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Rodriguez-Dissertation-2018 CARVING SPACES FOR FEMINISM AND NATIONALISM: TEJANA ACTIVISM IN THE MATRIX OF SOCIAL UNREST, 1967-1978 _______________ A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History University of Houston _______________ In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy _______________ By Samantha M. Rodriguez December, 2018 CARVING SPACES FOR FEMINISM AND NATIONALISM: TEJANA ACTIVISM IN THE MATRIX OF SOCIAL UNREST, 1967-1978 _______________ An Abstract of a Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History University of Houston _______________ In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy _______________ By Samantha M. Rodriguez December, 2018 ABSTRACT This study investigates the ways Tejana feminists in Austin, Houston, and San Antonio, Texas straddled a commitment to feminism and ethnic self-determination within the broader nexus of the Chicana/o Movement, the Black Power Movement, and the mainstream Anglo Feminist Movement. I argue that Tejanas in the Mexican American Youth Organization and La Raza Unida Party navigated hyper-masculinity, cultivated homegrown community feminisms, and forged gender and race identities in the segregated South in the 1960s and 1970s. All too often, the Chicana/o Movement is evaluated in isolation from other parts of late-twentieth century protest, ethnic nationalism, and women’s liberation. Employing a relational approach that sheds light on the ways groups relate to and define themselves to others, this dissertation underscores the ways the Black Power Movement’s quest for confrontational dignity informed Tejanos’ hypermasculine rhetoric and praxis, which in turn fueled Tejanas’ anti-sexism stance. Additionally, I contend that Tejana experiences with paternalism and racism in the mainstream Anglo Feminist Movement bolstered their dedication to anti-racism. As community feminists, Tejanas merged anti-sexism and anti- racism to resist institutional and social segregation. They sought to empower women of color, to cultivate Chicana and Chicano Studies as well as bilingual and bicultural education, to promote sexual freedom and reproductive justice, and to end state-sponsored violence. This study contributes to the subfields of Chicana/o, Gender, and Relational Social Movements in the United States by highlighting the linkages among social movements, and the intersection of gender and race in Tejanas’ fights for freedom in the Juan Crow South. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION………………..…………………………………………………….….1 Historiography on Ethnic and Gender Liberation…………………………………8 Methodology….….….…………….…………………………………………...…15 Organization……………….……………………………………………………..18 A Note on Terminology………………………………………………………….20 CHAPTER 1: RELATIONAL BLACK AND BROWN POWER: MANHOOD, DIGNITY, AND TEJANA FEMINIST FORMATIONS………………………………………..…..22 Violence and Resistance in the Juan and Jim Crow South………………………27 Late-Twentieth Century Confrontational Dignity and Manhood in Power Movements……………………………………………………………………....37 Tejana Dignity Denied and Feminist Formations…..…………………………...55 CHAPTER 2: “LA NUEVA TEJANA”: FORGING HOMEGROWN COMMUNITY FEMINISMS THROUGH GRASSROOTS EDUCATIONAL ACTIVISM……………64 Education is Liberation: Ethnic Studies and the Transformation of Academia....68 Nueva Tejana Activism in Community-informed and Bi-cultural Public Education Spaces……………………………………………………………………………85 CHAPTER 3: YES, THE CHICANA WOMAN DOES WANT TO BE LIBERATED: COUNTERPUBLICS AND THE CORE TENETS OF TEJANA FEMINIST THOUGHT………………………………………………………………………………99 La Conferencia: Tejana Sexual Freedom and Reproductive Justice…………...103 La Conferencia and the Fight for Community-Controlled Institutions……...…117 Documenting La Chicana and Expanding Opportunities in Women’s Organizations…………………………………………………………………...124 Counterpublics, Images, and Intergenerational and Multidirectional Feminism.131 CHAPTER 4: WAITING FOR NO ONE: TEJANA INTERVENTIONS IN THIRD PARTY POLITICS IN THE 1970s……………………………………………………………....141 The Formation of a Chicana/o Third Party……………………………………..143 Early Tejana Interventions………………………………………………..…….154 Mujeres Por La Raza…………………..……………………………………….160 Recasting La Familia in the Electoral Sphere………………………………….165 Inter-ethnic Grassroots Campaigning…………………………………………..172 CHAPTER 5: ENCOUNTERS WITH THE MAINSTREAM ANGLO FEMINIST MOVEMENT: AFFIRMING COMMUNITY FEMINISMS AMID RACISM AND PATERNALISM………………….…………………………………………………….177 Tejanas and the National Women’s Political Caucus…………………………...181 Community Feminisms and The National Women’s Conference…….…..…….192 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………..211 v BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………..…217 vi Introduction “There has always been feminism in our ranks and there will continue to be as long as Chicanas live and breathe in the movement, but we must see to it that we specify philosophical direction and that our feminist expression will be our own and coherent with our Raza’s goals in cultural areas which are ours.” Martha Cotera, “The Chicana Feminist”1 Evangelina “Vangie” Vigil Piñon was born in 1949, and raised in the Westside of San Antonio. She left her hometown in 1968 to attend Prairie View A&M University (PVAMU), the historically Black university located 45 miles from downtown Houston, Texas. Being “plucked out of a Mexican barrio in San Antonio and placed in a Black environment,” she became “aware of [her] culture and [her] social identity.”2 At PVAMU, amidst the protests that defined the late-twentieth century, Vigil Piñon was exposed to the Black Power Movement message of “say it loud; I’m Black and I’m proud.”3 When she transferred to the University of Houston (UH) in 1971, she became involved in the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO) and La Raza Unida Party (LRUP), two organizations that had their origin in the same moment of social and political upheaval. As she became more politically engaged at UH, she connected her Chicana/o Movement activism with the readings in African American literature she encountered in her time at UH. Aware of the history of brutal lynching of ethnic Mexicans in the Southwestern borderlands and the segregation of races in the South, Vigil Piñon was dedicated to racial justice and embraced the belief in ethnic self- determination—the right for an ethnic group to determine their own political, cultural, educational, social, and economic future—espoused by activists around her. For Vigil Piñon 1 Martha P. Cotera, The Chicana Feminist (Austin: Information Systems Development, 1977), 12. 2 Evangelina “Vangie” Vigil Piñon, interview by author, July 27, 2015, audio recording, Houston, TX. 3 Vigil Piñon, interview. 1 and other Tejanas/os, the African American struggle against racial discrimination and for self-determination mirrored their own. During those college years, Vigil Piñon became invested not only in the ethnic dimensions of self-determination, but also advocated for gender liberation. As an artist and literature major, she wrote her own corridos, or ethnic Mexican ballads, about the “strength and power of Chicanas” and the “assertion of her rights.”4 For Vigil Piñon, the women’s movement she became more familiar with as a UH student was an important struggle, but it was not her introduction to feminism. She had long been influenced by strong Tejanas in her family who taught her to not accept injustices against women. In many respects, she already felt like a liberated woman before she was exposed to the women’s movement in college. Her sense of gender liberation was bolstered by witnessing women in MAYO vocalizing their perspectives and starting women’s organizations such as Mujeres Unidas, which focused on Tejana issues. Tejanas in MAYO challenged hypermaculinity and the idea that only men could hold leadership roles. Vigil Piñon was also influenced by Chicana feminist literature that raised questions about how ethnic Mexican women fit in the women’s movement at large. She and others “felt the need to project the women’s movement from [their] own perspective,” and tap into the revolutionary thoughts and actions of ethnic Mexican female leaders and strategists.5 According to Vigil Piñon, Tejanas “had to fight on two fronts: within our own culture and then as minorities.”6 As noted by Tejana feminist activist Marta Cotera in 1977, Tejana feminist expressions were their own and aligned with community freedom. 4 Vigil Piñon, interview. 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 2 This sentiment resonated for women like Vigil Piñon and other Tejanas who saw their liberation rooted in their experiences as women of color and as members of a community pursuing ethnic self-determination. This dissertation examines the ways Tejanas in Austin, Houston, and San Antonio, Texas straddled a commitment to racial self-determination and gender liberation within the nexus of the Chicana/o Movement, the Black Power Movement, and the mainstream Anglo Feminist Movement. I contend that within the context of late-twentieth century protest, ethnic nationalism, and women’s liberation, Tejanas in MAYO and LRUP found ways to navigate hypermasculinity, cultivate homegrown community feminisms, and forge gender and race identities in the segregated South. All too often, the Chicana/o Movement is evaluated in isolation from other parts of the Civil Rights Movement. Employing a relational approach, my work underscores the ways the Black Power Movement’s quest for confrontational dignity informed Tejanos’ hypermasculine rhetoric and praxis, which in turn fostered Tejanas’ anti-sexism stance. Additionally,
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