Essai Sur La Notion De Roi Chez Les Yoruba Et Les Aja-Fon

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Essai Sur La Notion De Roi Chez Les Yoruba Et Les Aja-Fon ESSAI SUR LA NOTION DE ROI CHEZ LES YORUBA 1 ET LES AJA-FON DU MÊME AUTEUR : Les Dogon. Paris, P.U.F., 1957. (Monographies ethnologiques africaines, Institut international africain de Londres) UNIVERSITÉ DE PARIS Faculté des Lettres et de Sciences humaines ESSAI SUR LA NOTION DE ROI CHEZ LES YORUBA ET LES AJA-FON (Nigeria et Dahomey) Thèse de 3 e cycle présentée par Montserrat PALAU MARTI Paris, décembre 1960 Ouvrage publié avec le concours du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (Ç) by Éditions Berger-Levrauli, Paris, 1964 Tous droits de traduction, reproduction, adaptation réservés pour tous pays. PRÉFACE L'originalité et la diversité des formes politiques tradi- tionnelles de l'Afrique noire ont attiré l'attention des ethno- logues plus que tout autre ordre de recherches. Et la royauté sacrée a bénéficié d'un intérêt tout particulier, au détriment des anarchies, des chefferies et autres systèmes, cependant plus répandus dans le continent noir et d'une nouveauté, pour nous, autrement singulière. Car le souverain sacré nous l'avons eu, et ils l'ont encore en Angleterre. Peut-être la royauté bénéficie-t-elle justement de son œcuménisme, je dirai presque de sa banalité. Notre histoire nous la rend familière; en pays exotique, elle est une des références connues, à laquelle nous pouvons nous raccrocher pour ne pas sombrer dans l'étrange, qui est l'étranger. Et puis le prestige des rois n'a fait que croître avec leur raréfac- tion : il suffit de voir les titres de France-Dimanche. Enfin, pour les sociologues, il y a le souvenir de Frazer, de son roi thaumaturge et de son « rameau d'or ». Pour les africanistes, il y a Frobenius et ses hypothèses mirifiques, lourdes et riches comme un drame wagnérien. Ce ne sont évidemment pas ces séductions populaires et faciles qui ont amené Mlle Palau Marti au « Roi-Dieu ». Attachée au musée de l'Homme, elle a publié notamment un volume de synthèse sur « Les Dogon ». Ceux-ci n'ont pas de roi, ce sont même des anarchistes et leur société ne tient que par l'extraordinaire richesse de leurs mythes, de leurs rituels, de leurs représentations collectives, si abon- damment et merveilleusement révélée par Marcel Griaule. J'imagine donc que notre auteur, ayant mesuré la primauté des conceptions cosmogoniques dans une société sans état, a voulu vérifier l'importance de leur rôle dans des monarchies fortement organisées. Une preuve a contrario, si j'ose dire, de la religiosité consubstantielle à la plupart des conceptions noires. Le « Roi-Dieu », son existence, ses tabous, sa cour, le caractère figé et sacré de son étiquette, se retrouvent en un très grand nombre de régions du continent noir, sous des formes très voisines, parfois, pour nous, effarantes. Les rois des régions nilo-tchadiennes ne devaient pas se montrer et parlaient derrière un voile. Le roi de Kaffa ne devait pas porter ses aliments à sa bouche; trois hauts fonctionnaires avaient pour office de lui enfourner les aliments, comme à un bébé. Nous verrons dans ce livre bien des rites aussi extra- ordinaires. Mlle Palau Marti a choisi les royaumes de l'ouest nigérien et du Dahomey qui forment une région ethnologique assez homogène, célèbre autrefois par ses bronzes et ses sacrifices humains, et dont les histoires se sont fréquemment entremêlées, soit par la parenté, soit par la guerre, soit par des relations cultuelles ou dynastiques. La royauté est ainsi étudiée à Ifè, Oyo et Kétu les trois grands centres yorouba historiques, puis au Bénin et dans les trois royaumes adja-fon d'Alada, de Porto-Novo et du Dahomey. C'est l'ancienne « côte des esclaves », bien connue par les traitants du xvine siècle, les explorateurs du xixe et les ethnographes du xxe. Mlle Palau Marti a pu réunir ainsi de nombreux textes suggestifs dont elle a fait une analyse critique très complète; elle a elle-même recueilli des matériaux sur le terrain. Après cet exposé, viennent l'interprétation et la synthèse; c'est l'objet de la deuxième partie. La structure politique, les rituels, les pratiques de cour sont analysés et mis en relation avec la société, la religion, la conception-du monde exprimée par les mythes et les tra- ditions. Le roi apparaît finalement comme la clef de voûte de la nation, sa représentation et en même temps la conti- nuité et le symbole de l'univers. A la fois microcosme et macrocosme, dualité et unité. La royauté est « un tissu de symboles ». Le Roi est immortel et unique comme Dieu lui- même. Il est le Roi-Dieu. La divinité des empereurs romains n'a jamais été qu'un artifice. Ici elle exprime la religion la plus profonde, conditionnant et modelant l'existence même du corps social. Les temps sont passés; l'Afrique des petites patries tribales est morte; des frontières plus larges ont vu le jour et des nations modernes sont en gestation. Il n'y a plus de Roi-Dieu. Mais cet ouvrage montre ce qu'il a été, une des formes les plus puissantes de cohésion de l'Afrique ancienne, et peut- être du monde. Historiens et sociologues, Africains et curieux de tous continents y trouveront une abondante moisson de faits et une riche matière à réflexion. Hubert DESCHAMPS AVANT-PROPOS Je tiens à exprimer ma reconnaissance aux personnes et aux organismes qui, en France et en Afrique, ont encouragé mes recherches par leur aide morale et matérielle. Je dois remercier le Centre national de la Recherche scientifique tout d'abord, le Musée de l'Homme à Paris, l'IFAN du Dahomey ainsi que V Université d'Ibadan. Parmi les personnes, l'Oni d'Ifè, l'Alakétu et le roi de Porto-Novo se doivent d'être les premiers cités ; après eux, je remercie tous les autres informateurs africains, de modestes personnages souvent, mais combien aimables, combien patients, et non moins efficaces. Il va sans dire que la somme d'informations contenue dans le présent ouvrage provient, pour beaucoup, d'autres auteurs — anciens ou modernes, que j'indique dans la Bibliographie —; je me suis efforcée de faire un tri dans les sources d'information et, surtout, de les utiliser dans un esprit critique. Les conseils et les avis en cours de rédaction m'ont été très utiles et je désire citer, à cet égard, dans l'ordre alphabétique, MM. les Professeurs Balandier, Deschamps, Germaine Dieterlen, Hazoumé, Mercier, Métais, le Dr Pales, M. Serpos Tidjani et, enfin, mon cher maître à la Sorbonne, Roger Bastide dont le dévouement envers ses élèves est aussi proverbial que son attachement pour les gens et les choses d'Afrique. Pour ce qui a trait aux illustrations, l'Institut d'ethnologie de l'Université de Paris a bien voulu autoriser la reproduction de deux planches parues dans le livre de M. Waterlot; les autres documents cartographiques (plans et cartes) ont été exécutés au service de Muséographie du Musée de l'Homme et y ont travaillé MM. Gaillard et Mulette, ainsi que Michèle Robin. Toutes les photographies ont été prises en Afrique par moi-même. Les bibliothécaires ont fait preuve d'efficience et de désinté- ressement, notamment à la Bibliothèque de l'IFAN de Porto- Novo, à la University Library d'Ibadan, à la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris et à la Bibliothèque du Musée de l'Homme à laquelle m'unissent des liens de sympathie particuliers. Paris, novembre 1963 M. P. M. Première partie LES ROIS HISTORIQUES CHAPITRE I INTRODUCTION GÉNÉRALE Le thème du roi a tenté depuis longtemps les chercheurs qui se sont intéressés à l'Afrique. Seligman, Frobenius, Bau- mann, Frazer et autres, se sont penchés sur la question et ont émis quantité d'idées intéressantes sur le roi divin. L'institution du roi divin, puisqu'il s'agit bien d'un roi-dieu, semble se trouver partout en Afrique. Aussi, la tentation de faire une étude générale est grande. L'entreprise est cependant trop vaste et je limiterai ma recherche aux aires culturelles yoruba et aja. Le roi peut se définir comme un symbole, et la royauté un tissu de symboles. L'intronisation d'un roi met en action une grande quantité de rituels, certains exécutés en secret et connus uniquement d'un petit nombre de personnes. Les enquêtes sur la religion, les rituels en général et leur symbo- lisme, s'avèrent toujours longues et difficiles; le plus souvent, l'observateur doit se contenter de noter ce que les informateurs ont bien voulu, ou pu, lui communiquer. Déjà Norris, un négrier anglais qui prit quelque intérêt aux coutumes et à l'histoire du Dahomey qu'il visita à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, disait que « ... la stupidité des naturels est une barrière insurmontable contre les informations qu'exige cette étude ». Et, un peu plus loin : Il n'a pas été facile d'éviter de me servir des mots roi, général, palais & autres termes semblables afin que le lecteur pût me comprendre. Mais [...] il ne faut pas vouloir y attacher les mêmes idées qu'ils présentent ordinairement à l'esprit quand on parle d'un peuple civilisé; & les raisons que je viens de donner, feront trouver moins ridicule d'avoir attribué le nom de roi à un barbare brutal, ou d'avoir donné pompeusement celui de palais à un séjour qui a plul ôt l'air d'un chenil ou d'une écurie. Le même auteur nous décrit en ces termes le palais de Calamina, qui était l'une des résidences du roi du Dahomey (1) : Le tout ensemble a quelque ressemblance avec de longues granges couvertes de chaume, des cabanes pour retirer les trou- (1) NORRIS, Voyage ..., pp. 1-4. peaux, et des hangars pour les charrues, séparés les uns des autres par des murs de torchis peu élevés.
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