The Lost Legions of Augustus
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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
Excessive Public Grief at the Death of Germanicus in AD 19
Excessive Public Grief at the Death of Germanicus in AD 19 The death in AD 19 of Tiberius’s adopted son, Germanicus Julius Caesar, threw the Roman Empire into a rarely seen and highly undignified grief, which our sources probably exaggerate in order to demonstrate the unpopularity of the emperor Tiberius. Tacitus and Suetonius document outpours of mass grief among the common people who had no close association or connection with Germanicus but regarded him as the last hope of honor, justice, and decency; the audience old enough to remember 1968 will see distinct parallels. Although Tacitus Ann. 2.73 likens Germanicus’s career, achievements, and charisma to Alexander the Great, the public reaction to his death more closely resembles that of his ancestor by triple adoption, the Divine Julius, including a brief civil war and also that of Clodius in 52 BC. Neither were normal by any stretch of the imagination. The hysteria that followed the news of the death of Germanicus, the joy at a false report of his survival, and the renewed frenzy upon his verified death cast aside all normal standards of grief, especially considering the Roman reputation for stoic perseverance in the face of hardship. Tiberius attempted to display a stoic response (Tacitus says to conceal his joy) and lead by example, but other Romans, wholly ignoring his role model, dropped any prospect of sang froid and behaved if the death of Germanicus equated the downfall of the state. Their reaction contrasts entirely with the composure and ritual at funerals of other beloved statesmen – including Augustus in AD 14, which included hired mourners and the show of grief. -
Livy's View of the Roman National Character
James Luce, December 5th, 1993 Livy's View of the Roman National Character As early as 1663, Francis Pope named his plantation, in what would later become Washington, DC, "Rome" and renamed Goose Creek "Tiber", a local hill "Capitolium", an example of the way in which the colonists would draw upon ancient Rome for names, architecture and ideas. The founding fathers often called America "the New Rome", a place where, as Charles Lee said to Patrick Henry, Roman republican ideals were being realized. The Roman historian Livy (Titus Livius, 59 BC-AD 17) lived at the juncture of the breakdown of the Roman Republic and the rise of the Roman Empire. His 142 book History of Rome from 753 to 9 BC (35 books now extant, the rest epitomes) was one of the most read Latin authors by early American colonists, partly because he wrote about the Roman national character and his unique view of how that character was formed. "National character" is no longer considered a valid term, nations may not really have specific national characters, but many think they do. The ancients believed states or peoples had a national character and that it arose one of 3 ways: 1) innate/racial: Aristotle believed that all non-Greeks were barbarous and suited to be slaves; Romans believed that Carthaginians were perfidious. 2) influence of geography/climate: e.g., that Northern tribes were vigorous but dumb 3) influence of institutions and national norms based on political and family life. The Greek historian Polybios believed that Roman institutions (e.g., division of government into senate, assemblies and magistrates, each with its own powers) made the Romans great, and the architects of the American constitution read this with especial care and interest. -
Dynamics of Religious Ritual: Migration and Adaptation in Early Medieval Britain
Dynamics of Religious Ritual: Migration and Adaptation in Early Medieval Britain A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Brooke Elizabeth Creager IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Peter S. Wells August 2019 Brooke Elizabeth Creager 2019 © For my Mom, I could never have done this without you. And for my Grandfather, thank you for showing me the world and never letting me doubt I can do anything. Thank you. i Abstract: How do migrations impact religious practice? In early Anglo-Saxon England, the practice of post-Roman Christianity adapted after the Anglo-Saxon migration. The contemporary texts all agree that Christianity continued to be practiced into the fifth and sixth centuries but the archaeological record reflects a predominantly Anglo-Saxon culture. My research compiles the evidence for post-Roman Christian practice on the east coast of England from cemeteries and Roman churches to determine the extent of religious change after the migration. Using the case study of post-Roman religion, the themes religion, migration, and the role of the individual are used to determine how a minority religion is practiced during periods of change within a new culturally dominant society. ii Table of Contents Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………...ii List of Figures ……………………………………………………………………………iv Preface …………………………………………………………………………………….1 I. Religion 1. Archaeological Theory of Religion ...………………………………………………...3 II. Migration 2. Migration Theory and the Anglo-Saxon Migration ...……………………………….42 3. Continental Ritual Practice before the Migration, 100 BC – AD 400 ………………91 III. Southeastern England, before, during and after the Migration 4. Contemporary Accounts of Religion in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries……………..116 5. -
Divus Augustus Pater.” Divus Augustus Was a Title That Was Granted to Him After His Death, Meaning Divine Augustus
Ryan Mathison Coin 17 The reign of Caesar Augustus is often the point at which historians consider that the Roman Empire began, and the Roman Republic ended. The reign of Augustus, from 27BCE-14CE allowed for some of the greatest cultural developments in the western world, and helped bring an already powerful nation to another level of dominance in the world. As such, he is remembered to this day as a giant in the history of the west. This coin from the St. Olaf Collection demonstrates how he was portrayed to the Romans soon after his death, during the reign of the Emperor Tiberius, from 14-37 CE. This coin features, on the obverse, the head of Augustus, facing left, with the words “Divus Augustus Pater.” Divus Augustus was a title that was granted to him after his death, meaning divine Augustus. Pater, in Latin, means father, and is part of a title which was granted to Augustus. This title, Pater Patriae, meaning father of the fatherland, was a major title that was granted to people who did a great service to Rome. On this same side, there is also a star and a thunderbolt. The star, placed between the first “U” and “S” in Augustus, is a reference to one of the stars in the constellation Aquila. It was probably present between 4 and 2 BCE, during the reign of Augustus, and was put on the coins as a reference to his greatness, as such a celestial event must give legitimacy and divine providence to a leader.1 The Thunderbolt is a reference to Jupiter, king of the gods, and one of the patrons of Rome. -
The Herodotos Project (OSU-Ugent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography
Faculty of Literature and Philosophy Julie Boeten The Herodotos Project (OSU-UGent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography Barbarians in Strabo’s ‘Geography’ (Abii-Ionians) With a case-study: the Cappadocians Master thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Linguistics and Literature, Greek and Latin. 2015 Promotor: Prof. Dr. Mark Janse UGent Department of Greek Linguistics Co-Promotores: Prof. Brian Joseph Ohio State University Dr. Christopher Brown Ohio State University ACKNOWLEDGMENT In this acknowledgment I would like to thank everybody who has in some way been a part of this master thesis. First and foremost I want to thank my promotor Prof. Janse for giving me the opportunity to write my thesis in the context of the Herodotos Project, and for giving me suggestions and answering my questions. I am also grateful to Prof. Joseph and Dr. Brown, who have given Anke and me the chance to be a part of the Herodotos Project and who have consented into being our co- promotores. On a whole other level I wish to express my thanks to my parents, without whom I would not have been able to study at all. They have also supported me throughout the writing process and have read parts of the draft. Finally, I would also like to thank Kenneth, for being there for me and for correcting some passages of the thesis. Julie Boeten NEDERLANDSE SAMENVATTING Deze scriptie is geschreven in het kader van het Herodotos Project, een onderneming van de Ohio State University in samenwerking met UGent. De doelstelling van het project is het aanleggen van een databank met alle volkeren die gekend waren in de oudheid. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
A Case Study of the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest and the Kalkriese Archaeological Site
The Culture of Memory and the Role of Archaeology: A Case Study of the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest and the Kalkriese Archaeological Site Laurel Fricker A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of BACHELOR OF ARTS WITH HONORS DEPARTMENT OF GERMANIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN April 18, 2017 Advised by Professor Julia Hell and Associate Professor Kerstin Barndt 1 Table of Contents Dedication and Thanks 4 Introduction 6 Chapter One 18 Chapter Two 48 Chapter Three 80 Conclusion 102 The Museum and Park Kalkriese Mission Statement 106 Works Cited 108 2 3 Dedication and Thanks To my professor and advisor, Dr. Julia Hell: Thank you for teaching CLCIV 350 Classical Topics: German Culture and the Memory of Ancient Rome in the 2016 winter semester at the University of Michigan. The readings and discussions in that course, especially Heinrich von Kleist’s Die Hermannsschlacht, inspired me to research more into the figure of Hermann/Arminius. Thank you for your guidance throughout this entire process, for always asking me to think deeper, for challenging me to consider the connections between Germany, Rome, and memory work and for assisting me in finding the connection I was searching for between Arminius and archaeology. To my professor, Dr. Kerstin Barndt: It is because of you that this project even exists. Thank you for encouraging me to write this thesis, for helping me to become a better writer, scholar, and researcher, and for aiding me in securing funding to travel to the Museum and Park Kalkriese. Without your support and guidance this project would never have been written. -
Kennewick Man and Asatru
7/17/12 Irminsul Ættir Archives - Kennewick Man and Asatru Kennewick Man and Asatru Battle Over BonesArchaeology (Jan/Feb 1997) TriCity Herald (Kennewick Man The debate that spans 9,000 years) DejanewsSearch on Kennewick Man or alt.religion.asatru The Irminsul Ættir Position The Kennewick Man Story by Susan Granquist In October of 1996, members of the Asatru Folk Assembly (AFA) filed a complaint against the Army Corps of Engineers seeking an injunction to prevent the Corps from turning the ancient skeleton referred to in the media as the Kennewick Man over to the Umatilla Tribes under the Native Graves Protection and Repatriation Act based on religious principles of Asatru, an ancient preChristian, ethnic religion. However there are a number of things that need to be known in order to for the public and court to fairly evaluate the claim that might not be apparent to those unfamiliar with this faith. The complaint, filed in the United States District Court for the District of Oregon, CV No. CV96 1516 JE by the Asatru Folk Assembly, Stephen A. McNallen, and William Fox versus the United States of America, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Ernest J. Harrell, Donald R. Curtis, and Lee Turner, Judicial Review of Agency Action (Administrative Procedure Act), 5 USC & 706; violation of 42 USC & 1981 and 42 USC & 1983; Deprivation of Constitutional Rights; violation of Native American Graves Protection Act; Request for Declaratory and Injunctive Relief and for Attorney Fees. Section 2. "This action relates to the human skeletal remains discovered in July 1996 in eastern Washington commonly known as the 'Richland Man' and sometimes as the 'Kennewick Man' and which are the subject of a notice of intent to repatriate issued by the U.S. -
David Rafferty, the Fall of the Roman Republic
The Fall of the Roman Republic DAVID RAFFERTY the Mediterranean, meant there was no longer anyone for the Romans to fear, which in turn meant that Rome lost her discipline. Another How did crises change ancient theme blamed greed and ambition for Rome’s societies? problems: greed and success had made some men very rich and others very poor. The rich How did key individuals contribute to had appetites which the Republic could not such events? contain, while they also became corrupt, and the poor had nothing to lose from change. A How might we judge the historical similar theme blamed the ambitions of the significance of these crises and the great men who brought down their Republic: individuals who took part in them?1 they were no longer content to be renowned in a free state, but wanted to dominate their fellow-citizens. Historical significance Most modern scholars have not accepted these explanations. But many causes have been Why did the Roman Republic fall? This blamed for the collapse of the Republic, too question was of great interest to the Romans many to list here. Lintott’s CAH chapter briefly themselves, both at the time and later. The outlines some of them, but the Blackwell best starting point is Andrew Lintott’s chapter Companion to the Roman Republic is a better 1, ‘The crisis of the Republic: sources and source. Such companions tend to be uneven, source-problems’ in CAH 9 (that is, volume but this one is excellent, and thoroughly 9 of the second edition of the Cambridge recommended. -
Bullard Eva 2013 MA.Pdf
Marcomannia in the making. by Eva Bullard BA, University of Victoria, 2008 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Greek and Roman Studies Eva Bullard 2013 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee Marcomannia in the making by Eva Bullard BA, University of Victoria, 2008 Supervisory Committee Dr. John P. Oleson, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Supervisor Dr. Gregory D. Rowe, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Departmental Member iii Abstract Supervisory Committee John P. Oleson, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Supervisor Dr. Gregory D. Rowe, Department of Greek and Roman Studies Departmental Member During the last stages of the Marcommani Wars in the late second century A.D., Roman literary sources recorded that the Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius was planning to annex the Germanic territory of the Marcomannic and Quadic tribes. This work will propose that Marcus Aurelius was going to create a province called Marcomannia. The thesis will be supported by archaeological data originating from excavations in the Roman installation at Mušov, Moravia, Czech Republic. The investigation will examine the history of the non-Roman region beyond the northern Danubian frontier, the character of Roman occupation and creation of other Roman provinces on the Danube, and consult primary sources and modern research on the topic of Roman expansion and empire building during the principate. iv Table of Contents Supervisory Committee ..................................................................................................... -
The Complexity of Roman Suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Master's Theses Student Research 1974 The complexity of Roman suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/masters-theses Part of the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Ruff, Carmine Anthony, "The ompc lexity of Roman suicide" (1974). Master's Theses. Paper 937. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE COMPLEXITY OF ROMAN SUICIDE BY CARMINE ANTHONY RUFFA A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN CLASSICAL STUDIES MAY 1974 APPROVAL SHEET ii TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE • . • • . .iv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . • . • • • • . • • • • • . • 1 II. ANCIENT SUICIDE: A PROBLEM OF SEMANTICS. • • • • • • • • • • • • 5 Latin Citations to Suicide The Absence of A Standard Word Or Phrase III. PHILOSOPHIC SUICIDE . • .11 The Attitude of the Latin Philosophers Toward Suicide The Divergent Views of the Stoic Philosophers The Effect of Cato's Suicide on Stoicism IV. THE TREATMENT OF LUCRETIA'S SUICIDE BY LIVY AND AUGUSTINE • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 4 4 Section I: Livy's Lucretia Section II: Augustine's Denunciation of Lucretia v. SUICIDE IN THE AENEID • • • • • • . .61 Vergii's Development of Dido's Suicidal Personality The Condemnation of Suicides in the Underworld Amata's Suicide CONCLUSION. .80 APPENDIX I • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 83 APPENDIX II • . .86 BIBLIOGRAPHY . .91 VITA . .99 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to acknowledge two people who have influenced and inspired his academic and professional life.