magyar tanítványa ... (On March 9th it is the 60th birthday of Rákosi Mátyás, leader of the Hungarian people struggle, soldier of the international workers fight and the best Hungarian pupil of the great Stalin). In: Új ifjuság 1, 1952, No. 7, p 3. 27 E. g.Translated poem of Milan Ferko was published on the front page of the very first issue of Pionírok Lapja. FERKO, Milan: Az új iskola év. (The new school year). In: Pionírok Lapja, 1, 1951, No. 1, p. 1. Even more representative example was his celebratory poem dedicated to president Antonín Zápotocký’s 69th birthday. FERKO, Milan: Zápotocký elvtársnál. Pionírok Lapja 3, 1953, No. 8, p. 1. 28 Thus the Prime Minister Viliam Široký lost his diacritics, the Head if the Slovak National Council František Kubač became Kubacs, Minister of Education Ernest Sýkora was spellt as Szykora... The same was applied to russian personal names (Sztálin). In: Pionírok lapja 1, 1951, No. 7, pp.1 - 4.

343 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE onyms varied. The capital was referred to as Bratislava, not Pozsony (with the exception of historical texts),29 naming other localities was more voluntarist.30 While the Hungarian adults in Slovakia could be expected to have a basic command of the Slovak of Czech language from the pre-war times, this was not true about the youth, growing up for seven years 1938-45 in the occupied south. It was also difficult to learn from their Slovak peers, who had been subjected to the same education, or from the re-emigrants, for whom special courses of catching up with literary Slovak had to be organised.31 Neither at- tending the Czech schools during the long-term stays of many children with their families in the Czech borderlands, nor the general imperative of learning another Slavic language – Russian did help the situation. Reading-books for the lessons of Slovak literature for secondary schools consisted of mixture of canon Soviet texts translated into Slovak, some Slovak classics and selection of Slovak socialist-realist pieces, and Czech classics and Czech socialist- real- ist texts, partly translated into Slovak and partly left in original.32 Since 1950 there was a special Hungarian branch of the city library in Bratislava, and a Hungarian bookshop followed soon. An edition of books recommended for the readers’ „Badge of Július Fučík“ was published in Hungarian.33 The Slovak poet Ján Smrek was rewarded a State prize for his translation of Petőfi’s poetry into Slovak34. In January 1954 the newly opened Museum of

29 MÓRICZ, Zsigmond: Pozsonyi mese (The story of Pozsonyi/Bratislava). In: Pionírok Lapja 3, 1955, No. 2, p. 2. 30 While the title page of the Pionírok Lapja 1, 1951, N. 7, referred to the Pioneer palace in Bratislava („bratiszlavai pionírok palota“, in the next issue N 8 the front page report stated that „Somorja“ is a small town at „Csallóköz“ near „Duna“ river (Šamorín, Žitný ostrov, Dunaj). 31 Učíme sa materčine (We learn the mother tongue). In: Sloboda, 3, 1947, No. 4, p. 2. 32 Szlovák irodalmi olvasókönyv a magyar tannyelvű harmadfokú iskolák III. és IV. osztálya számára. Slovenská čítanka pre III. a IV. triedu škôl tretieho stupňa s maďarským vyučovacím jazykom. Bratislava 1953. 33 Fucsík-jelvény – minden fiúés lány büszkesége (The Fučík badge is a pride of every boy and girl). The listed mandatory reading was identical with that for the Slovak speaking, the same applied to facultative readings, with added choice of the novel of the Hungarian Communist author Béla Illés: Tűz Moszkva alatt and volumes of selected poems of Sándor Petőfi or József Attila. In: Új ifjuság 1, 1952, No. 18, p. 4. 34 Rozhodnutí prezidenta republiky o udělení státních cen s čestným titulem „Laureát státní ceny“ v roce 1954. In: Rudé právo 11. 5. 1954, p. 2.

344 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE

V. I. Lenin became a shrine of the common history of class struggle – its expositions being commented bilingually.35 When a young tractor-driver was decorated with Order of Republic in 1951 for his working records, the Slovak youth press reported his self-critical regret that he had neglected learning Slovak at school despite his parents insistence, so during the ceremony at the Prague castle he „could not tell comrade Gottwald all what was in his heart and on his lips“. In official medial release, his speech was reported in the best tradition of the „soviet Pente- costal myth“36: „he spoke about the work on the tractor station and about building of socialism in the village. He speaks Hungarian. But his words are understood by all present delegates. Because his determination to fulfil all his commitments to the last point is readable from his face.“ 37 Concerning the Czechoslovak Communist regime policy towards the Hungarian minority in the first half of the 1950s, the research leads to stratified and ambivalent picture. While the members of the Hungarian minority still had many reasons to feel limited in social practices related to their ethnic identity, it was also a time of great disillusionment of many Slovak Commu- nists, deeply engaged in post-war building of „Slovak“ territory, „Czecho- slovak“ state, and international „Slavic“ brotherhood. Thousands of their temporarily disenfranchised compatriots, in post-war years ago terrorised with displacement from homes, were equal to them again, ready to use the Communist Party operated career-path while having a strong tool of „bourgeois nationalism“ label at self-defence. On „their own“ meetings the Slovak Communists spent hours without understanding a word. In „their own“ May Day marches slogans in Hungarian language were carried and shouted victori- ously. At the end, not the language, but the national colours became their last symbolic recourse. In Galanta in 1951 the party regional secretary reminded the rest of Hungarian delegates at the conference of upcoming May Day, re- calling that „until now there were villages which marched only under Hungar- ian flags.“ This was proclaimed „incorrect, since our flag is that which comrade Gottwald is holding and Slovakia is our motherland.“ The arguments to 35 V Leninovom múzeu. In: Novosti Bratislavy, 3, 1954, No. 3, 1954, p. 3. 36 COLLINS, Daniel E.: The tower of Babel undone in a Soviet Pentecost: A linguistic myth of the first five-year plan. In: The Slavic and East European Journal Vol. 42, 1998, No. 3, pp. 423-443. 37 Čo hovorili najlepší z najlepších. In: Mladá tvorba, 1, 1950/1951, No 10, p. 27.

345 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE support this request were strong: „We shall not open the wounds of the past and who would do it, he would help the imperialists“.38 However, three years later his colleague had to relate again to the Central Committee while explaining the required modus operandi: „comrade Bacílek had emphasised at the CC session in December 1953, that it is necessary from the side of Slovaks to give all rights to the working people of Hungarian ethnicity and to eliminate bourgeois nationalism. For the working people of Hungarian ethnicity it is necessary to be aware that they live in the Czechoslovak republic, they are its citizens with equal rights, they participate in building socialism in our motherland, so the white-blue-red state flag is valid for them, too.“39

Resumé

„... jeho slovám rozumeli však všetci delegáti.“ K povojnovému návratu maďarčiny do verejného priestoru

Marína Zavacká

Po druhej svetovej vojne bola maďarčina na Slovensku oficiálne vytlačená z verejné- ho priestoru, no do niekoľkých rokov sa v ňom opäť etablovala. Štúdia sleduje vybra- né markery tohto procesu. Podstatný vplyv mal povojnový zahraničnopolitický vývoj, menovite ústup kremeľskej rétoriky od propagovania „slovanskej vzájomnosti“ s ci- eľom umožniť aj neslovanským štátom v sovietskej zóne vplyvu hladké začlenenie a stabilizáciu tvoriaceho sa mocenského bloku. Na vnútroštátnej a regionálnej úrovni sa ukazovalo, že na území južného Slovenska bez angažovania maďarskej menšiny nebude možné v požadovanom „masovom meradle“ a „stopercentne“ plniť politic- ko-hospodárske režimové zadania. Súbežne však pôsobil aj lobistický tlak samotnej

38 SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 41, inv. n. 151, Galanta 1951, p. 6. 39 SNA, fund ÚV 2, Reg. ann. conferences, box 90, inv. n. 564, Lučenec, 1954, p. 28. [the mentioned K. Bacílek was the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Slovakia.]

346 HISTORISATION OF CENTRAL EUROPE menšiny, ktorá preformulovala svoje jazykové požiadavky s použitím novej režimovej slovnej zásoby, čím znemožňovala ich odmietanie. Argument, že nadšenie pracujú- cich pre politické vzdelávanie brzdí ich neporozumenie slovenskojazyčnej lektúre, prebíjal všetky nacionalistické dôvodenia a uvoľňoval cestu maďarským prednáškam, brožúram, referátom, knižným edíciám, školám, ba roku 1954 už aj k dvojjazyčným popiskám v novootvorenom Leninovom múzeu v Bratislave.

347 Historisation of Central Europe Ed. PhDr. Karla Vymětalová prof. PhDr. Zdeněk Jirásek, CSc.

Slezská univerzita v Opavě, Filozoficko-přírodovědecká fakulta, Ústav historických věd

Redakční úprava: Mgr. Denisa Řezníčková Jazyková korektura textů: PhDr. K. Vymětalová Překlad: jazyková škola ABECEDA. s.r.o. Sazba a obálka: Aleš Orlík, Opava Tisk: Z+M Partner, spol. s r.o., Ostrava

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