Marx, Engels, and Marxisms
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Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact. -
BANDYOPADHYAY, SEKHAR. Caste
International Review of Social History 45 (2000), pp. 309–334 2000 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis BOOK REVIEWS FRANK, ANDRE GUNDER. ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age. University of California Press, Berkeley [etc.] 1998. xxix, 416 pp. $55.00; £42.00. (Paper: $19.95;£14.95.) In this book, Andre Gunder Frank first of all emphasizes the important economic role of Asia in general, and of India and China in particular, during the period of European expansion as part of a global trade network. However, his major aim is ‘‘to analyze the structure and dynamic of the whole world economic system itself and not only the European (part of the) world economic system’’. Frank starts by tracing his own intellec- tual development as part of his ever-continuing discussions with other major system thinkers such as Immanuel Wallerstein, with anthropologists like Eric Wolf, and with world historians, first and foremost William H. McNeill. Frank then presents his main thesis: since 1500 a single global economy with a worldwide division of labor and multilateral trade has existed. Asia in general and East Asia in particular were the domi- nant centers of economic power. West Europeans, and later North Americans, only took over after 1800. The period of Western dominance is now coming to an end, and the former pattern of Asian dominance is re-establishing itself. The main characteristics of the modern world economic system are discussed by referring to the work of major scholars: Alfred Crosby’s discussion of the effects of the Columbian exchange of plants and animals worldwide; William McNeill’s analysis of the global but unequal spread of infectious diseases; the importance of trade diasporas almost everywhere (as emphasized by Philip Curtin, strangely not explicitly mentioned by Frank); Sing Chew’s views on generalized ecological change – mostly deterioration – during this period. -
Paul Lafargue the Evolution of Property from Savagery to Civilization (1890)
Paul Lafargue The Evolution of Property from Savagery to Civilization (1890) 1 The Evolution of Property… Paul Lafargue Halaman 2 English Edition: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., London 1890. Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive . “The economic structure of society is the real basis on which the juridical aud political superstructure is raised, and to which definite social forms of thought correspond : in short the mode of production determines the character of the social, political, and intellectual life generally.” Karl Marx, Capital * * * * “A critical knowledge of the evolution of the idea of property would embody, in some respects, the most remarkable portion of the mental history of mankind.” Lewis H. Morgan, Ancient Society Publishers’ Preface I. Forms of Contemporaneous Property II. Primitive Communism III. Family or Consanguine Collectivism IV. Feudal Property V. Bourgeois Property The Evolution of Property… Paul Lafargue Halaman 3 Publishers’ Preface THE work of Paul Lafargue on the Evolution of Property was originally published as a series of articles, under the nom de plume of “Fergus,” in the Nouvelle Revue of Paris, edited by Madame Adam. The originality of the theory advanced, and the mass of facts quoted, were noted not only in France but in England. The Daily News and the Daily Telegraph , notably, called attention to the chapter on Primitive Communism – a chapter written in answer to Professor Huxley’s attack on Rousseau and Human Equality. The Socialdemokratische Bibliothek, Hottingen, Zurich (a series of volumes issued by the German Socialist Party), has already published a translation of the work, and as soon as the more complete English edition is out it will be used as the basis of Italian and Polish translations. -
Marx, Bakunin, and the Question of Authoritarianism - David Adam
Marx, Bakunin, and the question of authoritarianism - David Adam Historically, Bakunin’s criticism of Marx’s “authoritarian” aims has tended to overshadow Marx’s critique of Bakunin’s “authoritarian” aims. This is in large part due to the fact that mainstream anarchism and Marxism have been polarized over a myth—that of Marx’s authoritarian statism—which they both share. Thus, the conflict in the First International is directly identified with a disagreement over anti-authoritarian principles, and Marx’s hostility toward Bakunin is said to stem from his rejection of these principles, his vanguardism, etc. Anarchism, not without justification, posits itself as the “libertarian” alternative to the “authoritarianism” of mainstream Marxism. Because of this, nothing could be easier than to see the famous conflict between the pioneering theorists of these movements—Bakunin and Marx—as a conflict between absolute liberty and authoritarianism. This essay will bring this narrative into question. It will not do this by making grand pronouncements about Anarchism and Marxism in the abstract, but simply by assembling some often neglected evidence. Bakunin’s ideas about revolutionary organization lie at the heart of this investigation. Political Philosophy We will begin by looking at some differences in political philosophy between Marx and Bakunin that will inform our understanding of their organizational disputes. In Bakunin, Marx criticized first and foremost what he saw as a modernized version of Proudhon’s doctrinaire attitude towards politics—the -
Marx and the Politics of the First'international
This article was downloaded by: [York University Libraries] On: 07 September 2014, At: 15:14 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Socialism and Democracy Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/csad20 Marx and the Politics of the First International George C. Comninel Published online: 08 Aug 2014. To cite this article: George C. Comninel (2014) Marx and the Politics of the First International, Socialism and Democracy, 28:2, 59-82, DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2014.918451 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2014.918451 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. -
Peter Kropotkin and the Social Ecology of Science in Russia, Europe, and England, 1859-1922
THE STRUGGLE FOR COEXISTENCE: PETER KROPOTKIN AND THE SOCIAL ECOLOGY OF SCIENCE IN RUSSIA, EUROPE, AND ENGLAND, 1859-1922 by ERIC M. JOHNSON A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (History) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) May 2019 © Eric M. Johnson, 2019 The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled: The Struggle for Coexistence: Peter Kropotkin and the Social Ecology of Science in Russia, Europe, and England, 1859-1922 Submitted by Eric M. Johnson in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Examining Committee: Alexei Kojevnikov, History Research Supervisor John Beatty, Philosophy Supervisory Committee Member Mark Leier, History Supervisory Committee Member Piers Hale, History External Examiner Joy Dixon, History University Examiner Lisa Sundstrom, Political Science University Examiner Jaleh Mansoor, Art History Exam Chair ii Abstract This dissertation critically examines the transnational history of evolutionary sociology during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. Tracing the efforts of natural philosophers and political theorists, this dissertation explores competing frameworks at the intersection between the natural and human sciences – Social Darwinism at one pole and Socialist Darwinism at the other, the latter best articulated by Peter Alexeyevich Kropotkin’s Darwinian theory of mutual aid. These frameworks were conceptualized within different scientific cultures during a contentious period both in the life sciences as well as the sociopolitical environments of Russia, Europe, and England. This cross- pollination of scientific and sociopolitical discourse contributed to competing frameworks of knowledge construction in both the natural and human sciences. -
Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zoeb Road Ann Arbor
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LEON TROTSKY: from "COMMUNISM and SYNDICALISM" the Trade Union Question Is One of the Most Important for the Labour Movement And, Consequently, for the Opposition
LEON TROTSKY: FROM "COMMUNISM AND SYNDICALISM" The trade union question is one of the most important for the labour movement and, consequently, for the Opposition. Without a precise position on the trade union question, the Opposition will be unable to win real influence in the working class... 1. The Communist Party is the fundamental weapon of revolutionary action of the proletariat the combat organisation of its vanguard that must raise itself to the role of leader of the working class in all the spheres of its struggle without exception, and consequently, in the trade union field. 2. Those who, in principle, counterpose trade union autonomy to the leadership of the Communist Party, counterpose thereby – whether they want to or not – the most backward proletarian section to the vanguard of the working class, the struggle for immediate demands to the struggle for the complete liberation of the workers, reformism to Communism, opportunism to revolutionary Marxism. 3. Prewar French syndicalism, at the epoch of its rise and expansion, by fighting for trade union autonomy actually fought for its independence from the bourgeois government and its parties, among them that of reformist-parliamentary socialism. This was a struggle against opportunism – for a revolutionary road. Revolutionary syndicalism did not in this connection, make a fetish of the autonomy of the mass organisations. On the contrary, it understood and preached the leading role of the revolutionary minority in relation to the mass organisations, which reflect the working class with all its contradictions, its backwardness, and its weaknesses. 4. The theory of the active minority was, in essence, an incomplete theory of a proletarian party. -
The Socialist Party of Canada
The Impossibilists: A brief profile of the Socialist Party of Canada by Peter E. Newell In memory of Geoff Verco (1925 – 2006), a friend for 66 years ii By the same author Fighting the Revolution: Makho-Durruti-Zapata (London, England, 1972) Zapata of Mexico (Sanday, Scotland, 1979) (reprinted: Montreal, Canada, 1997) (reprinted: London, England, 2005) Stamps of Alderney (Chippenham, England, 1982) (reprinted and enlarged: Brighton, England, 1988) Photographs supplied by the late George Jenkins, Karla Rab Ellenbogen, Steve Shannon, Steve Szalai, John Ames, Adam Buick, the author and the Cumberland Museum on Vancouver Island. Front cover designed by the author. Peter E Newell left school at 17 years of age without any qualifications. He has been a draughtsman, a postman, a trade union journalist and official, a sewage worker and a local government officer. He has been a member of an appropriate trade union since 1944, and is a member of the retired members’ section of UNISON. He retired from Colchester Borough Council in 1995. He spent some time Mexico, in 1979, and his Zapata of Mexico has been published in Scotland, Canada and England. i “…the possessing class rules directly by means of universal suffrage. As long as the oppressed class – in our case, therefore, the proletariat – is not ripe for its self-liberation, so long will it, in its majority, recognise the existing order of society as the only possible one and remain politically the tail of the capitalist class, its extreme left wing. But in the measure in which it matures towards its self-emancipation, in the same measure it constitutes itself as its own party and votes for its own representatives, not those of the capitalists. -
Radicalism Or Reformism? Socialist Parties Before World War I
Radicalism or Reformism? Socialist Parties before World War I Gary Marks Heather A. D. Mbaye University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill University of West Georgia VU Amsterdam Hyung Min Kim Inha University This article builds on social movement theory to explain ideological variation among socialist, social democratic, and labor parties across 18 countries in the early twentieth century. We propose a causal argument connecting (1) the political emergence of the bourgeoisie and its middle-class allies to (2) the political space for labor unions and working-class parties, which (3) provided a setting for internal pressures and external opportunities that shaped socialist party ideology. Combining quantitative analysis and case studies, we find that the timing of civil liberties and the strength of socialist links with labor unions were decisive for reformism or radicalism. Refining Lipset’s prior analysis, we qualify his claim that male suffrage provides a key to socialist orientation. hanges in class and political relations in all industrial societies. Unlike the “Cwithin industrially developedDelivered societies, by Ingentacenter/periphery to : and religious cleavages arising much like the shifts in left-wing politicsUniversity in the of North Carolina Tue, 18 Aug 2009from 20:55:06 nation-state formation and the United States and Europe, may be analyzed Reformation, the class cleavage characterizes all within the framework of an ‘apolitical’ industrial societies. In this article, we ask why Marxism—that is, by accepting the proposition that conflict varied so decisively prior to World that technological advances and the distribu- War I: Why were some socialist parties radical tion of economic classes determine the politi- and others reformist? cal and cultural superstructures, but without Socialist, social democratic, and labor parties assuming that socialism will succeed capital- formed across Europe, North America, and ism” (Lipset 2001:77). -
The Birth of an International Anarcho-Syndicalist Current
The Birth of an International Anarcho-syndicalist Current François Guinchard I ntroduction This article aims to define anarcho-syndicalism through the way it has been historically constructed. First, we have to precise about what our object of study is since the term has been used in a confusing way or has been quite neglected by historians. Anarcho-syndicalism is difficult to understand precisely because it does not have any "scientific" definition nor even one that would be common to those who endorse it. Without claiming to solve this problem, I aim to contribute in this article to clarifying the meanings of anarcho-syndicalism in historical context. The term anarcho-syndicalism first appeared as a derogatory commentary and an insult against certain working-class militants in the nineteenth century. It was often used to refer as a whole to the trade-union activities of individuals and groups who defined themselves as anarchists. To study such an object is in fact a multifaceted task, involving the analysis of a wide plurality of historical practices and comparisons. In this respect, I François Guinchard 151 differ from the historiographical current specialised in studying French syndicalism, represented primarily by Jacques Julliard.1 For him, anarcho- syndicalism first arises among libertarian members of the French Confédération générale du travail (CGT) between 1895 and 1914. I will opt for a more restricted notion without discrediting other definitions; after all, the words used are less important than the realities they refer to.2 We nevertheless owe to this same historiographical current the formulation of the category direct action unionism that groups together revolutionary unionists and anarcho-syndicalists through the common denominator of their trade union practices.3 Anarcho-syndicalism is more frequently understood – at least by those who call themselves anarcho-syndicalists – as a specific working class current, stemming from syndicalism. -
The Political Nature of the Paris Commune of 1871 and Manifestations of Marxist Ideology in the Official Publications of the Central Committee
Virginia Commonwealth University VCU Scholars Compass Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 2018 The Political Nature of the Paris Commune of 1871 and Manifestations of Marxist Ideology in the Official Publications of the Central Committee Emily M. Jones Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Labor History Commons, Political History Commons, and the Social History Commons © The Author Downloaded from https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5417 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at VCU Scholars Compass. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of VCU Scholars Compass. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Political Nature of the Paris Commune of 1871 and Manifestations of Marxist Ideology in the Official Publications of the Central Committee A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Virginia Commonwealth University by Emily Marshall Jones Bachelor of Arts, Randolph-Macon College, 2010 Director: Joseph W. Bendersky, PhD Department of History Virginia Commonwealth University Richmond, Virginia May, 2018 ii Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. Joseph Bendersky for his guidance and encouragement. His direction and excellent advising made both my research and this written work possible. I would also like to thank my readers, Dr. John Herman and Dr. Robert Godwin-Jones for their efforts, advice, and input. I want to thank my parents for their love, support, enthusiasm, and, most of all, their faith in me.