DOCSLIB.ORG

Notes from a Yugoslav Party Congress

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Notes from a Yugoslav Party Congress 1978/No. 41 by Dennison I. Rusinow Notes from a Yugoslav Europe [DIR-4-'78] Party Congress A stable Yugoslavia in an unstable world, in Congress's 6 commissions, of whom 412 did general self-confident even in self-criticism at and the remainder submitted their remarks in home but worried about the potential conse- writing for inclusion in the record.) The reality, quences of revived Superpower confrontation for as this observer has experienced it in the four the security and independence of smaller coun- Congresses held in the 1960s and 1970s, was tries and for world peace---this is the message more aptly described at a pre-Congress press that the League of Communists of Yugoslavia conference by Aleksandar Grlikov, the able (LCY) and its amazingly unflagging President Macedonian who is the Party's principal spokes- Josip Broz Tito were projecting from the Party's man on international Communist affairs. Eleventh Congress, which met in Belgrade from Answering a skeptical resident journalist who June 20 to 23, 1978. asked how "various views" within the Party ever really become public knowledge, Grlikov said: "You yourself know how every Yugoslav, when Yugoslav Party Congresses, as pointed out in he makes a speech and from whatever position he A UFS Reports from earlier ones, do not actually makes it, devotes one-third of it to reporting make policy decisions or choose the Party's positive developments, then he puts in a 'how- leaders, although theory and the Party Statutes ever,' and then in two-thirds he makes his criti- say they do. These things are done elsewhere and cism. That Yugoslav 'however' is universal, as beforehand. Party Congresses are important, you'll see at the Congress Everyone will say however, in providing a deadline for the conclu- something about what he thinks is really success- sion of these other more or less private debates, ful, then he'll use two-thirds of this time for that since a Congress must endorse a platform and a 'however.'" With some important qualifica- roster of top officials and these, although not un- tionssome never get that far; Tito, the prin- changeable, will be influential in subsequent ciples of self-management and nonalignment, months or years. Yugoslav foreign policy in general, the Army, and a select number of basic Marxian tenets In addition, although there is little of the head a list of uncriticizable subjects; and one is "open dialogue" claimed by official handouts, a not supposed to attack individuals by name who Congress provides a setting for a series of mono- have not been officially damned (embarrassing logues, actually listened to by others, that are not exception: in 1958 one senior Party functionary always the uninteresting, monotonous repetition used the Congress podium to attack an even of successes and exegesis of "the Party line" that more senior and distinguished colleague for inexperienced observers expect and that seems to allegedly seducing his wife)---this is a fair de- be confirmed by a casual reading of first para- scription. graphs in the hundreds of speeches delivered in plenary sessions and in "working" commissions Party Congresses therefore deserve at least (663 delegates asked to speak in the Eleventh somewhat detailed analysis. This, it should be 2/DI R-4-'78 said hastily, is not the purpose of this Report. the then brand new Sports Center near the Too much time would be needed, and in two Panevo bridge for the Tenth Congress (1974), senses: time to read all the verbiage and sort out and now Sava Center--this was undoubtedly the the wheat from the chaffof which, pace the most elegant, attractive, and practical, including above, there is a great deal!and time for subse- a large and well-equipped press center and quent events to grant some wisdom of hindsight despite a size and complexity that sometimes in order to know what was really important. (A made it difficult to track down the people one recent series of articles in a Yugoslav periodical wanted to talk to. Signs of the times on both by Duan Bilandi, a political scientist and scores? Party official whose writing always merits atten- tion, reanalyzes speeches made at the Eighth The Congress's dominant theme was provided Congress in 1964, picking out passages that were by a recently published book by Edvard Kardelj, usually overlooked at the time by those who re- the regime's perennial chief ideologist who is ported a basically no-change Congress, but that generally considered its number two person and in retrospect clearly anticipated the dramatic Tito's likely successor as Party President unless policy changes that occurred during the following Tito outlives him (Kardelj is known to have had two years.) With this in part cowardly excuse, two operations for cancer and was clearly in poor what follows is at best a preliminary to such health at the Congress). Entitled Directions in analysis" random notes, with emphasis on atmos- the Development of the Socialist Self-Manage- phere and "color," by an eyewitness who was ment Political System and officially declared "an experiencing his fourth such event. integral part of the Platform for the preparation of the Eleventh Congress" by the Party Presi- Setting and Themes dency, Kardelj's study offers a more complete and mature version of his vision of For this the Yugoslav year's Congress 2,291 delegates, socialist than of its several hundred domestic democracy any prolific guests, guest delega- author's earlier works and was clearly intended tions from 120 Communist, Socialist, Social- to be more than a political pamphlet for a Con- Democratic, and other "progressive" parties The basic described in around the and over 240 gress year. argument, world, foreign plus more detail in a previous A UFS Report, is that about 1,200 domestic journalists had a new site the and behavior of the Party and for organization their deliberations and observations. This was the political system as a whole must be more con- the ultra-modern Sava Center, an enormous, sistently and conscientiously adapted to a demo- attractive, and generally efficient conference cratically organized "pluralism of self-manage- complex on the banks of the Sava River in Novi ment interests" that are legitimately socialist and Beograd, built in two frenetic stages, between must be the primary participants in all public February and June of 1977 and 1978. Stage one decision-making. For this to happen, there must was completed just in time to house the prepara- be more intra-Party democracy and a more open tory and then the main sessions of the Belgrade "dialogue with non-Communist Yugoslavs" who "follow-up" Conference on Security and Coop- accept the basic principles of Yugoslav socialism. eration in Europe that met here from June 1977 Grlikov, using what he apologetically called a to February 1978 to review implementation of the "journalistic phrase" in his pre-Congress press Helsinki CSCE agreements of 1975. Stage two, a conference, described Kardelj's and the Con- separate building containing additional audi- gress's thesis as "a general political philosophy of toriums, the largest seating 4,000 persons, was searching for democracy in socialism and similarly completed only days before the Con- socialism in democracy." The Eleventh Congress, gress opened and despite a fire that destroyed Grlikov said, would draw its agenda of unfin- much of the new roof only two weeks earlier. Of ished business from this philosophy: the three Congress locales I have known in my years in Yugoslaviathe early postwar Trade Union Hall in downtown old Belgrade, site of the In this task the lastfouryears have been devoted, Eighth and Ninth Congresses (1964 and 1969), above all, to the economic system. The economic DIR-4-'78/3 system has been adapted to this political philoso- of "reality": changes in Party structure and phy,.. [but] there was not enough time and prob- "leading cadres," or who's where in this year's ably not enough intellectual energy for a simul- round of Yugoslavia's perennial political game of taneous, parallel, and consistent adaptation of musical chairs. This, too, led to no very definitive the other sphere of public life, and that is the conclusions, although more will be said about it political system. So this Eleventh Congress, later. following the recommendations of the Tenth Congress, will hare to elaborate a rision of the Perhaps more significant, therefore, than political system that will eliminate possible con- minor changes of proclaimed policy and rota- tradictions between the economic and political tions of personnel was the relaxed and self-con- systems, which normally and by their nature can fident atmosphere that pervaded the Eleventh lead to political, economic and social tensions in Congress and what it indicated. Like the focus on any society, including our own. "dialogue" within the Party and with the country and on the need to "tolerate disagreements," this In international affairs the dominant theme, atmosphere and associated emphasis on the influenced by recent developments, was a country's political and social stability (if others pox-on-both-your-houses criticism of the Soviet will leave Yugoslavia alone) and on the appro- Union and the United States--with the Soviet priateness of current institutional arrangements Union implicitly accused of greater responsi- (except the role of the Party) were in marked bilityfor a retreat from detente that can lead to contrast to the themes and atmosphere prevailing a new world war, as Tito warned in a solemn at the last Congress, in 1974. Then, recently appeal to both Superpowers to think again. More emerged from a series of crises that had shaken specifically, there was repeated sharp criticism the regime and with many familiar faces missing, of the Soviet Union (under the code word the delegates were nervous and more cautious in "hegemonism" and never by name) for de- their speeches.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
    France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so.
    [Show full text]
  • Yugoslav Destruction After the Cold War
    STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR A dissertation presented by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj to The Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of Political Science Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2015 STASIS AMONG POWERS: YUGOSLAV DESTRUCTION AFTER THE COLD WAR by Mladen Stevan Mrdalj ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December 2015 2 Abstract This research investigates the causes of Yugoslavia’s violent destruction in the 1990’s. It builds its argument on the interaction of international and domestic factors. In doing so, it details the origins of Yugoslav ideology as a fluid concept rooted in the early 19th century Croatian national movement. Tracing the evolving nationalist competition among Serbs and Croats, it demonstrates inherent contradictions of the Yugoslav project. These contradictions resulted in ethnic outbidding among Croatian nationalists and communists against the perceived Serbian hegemony. This dynamic drove the gradual erosion of Yugoslav state capacity during Cold War. The end of Cold War coincided with the height of internal Yugoslav conflict. Managing the collapse of Soviet Union and communism imposed both strategic and normative imperatives on the Western allies. These imperatives largely determined external policy toward Yugoslavia. They incentivized and inhibited domestic actors in pursuit of their goals. The result was the collapse of the country with varying degrees of violence. The findings support further research on international causes of civil wars.
    [Show full text]
  • Titoism in by the Organizaci6n Irotskista Revolucionaria (OIR) of Chile Trouble
    NUIBER 32 JUNE 1976 TlENTYCEm A CTU leaders refuse to fight e a es, e I an un eraHac Treasurer Phil Lynch's 20 May "mini-budget", direct taxes on consumer staples. The aspiring the federal government's latest move in its pro­ heir to the leadership of the parliamentary ALP, gram of austerity, slashed an estimated $2600 Bob Hawke, proclaimed the Lynch package "good in million from proposed government spending and parts and bad in parts", and pontificated on the brought into focus the key elements of Fraser's "tragedy" of the Liberals' original opposition to anti-labour strategy. Programs for urban and Labor's own earlier attempt to impose a levy to regional development, health, aborigines and pay for Medibank (Sydney MOPning Herald, 21 May). transport were sharply reduced, with further cuts Hawke's stand was "moderate and encouraging", the promised in the budget proper in August. A right-wing Fairfax press editorialised approv­ major blow to the working class was the 2.5 per­ ingly (Sydney MOPning Herald, 22 May). cent levy on everyone choosing to remain within It was these reformist stooges of the bosses Medibank and the elimination of Medibank as a who laid the foundations for Fraser's attack on universal health scheme. Despite its severe in­ Medibank by watering it down to make it accept­ adequacies Medibank was one of Labor's few at­ able to capitalism. Despite their best efforts tempts at real reform, a timid step in the di­ in this regard, the bosses have succeeded in mor­ rection of what should be a basic right for all tally wounding it less than a year after its in~ working people -- universal free quality health troduction.
    [Show full text]
  • Yugoslavia's Return to Leninism
    SOUTHEAST EUROPE SERIES Vol. XXI No. 1 (Yugoslavia) YUGOSLAVIA'S RETURN TO LENINISM Notes on the Tenth Congress of the Yugoslav League of Communists by Dennison I. Rusinow June 1974 After more than two years of major and often the Second World War. It also marks the end of a dramatic changes in leaderships and policies, a clearly definable historic chapter, coincident in Congress of the League of Communists of duration with socialist Yugoslavia's third decade, Yugoslavia assembled in Belgrade May 27-30, which began with a series of bold experiments in 1974. Its object was to survey and endorse the re- further economic and political liberalization and sults and to declare urbi et orbi that what a ended with serious economic problems and a Belgrade newspaper in 1971 called "Yugoslavia's political crisis. most serious postwar political crisis" is over and The basic outline of the new that the regime and system are stable and back on course is clear both in the of their still different but course-corrected enough, proclamations the Congress again high- and in a new state road to socialism. Constitution adopted three months earlier. Personally initiated by President Josip Broz Tito Yugoslavia is to return to stricter control by a re- himself in December 1971,1 the purges and policy centralized and once again disciplined Party. The changes which have now been approved by the Party's right to "intervene" in decision-making and Party in Congress are tantamount to a Titoist coup selection of officers by enterprise and communities, against the system which the Western world calls which was denied and called outdated and "Titoism" but which had lately evolved in direc- pernicious by many of those purged since 1971, has tions that seemed to him and others of its guard- been explicitly reaffirmed.
    [Show full text]
  • Yugoslav Domestic Developments
    1978/No.25 by Dennison I. Rusinow Yugoslav Domestic Develop- Europe [DIR-2-'78] ments On the Eve of the 1978 Party Congress Two generalizations about postwar Yugoslavia, who have proclaimed the re-enthronement of a and perhaps only two, have proved to have con- recentralized and re-Leninized Party as the sistent predictive as well as descriptive validity. Autocrat of all the Self-Managers? On the evi- The first concerns the regime's and the Yugoslavs' dence of the subjects being discussed in the con- apparently inexhaustible willingness to experi- text of preparations for the June 1978 Congress of ment, their impatient readiness to discard and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY), devise replacements for organizational forms, and the way they are being discussed, this, too, procedures, epithets, priorities, and even some seems to have been at best an oversimplification. conceptual frameworks at the first signs of defec- tive parts or poor performance on the road. The Particular attention is now focused on the latest second is that every Yugoslav specialist whose pronouncements of Edvard Kardelj, the regime's analysis has led to the conclusion that this or that perennial chief official ideologist. Kardelj himself policy or trend is irreversible, a "moment of is often called the regime's number two man and is truth," or commits the future of the society or the usually considered, to be Tito's most likely first system has invariably been proved wrong. Those successor as President of the Party, unless he loses who wrote about Yugoslavia ca. 1947 in terms of his battle with cancer before that time comes.
    [Show full text]
  • Tito's Yugoslavia
    The Search for a Communist Legitimacy: Tito's Yugoslavia Author: Robert Edward Niebuhr Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1953 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2008 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Department of History THE SEARCH FOR A COMMUNIST LEGITIMACY: TITO’S YUGOSLAVIA a dissertation by ROBERT EDWARD NIEBUHR submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December, 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE ABSTRACT . iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . iv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS . v NOTE ON TRANSLATIONS AND TERMS . vi INTRODUCTION . 1 1 A STRUGGLE FOR THE HEARTS AND MINDS: IDEOLOGY AND YUGOSLAVIA’S THIRD WAY TO PARADISE . 26 2 NONALIGNMENT: YUGOSLAVIA’S ANSWER TO BLOC POLITICS . 74 3 POLITICS OF FEAR AND TOTAL NATIONAL DEFENSE . 133 4 TITO’S TWILIGHT AND THE FEAR OF UNRAVELING . 180 5 CONCLUSION: YUGOSLAVIA AND THE LEGACY OF THE COLD WAR . 245 EPILOGUE: THE TRIUMPH OF FEAR. 254 APPENDIX A: LIST OF KEY LCY OFFICIALS, 1958 . 272 APPENDIX B: ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF JNA, 1963 . 274 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 275 INDEX . 289 © copyright by ROBERT EDWARD NIEBUHR 2008 iii ABSTRACT THE SEARCH FOR A COMMUNIST LEGITIMACY: TITO’S YUGOSLAVIA ROBERT EDWARD NIEBUHR Supervised by Larry Wolff Titoist Yugoslavia—the multiethnic state rising out of the chaos of World War II—is a particularly interesting setting to examine the integrity of the modern nation-state and, more specifically, the viability of a distinctly multi-ethnic nation-building project.
    [Show full text]
  • THE DISSOLUTION of YUGOSLAVIA (1990) Chaired by Jake Morris
    THE DISSOLUTION OF YUGOSLAVIA (1990) Chaired by Jake Morris Session XXII The Dissolution of Yugoslavia (1990) Topic A: The End of Communism in Yugoslavia Topic B: E thnic Conflict in the Balkans Committee Overview Parliamentary Procedure As Yugoslavia enters the 1990s, The Parliamentary Procedure used communism is collapsing across Eastern in this committee will be uniform Europe and by January 1990, the throughout the entire conference, although Communist Party of Yugoslavia ceases to because it is a crisis committee, sometimes exist. It is up to you the determine the parliamentary procedure may be future of Yugoslavia, a federal republic that overlooked to keep the fast pace of the has just lost the only party that has led it committee. In the event of crises, delegates since World War II. Will you usher in a new may change Parliamentary Procedure to era of liberal democracy or will you attempt reflect the urgency of said crisis. to bring back the Communist party? Especially if democracy is the goal, how will you reconcile the different hopes and dreams of the many ethnic and religious groups within Yugoslavia? Sensing a looming crisis in the Balkans, the Americans and Soviets have invited you to a special summit to determine the future of Yugoslavia on February 1st, 1990. Besides the tensions surrounding the collapse of the Communist party, many are worried about ethnic and religious conflict destroying the fragile state. Your job is to work diligently to preserve peace while also protecting your political ideology and ethnic/religious group. Delegates should prepare for foreign interference, economic calamity, and other unforeseen challenges.
    [Show full text]
  • My Life in Totalitarianism 1941-1991
    MY LIFE IN TOTALITARIANISM 1941-1991 MY LIFE IN TOTALITARIANISM 1941-1991 The Unusual Career of an Electronics Engineer Peter Staric Copyright © 2012 by Peter Staric. Library of Congress Control Number: 2012916879 ISBN: Hardcover 978-1-4771-5574-5 Softcover 978-1-4771-5573-8 Ebook 978-1-4771-5575-2 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the copyright owner. This is a work of fiction. Names, characters, places and incidents either are the product of the author’s imagination or are used fictitiously, and any resemblance to any actual persons, living or dead, events, or locales is entirely coincidental. This book was printed in the United States of America. To order additional copies of this book, contact: Xlibris Corporation 0-800-644-6988 www.Xlibrispublishing.co.uk [email protected] 303972 Contents Introduction .................................................................................................21 PART 1 Occupation 1.1 Italians Arrived ................................................................................37 1.2 German Stukas Destroyed the Ljubljana Broadcasting Station ......43 1.3 Anti-Imperialists Front Established ................................................47 1.4 New Situation in High School (Realka) ..........................................49 1.5 Radio Amateurs’ Activities ..............................................................53
    [Show full text]
  • One Storm Has Passed but Others Are Gathering in Yugoslavia
    This copy is for your personal, noncommercial use only. You can order presentation-ready copies for distribution to your colleagues, clients or customers, please click here or use the "Reprints" tool that appears next to any article. Visit www.nytreprints.com for samples and additional information. Order a reprint of this article now. » April 19, 1981 ONE STORM HAS PASSED BUT OTHERS ARE GATHERING IN YUGOSLAVIA By DAVID BINDER WASHINGTON— Josip Broz Tito has not been dead a year, but the Yugoslav ''brotherhood and unity'' he nurtured for 35 years has already developed fissures on a sensitive flank, the mostly Albanian province of Kosovo. What started March 11 as an isolated, seemingly insignificant protest - a student at the University of Pristina dumped his tray of cafeteria food on the floor - escalated by April 2 into riots involving 20,000 people in six cities. Nine people died and more than 50 were injured. Only last week did authorities relax a state of emergency in the province, lifting a curfew and reopening schools. There are other multi-ethnic countries with sizable minorities. But none equals Yugoslavia for ethnic, linguistic and religious diversity and is so vulnerable to centrifugal forces. Hence the concern of Marshal Tito's successors over the explosion of resentment among Yugoslavia's predominantly Moslem Albanian minority of 1.4 million, most of whom live in Kosovo. After the riots, Stane Dolanc, a member of the Communist Party Presidium, warned of ''the danger of the growth of other kinds of nationalisms'' in Yugoslavia - a thinly veiled allusion to the traditional and still virulent rivalry between the dominant Serbs and Croats.
    [Show full text]
  • Janez Drnovšek ESCAPE from HELL 29
    Janez Drnovšek ESCAPE FROM HELL 29 PREPARATIONS The inauguration ceremony in Belgrade, scheduled for 15 May 1989, was just over a month away, and I tried to use this time to prepare myself for office. It was really very strange. How should I prepare myself to perform the function of head of state in one month? I was given an office in the Slovene Presidency, and I started to work there. Nobody gave me any particular help in my work, but then it was hard to advise me how to be head of state, since there was nobody around who had done the job. I had particular problems assembling the bureau of staff I was supposed to have in Belgrade. I found out that Bulc, my main rival for office, already had a bureau ready for Belgrade – but given the way things were done at that time, this was quite normal. It had never happened before that a candidate supported by the League of Communists had not been elected. And I had never had to deal with such matters before. In the election campaign I stood alone, and I simply considered the questions that were put to me. I consulted with my colleagues and friends on an entirely amateur basis. So whom should I now take with me to Belgrade? Earlier it had not even occurred to me that I would need anybody else. 30 The Secretary-General of the Yugoslav Presidency, Dr Ljubiša Korač, travelled up from Belgrade. He wanted to meet me. He was clearly intrigued to know who I was, what I was and what would happen now with us presiding over the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Savanovic AP 1 2012.Pdf
    Arbeitspapiere des Osteuropa-Instituts Aleksandra Savanović State Failure and the Formation of Organized Crime A Case Study on Serbia in the 1990s 1/2012 Freie Universität Berlin ARBEITSPAPIERE DES OSTEUROPA-INSTITUTS DER FREIEN UNIVERSITÄT BERLIN ABTEILUNG SOZIOLOGIE HERAUSGEGEBEN VON KATHARINA BLUHM Mit der Reihe Arbeitspapiere des Osteuropa-Instituts stellt die Abteilung Soziologie aktuelle Ergebnisse ihrer Arbeit der Öffentlichkeit zur Verfügung. Die Arbeitspapiere erscheinen in unregelmäßiger Folge. Einzelne Papiere können bezogen werden bei: Osteuropa-Institut der Freien Universität Berlin Garystr.55 D-14195 Berlin http://www.oei.fu-berlin.de/soziologie/index.html Tel.: ++49 (0)30-838 52 061 Table of Contents Abstract 3 I Introduction 3 II The Concept of State Failure 9 Divergent Views on State Failure 10 Serbia - A Failed State? 14 III Organized crime as an Overarching Term 21 Mafia - a Specific Type of Criminal Organization 22 The Issue Of Trust and the Role of State 26 Protection Business in the Light of Newly Introduced Property Rights 31 IV Prevailing Conditions in the Country and Their Criminalizing Effects 35 Criminalizing Consequences of War 38 Criminalizing Consequences of Sanctions 45 Criminalizing Consequences of Capitalist Transition and the Role of 53 State Elites V Private protection in Serbia 58 Private Protection Companies and their Relation to Organized Crime 61 VI Famous Cases Attributed to the Serbian Mafia 65 Assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić in 2003 68 VII Concluding remarks 74 References 78 2 Abstract This study considers the role of state failure in the formation and development of organized crime and mafia practices in Serbia at the end of 20th century.
    [Show full text]
  • State Security out of Control? the Influence of Yugoslavia's Political Leadership on Targeted Killings Abroad (1967-84) Robionek, Bernd
    www.ssoar.info State Security out of Control? The Influence of Yugoslavia's Political Leadership on Targeted Killings abroad (1967-84) Robionek, Bernd Erstveröffentlichung / Primary Publication Arbeitspapier / working paper Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Robionek, B. (2020). State Security out of Control? The Influence of Yugoslavia's Political Leadership on Targeted Killings abroad (1967-84). (OEZB Working Paper). Berlin: Osteuropa Zentrum Berlin e.V.. https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-66766-6 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/deed.de OEZB Working Paper Bernd Robionek State Security out of Control? The Influence of Yugoslavia’s Political Leadership on Targeted Killings abroad (1967-84) Content: 1. Early Development and Enemies of the State Security (1944-66) 2. Reforms and Structure after 1966: State Security Periphery as “Centre” 3. Preventive Actions, Reactions and Taboo 4. “Special War”: The Geopolitical Context 5. The Era of Franjo Herljević as Federal Secretary of the Interior 6. Turning the Tide: Stane Dolanc as New Secretary of Internal Affairs Closing Remarks: Top-Down Command or Autonomous Decision-Making? © 2020 Bernd Robionek Introduction: Hitherto, it was assumed that the Communists in Yugoslavia with Josip Broz “Tito” on top gave their state security service straight orders to liquidate certain political opponents abroad.1 However, in light of the primary sources presented here, this assumption needs to be reassessed.
    [Show full text]