/Abstract / Analysis of the sixteenth- and seventeenth- of Brethren” church in Mladá Boleslav, seat of one - century Czech environment enables study of the of the bishoprics). At the same time, ties to Roman specifics of sacred architecture in post-Reforma- prototypes are observed among Catholics in the case tion Europe and, more broadly, of the problem of of , the seat of bishops of , where the “confessionalization” of Early Modern architec- “confessional architecture” became a special tool ture. Several sacred buildings, both Catholic and of the Counter - Reformation. non- Catholic, were founded with special reference to the remarkable environment of , which, / Keywords / Confessional Architecture, Architectu­ in the sixteenth century, enjoyed renewed vita­li­ ral Patronage, Unity of Brethren, Mladá Boleslav, ty­ as a central source of artistic and religious work. Olomouc As such, Rome, for various reasons, inspired the churches of two religious groups : Catholics and the Ondřej Jakubec Unity of Brethren, a unique denomination in Czech Department of Art History lands. The most remarkable example serves the Masaryk University in Unity of Brethren ( later called “Rome of the Unity [email protected]

250 Roman References in Early Modern Central European Confessional Architecture Ondřej Jakubec

The Confessionalization of Art as a Research Issue

The subject of the “confessionalization” of Early as the 1980s 3. Although its essence linking religious Modern architecture or the specifics of sacred archi­ pressure to the principles for building the modern tecture in post-Reformation Europe is un­doubt­ state and asserting state and Church power is often edly an important current topic, albeit one whose challenged, many aspects of this theory are still formulation is only in the nascent stages1. However, instructive. Above all, it remains valid that we see emerging right from the beginning is the method- on many levels in sixteenth-century Europe a great ological problem of the relevance of the conscious variety of confessional policies reflecting the rich application of art forms and architecture in a con- forms and dynamic of religious life in individual fessionally- polemical or manifestation sense. This social environments. Despite all of the criticism, it mainly concerns denominationally divided central seems that even the confessionalization thesis of Europe in the sixteenth century at a time when Heinz Schilling and Wolfgang Reinhard included con­fes­­sional-political borders remained undefined. to a certain extent these circles of issues, focusing in It was not until the Peace of Westphalia that the a stimulating manner not only on the political but religious map of central Europe was firmly drawn also the social and cultural dimension of the issue. for years to come 2, although this naturally did not It can therefore be interesting for an art his- mean that no interesting interactions occurred along torian that Reinhard’s “seven aspects”4 of confes- the borders. Prior to this time, all religious or reli- sionalization include a number of subjects that can gious -political factions sought the greatest degree of hegemony in this multi- confessional (most often 1 Susanne Wegmann, Gabriele Wimböck, Konfessionen im Kirchenraum. Dimensionen des Sakralraums in der Frühen Neuzeit, Korb 2007; Heinz bi-confessional) environment, a process that was Schilling , “Urban architecture and ritual in confessional Europe”, in accompanied in many places by numerous conflicts Religion and Cultural Exchange in Europe, 1400 –1700, Heinz Schilling, István György Tóth eds, Cambridge 2006, pp. 116 –137. as well as interesting forms of confessional coexis- 2 Im Glanz des Friedens. Kunst und Könige in Westfalen, Elke Werner ed., tence. The extent to which this was also reflected in Münster 1998; 30jähriger Krieg, Münster und der Westfälische Frieden, Hans Galen ed., Münster 1998; 1648: Krieg und Frieden in Europa, Klaus art, or how much the actual form of art contributed Bussmann, Heinz Schilling eds, Münster 1998. to this confessional rivalry or differentiation, is 3 Jörg Deventer, “‘Confessionalization’ – a Useful Theoretical Concept for the Study of Religion, Politics, and Society in Early Modern East- Cen- a fundamental question. German historiography tral Europe? ”, European Review of History, xi (2004), pp. 403 – 425. attempted to resolve this issue using the concept 4 Wolfgang Reinhard, “Zwang zur Konfessionalisierung? Prolegom- ena zu einer Theorie des konfessionellen Zeitalters”, Zeitschrift für of confessionalization (Konfessionalisierung) as early historische Forschung, x (1983), pp. 263 –266. 251 be followed in visual material – the promotion of religious convictions, cults and beliefs through iconographic representations (art as a catechism medium), as well as their use in the promotion of confessional­ identity (art as a tool of religious propaganda). Similarly,­ some artworks can be per- ceived as a form of joint identity within a specific community or, in contrast, as a means of differenti- ation from other “confessional cultures”5 and societ- ies (art as a means of communication). The roles of religious monuments and art, just like “confessional spatial structure” in the environment of central Eu- rope’s denominationally divided towns, must be re- garded as a key topic in this debate. This approach was recently directly applied by Heinz Schilling in his study on the confes­sional-architectural topog- raphy of Early Modern towns in central Europe. His thesis assumes that “architectural sterility and invariability” prevailed in Protestant towns; on the other hand, he defined Catholic sacred architecture as distinctive islands with demonstrative and imagi- native new forms 6. Similarly, Anna Ohlidal recently traced the confessionality of architectural topogra- phy in 7. She correctly pointed out that the issue includes not only the buildings themselves, i. e. their form, but also the space they defined and cre- ated, which is above all social space. Church build- ings firmly tied to ritualised forms of behaviour and gathering played an important confessionally constitutive, demonstrative and manipulative role in this urban space 8. This study will definitely not attempt a com- plete analysis of the phenomenon of confessional architecture in the sixteenth century 9. Instead, it will attempt to use several examples to point out the possibilities that this art history issue offers. The starting point will be the Czech environment in the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth century and several sacred buildings 1 / Matteo Borgorelli, ground plan related to the environment of Rome in a clear and of the church of Unity of Brethren, Brandýs nad Labem, 1541–1542 interesting manner. Both non- Catholic and Catholic architecture will be studied, and it will be shown 2 / Matteo Borgorelli, ground plan of that the remarkable environment of Rome, which St Havel, Mladá Boleslav, 1555 in the sixteenth century again became a central 3 / Ground plan, church of The Unity and reference location for artistic and religious of Brethren, Mladá Boleslav, 1553 work in Early Modern Europe, could for various

4 / Interior of Sant’Onofrio at reasons inspire both main religious groups. In ad­ Gianicolo, Rome, 1434 –1444 dition to Catholic churches, the paper also looks at the churches of the Unity of Brethren as a unique denomination in the Czech lands. The aim of this article is quite modest – an outline of the problem of various responses to Rome by representatives of different denominational groups around 1600 in confessionally divided Central-Europe. The key point is that the “Roman inspirations” could comprise concrete artistic forms as well as set of religious ideas, which could refer to historicist as well as actual motifs. The paper thus focuses more than on concrete examples and comparisons on the general idea of diversity of inspiration, adaptation and transformation of the Roman inspiration sources and their intricate impact on Early Modern Central Europe.

The Unity of Brethren and its church in Mladá Boleslav as a reflection of an Early Christian basilica

The Unity of Brethren was established in Bo- hemia in the middle of the fifteenth century as a unique denomination returning to the principles of the radical Hussite reformation10. At the same

5 Thomas Kaufmann, Dreißigjähriger Krieg und Westfälischer Friede. Kirch- engeschichtliche Studien zur lutherischen Konfessionskultur, Tübingen 1998. 6 Heinz Schilling, “Die konfessionelle Stadt – eine Problemskizze”, in Historische Anstöße. Festschrift für Wolfgang Reinhard zum 65. Geburtstag am 10. April 2002, Peter Burschel [et al.] eds, Berlin 2002, pp. 60 – 83. 7 Anna Ohlidal, “Kirchenbau in der multikonfessionellen Stadt. Zur konfessionellen Prägung und Besetzung des städtischen Raums in den Prager Städten um 1600”, in Stadt und Religion in der Frühen Neuzeit. Soziale Ordnungen und ihre Repräsentationen, Vera Isaiasz [et al.] eds, Frankfurt am Main 2007, pp. 79 – 80. A similar opin- ion for Central Europe in general was also formulated by Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, Toward a Geography of Art, Chicago/ London 2004, pp. 246 – 262. On the confessionality of Lutheran architecture in the Czech lands based on the example of Prague Lutheran churches, see Kai Wenzel, “Abgrenzung durch Annäherung – Überlegungen zu Kirchenbau und Malerei in Prag im Zeitalter der Konfessionalis- ierung”, , xliv (2003), pp. 29 – 66. 8 Zoe Opačić maps this phenomenon for medieval towns, see Zoe Opačić, “’s Heiltumstuhl. The Sacred Topography of Stephansplatz and Its Context”, Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, lxii (2014), pp. 81–108. 9 For example, the semiotic interpretation of architecture is addressed in general in Art and Architecture in the Service of Politics, Henry A. Millon, Linda Nochlin eds, Cambridge ma 1978; Politische Architektur in Eu- ropa vom Mittelalter bis heute. Repräsentation und Gemeinschaft, Martin Warncke ed., Cologne 1984; Ikonographie und Ikonologie mittelalterlicher Architektur, Wolfgang Schenkluhn ed., Halle an der Saale 1999. 10 Rudolf Říčan, The History of the Unity of Brethren: A Protestant Hussite Church in Bohemia and Moravia, Bethlehem pa, 1992. Reviewed by Thomas A. Fudge, “Review of Rudolf Říčan, The History of the Unity of Brethren: A Protestant Hussite Church in Bohemia and Moravia”, Communio viatorum. A theological journal, xxxvi (1994), pp. 62 – 68. From recent literature: Unitas Fratrum 1457– 2007. Jednota bratrská jako kul- turní a duchovní fenomén, Martin Wernisch ed., Jihlava 2007; Jednota bratrská 1457– 2007, Jindřich Halama ed., Přerov 2007. On the theology of the Czech Brethren, see Craig D. Atwood, The Theology of the Czech Brethren from Hus to Comenius, University Park 2009. 253 time, it separated itself from the established and its impressive church, school (“studiorum universa legal Hussite church – the Utraquists, and due to Carmelitana schola”), seminary and printing press, its distinct position and teachings 11, but especially the town represented a major centre of this reform its uncompromising denominational-reformation denomination12. Many Unity of Brethren synods stance, acquired many adversaries. This included were held in Mladá Boleslav, and it was no coinci- not only Catholics, but also Utraquists and, later, dence that in 1530 the town was the site of a public Lutherans, who accused all of them of heresy. The baptism of thirty nobles as a manifestation of the Unity of Brethren went through a number of phases new outward approach of the Brethren and the in its development; until the definitive victory of the increasing influence of aristocratic patronage. It is Catholic Habsburgs in the Czech lands at the begin- therefore natural that sixteenth - century opponents ning of the seventeenth century, the Brethren went referred to this denomination not as the Unity of from a dissident church operating in an eremitical Brethren but as the “Boleslav church ”13. The subject manner in the countryside to an important group of this work is the church of the Unity of Brethren with an advanced system of church organisation, in Mladá Boleslav that was consecrated on Easter schools and, above all, support from the social elite. 1554, a building that is unique among the Brethren’s The Unity of Brethren was active in dozens of church architecture and in the context of central locations, especially in the domains of religiously European architecture of the period. sympathetic aristocrats; however, only a few towns Before the middle of the century, the Unity of serving as the seats of bishops had the status of ex- Brethren built two large churches in the Krajíř traordinary intellectual centres with an adequate ar- of Krajek domain in central Bohemia. These were chitectural base. Apart from Litomyšl, the only other acts that indicated the denomination’s foothold in location in Bohemia with this status was Mladá the domain, the holder of which had adopted the Boleslav / Fig. 5 /, a town owned by the Krajíř of Brethren faith. A church was built in Brandýs nad Krajek noble family, who were prominent Brethren Labem in 1541–1542, while more than a decade patrons. Beginning in 1489, Mladá Boleslav was later another even larger one was built in the bish- 254 linked to the first supporters of the Brethren; with op’s seat of Mladá Boleslav. Both buildings were 5 / Johann Willenberger, view of Mladá Boleslav, drawing , before 1602

reportedly created by Matteo Borgorelli (Bargorolis, tivity of the church was renewed in 1553, which is Borigalli, Brogeralis) da Castello († 1572), a native when construction of the church apparently began. of Porlezza in the Ticino region on the Italian-Swiss The completed building was consecrated on Good border, from where numerous builders and masons Friday in 1554. However, under pressure from King arrived in central Europe. Referred to in sources Ferdinand i, the church was closed just one year as “Master Mathes Italus ” or “ Matthias of Milan”, later and the brothers were forced into seclusion. he even built a house for himself in Brandýs in the Consistent with its own teachings, the church in- middle of the sixteenth century and in the end died terpreted the situation as God’s punishment for the in the town.14 In addition to buildings for Arnošt sins of the Brethren17. The epilogue to the building Krajíř of Krajek, his large construction group later activities of Arnošt Krajíř in Mladá Boleslav came built royal chateaux in central Bohemia. Despite in 1555, the year of his death, with the Church its modest size, the first church in Brandýs nad of St Havel and a cemetery designed by Matteo Labem15 demonstrates the basic type of his work, which is relatively unique in the local environment. 11 David Holeton, “Church or Sect? : The Jednota bratrská and the Growth of Dissent from Mainline Utraquism”, Communio viatorum. A theological The barrel-vaulted pseudo-basilica with three rows journal, xxxviii (1996), pp. 5 – 35. 12 The only monograph was produced by Amadeo Molnár, Boleslavští of pews and with tribunes has a nearly square plan Bratří [Brethren of Boleslav] , Prague 1952. and a semi-circular apse on the east end / Fig. 1/. The 13 A typical example is the title of the polemical treatise by the Bohemian Jesuit Václav Šturm (1533 –1601) entitled Srownánij Wijry a Včenij apse copies the width of the entire nave, enhancing bratřij starssijch kteřij sebe sami zákona Krystowa a ginijge Waldénskými an interesting spatial effect. In this sense it is very a Boleslawskými ginij pak Pikharty gmenugij, Litomyšl 1582. 14 Encyklopedie architektů, stavitelů, zedníků a kameníků v Čechách [Ency- similar to the monastic Sant’Onofrio at Gianicolo clopedia of Czech Architects, building-masters, and stonemasons], (1434 –1444), which is characteristic of the architec- Pavel Vlček ed., Prague 2004, pp. 73 – 73. Jarmila Krčálová, “Kostelní stavby Mattea Borgorelliho” [The Churches of Matteo Borgorelli] , 16 ture of the Roman Quattrocento / Fig. 4 / . Umění, iii (1955), pp. 139 –152. The Unity of Brethren church in Mladá Boleslav 15 Ferdinand Hrejsa, Sborové Jednoty bratrské [The Seats and Churches of the Unity of Brethren], Prague 1935, pp. 25 –26. was a new structure built on land donated by Arnošt 16 Ludwig Heydenreich, “ The Quattrocento”, in Architecture in Italy, Krajíř in 1544. Following a short closure and the 1400 to 1600, Ludwig Heydenreich, Wolfgang Lotz eds, Harmand- sworth 1974, pp. 53 – 54. persecution of the community after 1547, the ac- 17 Molnár, “Boleslavští Bratří” (n. 12), p. 190. 255 Borgorelli as a simple structure with a single row of pews and with a large semi-circular apse that served as Arnošt’s tomb / Fig. 2 /. Both churches in Brandýs and the Church of St Havel work on a smaller scale with similar forms and typologies that are fully developed in the church in Mladá Boleslav, designated characteristically as the “great church”18. The spacious pseudo-basilica has a large semi-circular apse as wide as the nave with a barrel vault with lunettes / Fig. 3 /. The tribunes above the side aisles are supported by massive cylindrical pillars that divide the space below. The church has very austere ornamentation in keeping with the Brethren principles of “pure divine services”, i. e. without paintings, altars and statues. The lone decorative elements are the sgraffito in the vault and painted ornament on the pillars and at the end of the apse, where they combine with the builder’s coats of arms and especially quotes from the Bible, moral phrases and Brethren hymns. The presence of these song texts in the sacred space is a strong reflection of the prominent role of singing in the Brethren liturgy 19. The impressive church interior with a broad nave flowing into the apse can also be related to the Brethren liturgy 20, which returned to the radical Hussite tradition with an emphasis on sermon and song. The grand and intensely illumi- nated space of the apse, the site of the Eucharistic ritual, also underscored the celebratory (not theat- rical) nature of the rite. The character of the liturgy was determined primarily by the texts of the Broth- er Lukáš, bishop in Mladá Boleslav. These texts established the simplicity and unpretentiousness of the liturgy while emphasising the centrality of the Eucharist in its “potency ”, “sacramentality ” and “authenticity ” (the sacrament works as “efficaciter, sacramentaliter et vere”), through which the Holy Spirit works 21. The uniformity of the space also reflected the conviction that during the liturgy the unity of the congregation appears as a community 6 / Detail of the church of The Unity of Brethren church, Mladá Boleslav of God’s chosen people, which is a typical trait of non-Catholic Gemeindetheologie 22. Of equal interest 7 / Church of The Unity of Brethren is the exterior of the building, the powerful forms of church, Mladá Boleslav, 1553 which have a monumental and austere effect, which 8 / Front of the church of The Unity of is consistent with the description of the church by Brethren church, Mladá Boleslav, 1553 a period chronicler as “costly and finely vaulted”23.

9 / Basilica of Santa Sabina, Aventine The end of the church with the cylindrical apse Hill, Rome, c. 422– 433 rising to the cornice is especially imposing / Fig. 7/. The church also became a dominant feature in the panorama of the town / Fig. 6 /. Although the front of the church / Fig. 8/ lacks the power of simplicity, it is topped by an interesting terraced gable with volutes and a remarkable trapezoidal central field reminis- cent of one of the first Renaissance church facades in Rome at the Basilica of Sant’Agostino (1479 –1483). This feature lends a distinctive form to the church in Mladá Boleslav, which is even unique as one of the first independent non- Catholic churches in Europe as a whole 24. An interpretation of these churches requires a closer understanding of the ideological underpinnings of the Unity of Brethren denomination. Key themes for the Unity of Brethren derive from its status as an entirely new church which, unlike Hussite Utraquism, was not tied to the papal tradition of the Catholic Church. In con- trast, it strove like every radical reform denomi- nation to return to the ideal roots of the “church of Christ”. Brothers, who considered themselves chosen by God, clearly defined this as an attempt to “renew and restore faith through the power and wis- dom of the Holy Spirit ”25. One of the visible mani- festations of this reformist return to the roots was the naming of the main seats of the Unity of Breth- ren after Near East biblical sites : Litomyšl became Olivetská hora (Mount of Olives), Mladá Boleslav be- came Karmel (Mount Carmel), Dřevohostice became Sarepta and Přerov became Hebron 26. These external

18 Molnár, “Boleslavští Bratří” (n. 12), p. 182. 19 Ibidem, p. 50. 20 On the Unity of Brethren liturgy, see Tabita Landová, Liturgie Jednoty bratrské (1457–1620) [The Liturgy of the Unity of Brethren], Červený Kostelec 2015. 21 František M. Dobiáš, Učení Jednoty bratrské o večeři Páně [The Teaching of the Unity of Brethren on the Communion], Prague 1940, p. 72; Jindřich Halama, “Večeře Páně v Jednotě bratrské a jednota církve” [The Communion in the Unity of Brethren, and the Unity of the Church], Getsemany, cxxi (2001), see [http://www.getsemany.cz/ node/316]. 22 Wolfgang Brückner, Lutherische Bekenntnisgemälde des 16. bis 18. Jahrhun- derts. Die illustrierte Confessio Augustana, Regensburg 2007, p. 148. 23 Quoted from Anna Císařová-Kolářová, “Na Karmeli” [On Mount Carmel], Jednota bratrská, xxix (1952), p. 73. 24 According to J. Krčálová, the churches in Brandýs and Mladá Boleslav are in fact the very first buildings of their kind in Europe, see Jarmila Krčálová, “Renesanční architektura v Čechách a na Moravě” [ The Architecture of Renaissance in Bohemia and Moravia], in Dějiny českého výtvarného umění ii/1 [The History of the Visual Arts in Bohemia], Jiří Dvorský ed., Prague 1989, p. 53. 25 “Hned jsem k Vám dnes naschvalí poslíka svého vypravil”. Kněžská kore- spondence Jednoty bratrské z českých diecézí z let 1610 –1680 [ The Priests´ Correspondence of the Unity of Brethren from Czech dioceses], Jiří Just, Markéta Klosová, Martin Steiner eds, Prague 2001, p. 16. 26 Jiří Lapáček, “O bratrském sboru a domě anebo jednota bratrská v Přerově” [On the seat and church of the Unity of Brethren in Přerov], Sborník Státního okresního archivu Přerov, 2013, pp. 25 –100, sp. p. 86. 257 attributes naturally highlighted the theological Cyril and Methodius) and places this tradition in biblical historicism of the Unity of Brethren while sharp contrast to Roman Catholicism, which un- also being manifestations of the true and exclu- justly sought dominance in the territory 31. Brother sive Christian (Christ’s) community. It is therefore Lukáš, later the spiritual administrator in Mladá hardly surprising that later historiography refers Boleslav (1494 –1528), prominent organiser and to Mladá Boleslav as the “Rome of the Unity of theologian known as the “second founder of the Brethren”27. This metaphor not only indicates the Unity of Brethren”, continued the journeys by dominant role of the town as a spiritual centre of travelling­ to the south of France and Italy 32. His the Unity of Brethren; the choice of the name also motivation was to meet and connect with isolated clearly underscores the conscious and intentional Waldensian communities with which the Brethren historical affinity toward Rome as a traditional sym- originally wanted to join. On this trip he also went bol of the original church. Nevertheless, it is only to Rome, where he visited churches, making special a historiographical metaphor, just like the desig- note of Early Christian temples 33. nation of the new church in Mladá Boleslav as the Therefore, could Rome and its churches have “Brethren Pantheon”28. been the inspiration for the later Brethren church It was precisely this search for support and traces in Mladá Boleslav? Although a direct connection of the “true church” which the Brethren joined that is extremely difficult to prove, architectural forms became the subject of intense reflections and ac- could have been adopted in a variety of ways 34. tivities of its members at the end of the fifteenth Earlier literature already stated that the Unity of century. In the words of Comenius, the last bishop the Brethren church in Mladá Boleslav intention- of the Unity of Brethren, their goal was to “search ally evokes Early Christian buildings, thus indi- somewhere for a group of people serving Christ in cating their reformist ideal of the early Church of the true way with whom they could join as the true Christ 35. Historicising thinking and models of ear- church of Christ”29. In the spring of 1491, four of lier architecture were truly used in confessionally the brothers left Litomyšl and travelled together to divided Europe 36. A domestic example is the way Constantinople. They separated once they arrived the Jesuits in their modifications of the Church of there and set off on their own to Greece, Asia Minor, St Salvatore in Prague at the end of the sixteenth Egypt and Moscow. These trips were the result of a century evoked the Church of the Holy Sepulchre conscious break with the Roman Catholic tradition with the Holy Sepulchre Chapel (Anastáseōs) in and also the need to find suitable bishops to ordain Jerusalem37. However, in the case of Mladá Boleslav their own ministers. Therefore, they first considered the authors mostly suggest only a general affiliation certain eastern churches. In addition to diplomatic with Early Christian models, through which the journeys to the Balkans and to Moscow, they also Unity of Brethren was to express its connection to weighed a possible connection with Armenia, and the ideal of the apostolic church 38. Only Jarmila some members even clung to the mythical notion of Krčálová suggested that the tribunes tied the church the Kingdom of Priester John in the Far East (“in the to the Basilica of Sant’Ambrogio in Milan, a compari- Indian lands”)30. This concept of affiliation with the son that is merely superficial and imprecise. Due to Eastern Church, which the Brethren thought to be the semi-circular apse, some researchers trace the closer than the western papacy to Christ’s teachings inspiration for the Brethren church to the Balkans, of the original church, remained strong in the Unity in Thessaloniki (the Church of St Demetrius), which of Brethren and was even confirmed by Comenius the members of the Brethren could also have visited in his treatise Ecclesiae slavonicae ab ipsis apostolis on their travels 39. Still, the search for a direct link fundata (…) brevis historia from the beginning of between Brethren teachings and the architectural the seventeenth century, which provided a concise form of their church need not be at all clear. After all, summary of the (true) Church culminating in the the Brethren’s rejection of luxury and ostentation is Unity of the Brethren. In his work, Comenius pos- well known 40. Moreover, founder Arnošt Krajíř un- tulates a connection between the Czech lands and doubtedly played a role in Mladá Boleslav, as is also 258 the East (ever since the arrival of the missionaries documented by the inscriptions and decoration in the church (although not until around 1581), which, of the Antichrist ”47. While returning to the idea of along with the crests, highlight the importance of the original church, the Unity of Brethren similarly this family as the patron of the church 41. On the other hand, it is impossible to deny the 27 Císařová-Kolářová, “Na Karmeli” (n. 23), p. 74. 28 Emil Edgar, “Velký sbor mladoboleslavský” [The Great Church in connection between the church in Mladá Boleslav Mladá Boleslav], Jednota bratrská, xxx (1953), p. 60. and Early Christian churches, albeit only on the level 29 Jan Amos Komenský, Stručná historie církve slovanské [A Brief History of the Slavonic Church], Josef Hendrich ed., Prague 1941, p. 47. of citation. Although a large apse was already found 30 Karolina Justová, Tůma Přeloučský. Muž znamenitý, kterýž jiné in Constantine architecture (old St Peter’s Basilica)42, převyšoval, Prague 2011, pp. 34 –35. 31 See Kamil Krofta, O bratrském dějepisectví [On the Historical Writings the motif of a dominant apse in the full width of the of the Unity of Brethren], Prague 1946, pp. 194 –195. nave is universal. However, one building attracts 32 Císařová-Kolářová, “Na Karmeli” (n. 23), p. 73. Brethren represen- tatives continued their religious-diplomatic missions, especially to interest at first glance: the Basilica ofSanta Sabina on Central Europe and the Calvinist regions: Cesty českých bratří Matěje Červenky a Jana Blahoslava [The Travels of Czech Brethern Matěj the Aventine Hill in Rome (ca. 422 – 433). The exteri- Červenka and Jan Blahoslav], Timoteus Zelinka ed., Prague 1942; or is already highly similar to the church in Mladá Věra Pospíšilová, “Cesty Jednoty bratrské” [The Travelling of the Unity of Bretren], in Cesty a cestování v jazyce a literatuře, Dobrava Boleslav, despite the fact that the Roman church is Moldanová ed., Ústí nad Labem 1995, pp. 75 – 77. a true basilica / Fig. 9 /. Still, the austere shape of the 33 Molnár, “Boleslavští Bratří” (n. 12), p. 43; Edgar, “Velký sbor” (n. 28), p. 58. building and its massive cylindrical apse create the 34 Mario Carpo, Architecture in the Age of Printing. Orality, Writing, same impression. And while the interior is different, Typography, and Printed Images in the History of Architectural Theory, Cambridge ma 2001; Mario Carpo, “How do you imitate a building it is still subordinate to the dominant semi-circular that you have never seen? Printed images, ancient models, and space of the apse at the end of the building. Addi- handmade drawings in Renaissance architectural theory”, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, lxiv (2001), pp. 223 –233. tional comparisons are complicated by the fact that 35 Jarmila Krčálová, “Kostely české a moravské renesance: Příspěvek k the current appearance of Santa Sabina dates to the jejich typologii“ [The Churches of Czech ansd Moravian Renaissance], Umění, xxix (1981), pp. 1– 35, sp. p. 18. 43 reconstruction in the 1920s , but also because the 36 Viktor Kotrba, “Die nachgotische Baukunst Böhmens zur Zeit church in Mladá Boleslav now differs from its orig- Rudolfs ii”, Umění, xviii (1970), pp. 298 – 332; Ondřej Jakubec, “Modal- ita a konfesionalita sakrálních staveb v českých zemích 16. a počátku inal form. Nothing is known about its furnishings, 17. století” [The Modes and Confessional Aspects of the Churches in Bohemia and Moravia around 1600], in In puncto religionis. Konfesní the precise form of the liturgy or even the function dimenze předbělohorské kultury Čech a Moravy, Kateřina Horníčková, of its individual parts (e. g., did the tribunes serve as Michal Šroněk eds, Prague 2013, pp. 49 –72. 37 Krčálová, “Renesanční architektura” (n. 24), p. 54. a place for the choir or was the space a matroneum?). 38 Edgar, “Velký sbor” (n. 28), pp. 57– 60; Artur Kwaśniewski, “Retro­ It will be difficult to confirm the direct influ- spektywne­ tendencje architektury ziem królestwa czeskiego w dobie renesansu (1500 –1650). Uwagi o sensie ideowym konwencji sty- ence of Santa Sabina or other Roman buildings in lowych”, in Slezsko – země Koruny české. Historie a kultura 1300 –1740, the Brethren church in Mladá Boleslav. Howev- Helena Dáňová, Lenka Stolárová eds, Prague 2008, p. 642; Erich Bachmann, “Architektur und Sakrallandschaft”, in Bohemia Sacra. Das er, merely noting this similarity is sufficient, as is Christentum in Böhmen, 973 – 1973, Ferdinand Seibt ed., Düsseldorf the knowledge that the proximity of forms could 1974, p. 499. Iveta Tůmová summarises this opinion in Chrámové stavby Jednoty bratrské v Čechách a na Moravě. [The Churches of the have had a parallel in the ideological return of the Unity of Brethren] ma Thesis, Palacký University, Olomouc 2013, Brethren to the apostolic Early Christian tradition pp. 8 –11. 39 Pavel Vlček mentions the influence of Thessaloniki, see Pavel Vlček, (Matěj Cyrus, a bishop of the Unity of Brethren in “Renesanční kostely” [The Renaissance Churches], in Umění české the beginning of the seventeenth century wrote reformace (1380 –1620) [The Art of the Czech Reformation], Kateřina Horníčková, Michal Šroněk eds, Prague 2010, pp. 245 –259, sp. p. 248. clearly that the Unity follows “exemplo prophetarum 40 Michal Šroněk, “Visual Culture and the Unity of Brethren: ‘Do 44 not make unto yourselves graven images…’”, in Public Commu- et apostolorum”) . Nevertheless, the role of Rome nication in European Reformation. Artistic and other Media in Central in this regard is double-edged. It is necessary to Europe 1380 –1620, Milena Bartlová, Michal Šroněk eds, Prague 2007, pp. 335 – 370. remember that for the Unity of Brethren and its 41 Idem, “‘Neučiníš sobě rytiny…’ Jednota bratrská a výtvarná kultu- theology, Rome and the moral decadence of the ra” [The Unity of Brethren and the Visual Culture], in Umění české reformace (1380 –1620), Kateřina Horníčková, Michal Šroněk eds, Roman Catholic Church represented the turn of Prague 2011, pp. 311–313. the secularised Church from Christ’s message 45. For 42 Michael Gough, The Origins of Christian Art, London 1973, p. 57. 43 Callogero Bellanca, La basilica di Santa Sabina e gli interventi di Antonio Brethren theology it was simple: “The Pope is the Muñoz, Rome 1999. greatest heretic, the greatest Antichrist and seducer 44 “Hned jsem k Vám…” (n. 25), p. 134, nr. 45. 45 Justová, “Tůma Přeloučský” (n. 30), pp. 97–100. 46 of Christian people” . In his summary of reform 46 For the polemical treatise Notice of Brother Simon the Fourth, again churches, Comenius also found Rome to be the to Father Thomas, 1507, see Ibidem, p. 176. 47 Jan Amos Komenský, Historie o těžkých protivenstvích církve české [A His- “Babylonian beast” and the source of the “tempest tory of Hard Adversity of the Czech Church], Prague 1952, p. 236. 259 condemned the Donation of Constantine to Pope Catholic architecture and Sylvester i, which “poured poison into the Holy its Roman inspiration Church”. Later Roman popes carried the curse of this secularisation of the Church, and they could Ties to Italian and Roman prototypes are less not be regarded as the successors of St Peter, who, surprising among Catholics. Modern forms and a according to the reformers, never actually entered lavish Roman quality are seen above all in emblemat- Rome 48. According to this Sylvester legend, only ic buildings, particularly the sacred structures of the one of Sylvester’s associates did not succumb to Jesuits, for whom central and eastern Europe were a Constantine’s temptation, and he and his succes- missionary and battle line (e. g. churches in Krakow sors, whose genealogy led all the way to Peter Wal- and Lviv) 52. However, the Roman inspiration need do, lived in poverty and seclusion. The Unity of not always be related to a precise artistic form, as it Brethren enthusiastically embraced this idea of was not for that matter in Mladá Boleslav. This can Sylvester’s betrayal and the subsequent identifica- also been seen in Olomouc, a royal town, diocese tion of the pope with the Antichrist 49. The building metropolis and a centre of Moravia (part of the Czech of Santa Sabina was, of course, a product of “papal Crown Lands along with the Kingdom of Bohemia Rome ”, however, it could be hardly expected that and Silesia). Olomouc was a typical bi-confessional members of the Unity of Brethren were fully aware town, and despite the presence of numerous Catholic of exact historical circumstances. The Roman ba- institutions (bishopric, chapter, dozens of monaster- silica as many other monuments was more likely ies and a Jesuit academy), the town population was in consider as relic of ancient Christian times. fact mostly Lutheran . In addition to leading to many Therefore, although the links between the Breth- conflicts, this situation also forced the local bishops to ren church in Mladá Boleslav and Rome are only adopt an original confessional policy, including artis- hypothetical, later ties to non-Catholic architecture tic patronage with many ideological and functional can also be found. The most typical example is the aspects 53. This is evident especially in St Wenceslaus exclusive Lutheran Church of the Holy Trinity in Cathedral in Olomouc, a spiritual centre and sym- Prague’s Lesser Quarter (1611–1633), the facade bol of Moravian Catholicism / Fig. 11/. Around the of which is a very faithful copy of the front of year 1600, the cathedral underwent numerous recon- Santa Maria dei Monti in Rome, i. e. a contemporary structions with an interesting confessional subtext. church designed by Giacomo della Porta (1587). Bishop Stanislav Pavlovský (1579 –1598) founded The choice of an exclusive and “modern form”, an impressive Mannerist funeral chapel at the cathe- essentially “traditional Catholic ” with respect to dral. In addition to serving as a family mausoleum, typology, was certainly related to the prestigious the chapel’s decoration also accented St Stanislaus, commission from the Lutheran elite, which received whose legacy (emphasising the conflict between contributions from other prominent Lutheran aris- spiritual and secular, i. e. non- Catholic, power) the tocrats in Europe, as well as to the role of Giovanni bishop updated and identified with. A monumental Maria Filippi, architect of Emperor Rudolf ii. It was facade was added to the cathedral, the three - tower not by chance that shortly after its consecration form of which imitated the motif of an early medieval the church was described by Papal Nuncio Carlo Westwerk. The appeal of the new building in the Caraffa as “bello, capace et fabricato all´Italiana” 50. However, this is a very exceptional case. Despite 48 Justová, “Tůma Přeloučský” (n. 30), pp. 35, 173 –174. 49 Amedeo Molnár, Valdenští. Evropský rozměr jejich vzdoru [Waldensias being irritating for non-Catholics from a religious in European Context], Prague 1991, pp. 337– 341. 50 Encyklopedie architektů (n. 14), pp. 253 –254. perspective, Italy continued to provide creative 51 Jürgen Zimmer, “Iosephus Heinzius architectus cum antiquis com- inspiration, from lifestyle attributes and culture parandus: Příspěvek k poznání rudolfínské architektury mezi lety 1590 –1612”, Umění, xvii (1969), pp. 217–246, sp. p. 231. to architecture. It is therefore not surprising that 52 Adam Milobedzki, “Architektura polska około roku 1600”, in Sztuka Lutheran Count Palatine Philipp Ludwig criticised około roku 1600, Tereza Hrankowska ed., Warsaw 1974, p. 26; Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann follows this in the architecture of the Jesuits in the design of his church in Neuburg an der Donau Central and Eastern Europe in Toward a Geography of Art, Chicago 2004. for the absence of a dome: “wie sie Ir fürstl: gnaden 53 Ondřej Jakubec, “Confessional Aspects of the Art Patronage of the Bishops of Olomouc in the Period before the White Mountain Battle”, 260 in Italia gesehen”51. Acta Historiae Artium, xlvii (2006), pp. 121–127. 10 / Ground plan, St Wenceslaus cathedral in Olomouc, 1880s

11 / Johann Willenberger, St Wenceslaus cathedral in Olomouc, woodcut, 1593

261 12 / So-called Dietrichstein chancel of the St Wenceslaus cathedral, built for the relics of Sts Cyril and Methodius, Olomouc, after 1616 Lutheran town was underscored by the inscription According to his convictions, the presence of the relics above the main entrance directly beckoning the local of Sts Cyril and Methodius would motivate the local Lutherans to convert : “Reddat aberrantes ut Christo non-Catholics to convert and encourage the religious ecclesia natos panditc onversis mater amandasinum” 54. revival of Catholics. The choice of these saints was Accentuating the effect was the monumental crown not random. The brothers from Thessaloniki were set on the middle tall tower, which boldly celebrated rightfully designated as “ apostles”, since they had led the symbolic triumph of Catholicism. Extensions in the mission sent to Moravia by Byzantine Emperor the form of obelisks were added to the roofs of the Michael iii in 863 57. Bishop Pavlovský had also used side towers. The choice of this motif, used at the the legacy of these Moravian patrons as a historicis- same time in Rome by Pope Sixtus v as a symbol of ing argument and had likewise attempted to acquire the Catholic Church55, need not have been coinci- their relics. In his polemic with non- Catholics he dental. Although they are known from other Count- often reminded them not to turn toward “anything er-Reformation churches in transalpine Europe (the new or to a different religion and faith other than the Jesuit Church of St Michael in Munich and Sts Peter one that Sts Cyril and Methodius, the first bishops of, and Paul in Krakow), the bond in Olomouc could the ancestors of our holy memory and patrons of the have been deeper. Bishop Pavlovský owned “libri de land, brought from the Holy Apostolic stool in Rome obelliscis et alliis antiquitatibus urbis”, one of which is 700 years ago” (that the bishop intentionally and un- identical to Domenico Fontana’s Delle transportatione truthfully connected this mission to the Roman pope dell´obelisco vaticano e delle fabbriche di nostro signore is hardly surprising)58. papa Sisto v fatte dal cavalliere Domenico Fontana, The translation of these prestigious relics to Olo- architetto di sua santita (Roma 1590). In addition to mouc, which in the end never occurred (St Cyril is this, it is also known that the Bishop was sent other buried in the Basilica di San Clemente in Rome), “fascis imaginum antiquitate Romanorum” from Rome 56. would certainly have been an impressive act in the St Wenceslaus Cathedral in Olomouc is also environment of Moravian Catholicism. Nevertheless, connected to the greater building activities of the meaning Dietrichstein attributed to the relics went Bishop Pavlovský’s successor, Cardinal Franz beyond the Council of Trent’s codification of the im- von Dietrichstein (bishop 1599 –1636), who began portance of saints and their relics; Dietrichstein him- construction of the cathedral’s grand new chancel self declared mandatory reverence in the Olomouc in 1616 / Fig. 12 /. With its size and layout, the chan- diocese for “imagines Christi ac Dei para semperque cel resembles proto-Baroque forms and became the Virginis nec non aliorum sanctorum”59. In fact, it could Counter-Reformation manifestation of the Catholic have been related to the translations of relics taking bishop in the Lutheran town. Although in this im- place in Rome at the time. These translations had a pressiveness it does not compare to the monumen- tradition dating back at least to Pope Paschal i, who tality of the church in Mladá Boleslav, their stylistic was the first to organise the mass transfer of relics, and semantic ambivalence are identical. The domi- an activity which, along with his building enterprises, nant new Olomouc chancel was rendered in mod- expanded the renovatio program as a form of strength- ern Italian forms inspired by Florentine architecture. ening the pope’s authority 60. Relics continued to play However, its meaning and “religious significance” were fully historicising. The motivation for the new 54 Mořic Kráčmer, Dějiny metropolitního chrámu sv. Václava v Olomouci [ The History of the Metropolitan Cathedral in Olomouc], Olomouc 1886, p. 66. chancel was not only the construction of the cardi- 55 Torgil Magnuson, Rome in the Age of Bernini. i. From the Election of Sixtus nal’s own tomb beneath the choir; above all it was v to the Death of Urban viii, Stockholm 1982, pp. 21–22. 56 Opava Regional Archive, Olomouc branch (zao-o), ao collection, also meant to include a mausoleum for the relics of “Cartularly” 1590 –1591, inv. no. 104, sign. 25. f. 131v, 515v. Sts Cyril and Methodius, the patrons of the Moravian 57 Tomáš Parma, “Myšlenková koncepce dietrichsteinského presbyteria olomouckého dómu” [The Idea of Dietrichstein´s Chancel at Olomouc Church whose relics Dietrichstein made great ef- Cathedral], Střední Morava, xxvii (2008), pp. 40 – 48. forts to locate in Rome and obtain from the pope. 58 Moravian Archive in Brno, collection g 83, Cartulary xxv., 1587, cart. no. 51, inv. no. 178, f. 468. As was the case with Pavlovský’s inscription on the 59 zao-o aco collection, manuscript 109b. facade, Cardinal Dietrichstein clearly declared the 60 Caroline J. Goodson, The Rome of Pope Paschal i: Papal Power, Urban Renovation, Church, Rebuilding and Relic Translation, 817– 824, Counter-Reformation aspect of his building activities. Cambridge 2010. 263 an important role in papal rhetoric, and the activity Facit was manifested in numerous processions, including , in the Early Modern period, processions with the The aim of this work extended beyond a search remains of the head of St Andrew and the Lance of for a more or less probable comparison and affili- Longinus organised by Pius ii and Innocent viii. In ation between the studied churches and Rome. Of the period after the Council of Trent, it was St Charles greater significance was the attempt to uncover Borromeo who first utilised the full potential of relics their “meaning” from the perspective of confes- in the form of spectacular translations in the Milan sional content, a search that naturally runs into a diocese. In 1576 he received permission to organise range of methodological problems. The art histo- the Milanese Jubilee, during which the relics of local rian must first analyse the “monument ”, i. e. the patrons were brought from local parish churches work of art, as a relevant “document” – as a critically for display in the Milan cathedral. The goal was not understood source with the relevant historical tes- only to increase the archbishop’s authority but also timonial value. Finding the “historical content” of to supplement the displayed relics with sermons monuments and artworks, as the priority defined by and instructions for pilgrims, who were to draw Jacob Burkhardt 63, is clearly the primary objective strength from this for their spiritual renewal. Charles of art history. How one is to correctly identify this Borromeo consciously acted as “ Ambrosius redivivus ”, historical importance in a work of art is naturally a recalling that St Ambrose had brought certain exqui- challenge. After all, art has a special quality in that site relics to Milan as “trophies” in the fourth century it was created and perceived in a particular way in (especially St Gervase and St Protase, St Vitalis and the past and is also being evaluated by us in the St Agricola)61. Festive translations to the crypt of the present. As such, the work acts on our senses and Milan cathedral continued in 1578, and in May 1582 intellect, and we can find a great deal in it. But it the most lavish translatio occurred with the relics of is obvious that we project our own experience into St Simplicius. The popes themselves immediately our evaluation, including, unfortunately, a wide recognised the potential for such translations. In range of ideological aspects 64. Identifying historical 1580, Pope Gregory xiii prepared the translation importance is a seemingly simple matter. Iconology, of the relics of St Gregory of Nazianzus from the for example, attempted to find a simple answer, Santa Maria in Campo Marzio Monastery to a chapel at believing that meaning was clearly inserted in a St Peter’s Basilica in Vatican City, enhanced through work of art from the beginning and that literary a combination with the Corpus Christi procession. texts of humanistic programs would facilitate the In 1583, the same pope issued a brief declaring that decoding process. This approach is quite exclu- these types of ceremonies could only be performed sive, however, and can by no means be used on all with the pope’s permission. Similar translations material, not to mention its tendency for oversim- then continued in post -Trent Italy (e. g. the relics plified conclusions. Michael Baxandall tried in a of St Antoninus Pierozzi in Florence organised in different way to find traces of a “period eye ” in the 1589 by Florentine Archbishop Alessandro Ottoviano creation and reception of a work of art, i. e. cultural- de’ Medici)62. It is therefore probable that Cardinal ly conditioned, often unconscious conventions that Franz von Dietrichstein, who maintained close con- changed considerably. Uncovering historical traces tacts with Rome, was aware of the potential of these of the socio -historical context can therefore move translations, and not only for strengthening the pres- between the poles of notions of the conscious or tige of the bishop’s office. In the case of Olomouc, less conscious projection of certain meaning into a they also became a tool of Catholic Reformation work of art. However, this assumes that “historical and a Counter-Reformation gesture. Therefore, if meaning” is firmly tied to artwork ; that it closely the reconstructed St Wenceslaus Cathedral (around reflects historical circumstances which can then be 1600) is evaluated as confessional architecture, it need simply extracted and “pulled into the light”. It is not not only be the result of its specific architectural that simple, however. Above all, a work of art can- form. Instead, it was religious practices, activities not be perceived as an immediate and symmetrical 264 and rituals that gave it meaning. record of historical reality that can then be read only through the “image ”. There simply is not a causal mean that people living at the time were not aware relationship between historical facts and a work of of this uniqueness. The exclusivity and diversity of art as their potential source. For that matter, even sacred buildings of individual confessions naturally simple photography is not a reflection of reality but included non-architectural attributes such as liturgy, mostly its culturally conditioned representation. ceremonies, language and texts that activated the The majority of art, whether it was intended for churches of the individual denominations. There- public or private space, was specifically culturally fore, it should not be surprising that even when constructed. Without knowledge of this context, entirely opposing and hostile confessions sought an interpretation of these works is impossible 65. inspiration in the same tradition concentrated in Naturally, there is also the danger that an art histo- Rome and its “architectural culture” , each of the rian will explain works “unhistorically ” (merely as denominations used this reference in its own way. formal objects from the perspective of style, etc.), or will passively insert them into a known or selective- 61 Antoon Bastiaensen, “Paulin de Milan et le culte des martyrs chez saint Ambroise”, in Ambrosius Episcopus, Atti del Congresso internazionale ly chosen historical situations. There is then a risk di studi ambrosiani nel xvi centenario della elevazione di Sant’Ambrogio that the art historian will move in a vague field of alla cattedra episcopale, (Milano 2– 7 dicembre 1974), Giuseppe Lazzati ed., Milan 1976, vol. ii, pp. 143 –150; Ernst Dassmann, Ambrosius von predefined themes of cultural history or the history Mailand, Leben und Werk, Stuttgart 2004. Additional sources, see Ivan Foletti, “Le tombeau d’Ambroise: cinq siècles de construction identi- of mentalities, into the stable patterns of which the taire”, in L’évêque, l’image et la mort. Identité et mémoire au Moyen Âge, studied artworks will be placed, confirming their Nicolas Bock, Ivan Foletti, Michele Tomasi eds, Rome 2014, pp. 73 –101. I thank Ivan Foletti for bringing my attention to these publications. seemingly autonomous, though perhaps only de- 62 Minou Schraven, Festive Funerals in Early Modern Italy: the Art and rived, meaning. Carlo Ginzburg and Peter Burke Culture of Conspicuous Commemoration, Farnham 2014, pp. 127–141. In general in Charles Freeman, Holy Bones, Holy Dust: How Relics Shaped long ago warned against this approach, pointing to the History of Medieval Europe, New Haven 2011; Simon Ditchfield, the vicious circle in which historians only read in “Martyrs on the Move. Relics as Vindicator of Local Diversity in the Tridentine Church”, Studies in Church History, xxx (1993), pp. 283 –294. pictures what they already know from somewhere 63 Über das Studium der Geschichte, Peter Ganz, Jacob Burckardt eds, else, i. e. they use the images to confirm their own Munich, 1982, p. 84. 64 See Keith Moxey, The Practice of Persuasion: Paradox and Power in Art notions of the past 66. Still, it cannot be denied that History, Ithaca 2000. 65 Jaś Elsner, Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph: The Art of the Roman even a picture has its own historical relevance and Empire ad 100 – 450, Oxford 1998, pp. 27–28; Ivan Gaskell, “History that works of art can serve as sources of far great- of Images”, in New Perspectives on Historical Writing, Peter Burke ed., Cambridge 1991, pp. 168 –192. er value than written materials. Moreover, the art 66 Carlo Ginzburg , “Kunst und soziales Gedächtnis. Die Warburg -Tra- historian can also trace the internal order of a work dition”, in Spurensicherung. Die Wissenschaft tauf der Suche nach sich selbst, Carlo Ginzburg ed., Berlin 2002, p. 109. See also Peter Burke, on the basis of its forms and iconography and its “Overture: the New History, its Past and its Future”, in New Perspec- relationship to visual tradition, the role of visual tives on Historical Writing, Peter Burke ed., Cambridge 1991, pp. 13 –14. 67 Ernst Hans Gombrich, Art and Illusion: A Study in the Psychology of stereotypes and convention influenced by period Pictorial Representation, Princeton 1969. cultural patterns and shared experience 67 . As such, a work of art will not merely be a passive illustra- tion of historical texts or a simple deterministic reflection of the socio-cultural and religious context. Prior to and shortly after 1600, the Czech lands represented a typical central European territory with a high degree of confessional fragmentation. Each denomination created its own specific con- fessional culture. It is natural that in addition to unique theological dogmas, liturgy, rituals, a rela- tionship with the deceased, etc., this confessional di- versity was also manifested in art and architecture. Although from today’s perspective of art history genres and formal analyses no specific architec- tural style exists for each confession (we could in fact lack the tools for defining them), this does not 265 For both, however, the visual code of this tradition, i. e. the authority of Rome, was binding and served to justify their doctrinal requirements. The fact that the stylistic character of the studied churches was not clear - cut or easily definable is not a problem of these buildings but ours. Ernst H. Gombrich elo­ quently stated that the study of styles is largely a self- serving pursuit. Far more significant, in his view, was the study of the meaning specific works of art had for their customer and recipients, i. e. “what unique function these products we call art today had in the past”. Noteworthy in this sense is Gombrich’s conviction that the normative charac- ter of our style terms is never in an identical and symmetric relationship with formal characteristics, since we never get more from our classifications than what we put into them68.

Translated by David Livingstone

68 Ernst Hans Gombrich, Norm and Form. Studies in the Art of the Renais- sance, London 1966, pp. 88 – 89.

266 Summary / Řím jako referenční místo konfesionální architektury ve střední Evropě raného novověku

Příspěvek se na několika případech zaměřuje na církev českých zemí, která usilovala o návrat k ryzí problematiku konfesionality sakrální architektury tradici Kristovy apoštolské církve. V Mladé Boleslavi v post-reformační Evropě. Na počátku bezesporu si vybudovala i v celém evropském kontextu nesrov- stojí metodologický problém relevance vědomého natelný monumentální kostel, jehož zvláštní forma aplikování uměleckých forem v konfesijně - polemic- s velkou centrální apsidou může souviset s inspirací kém či manifestačním smyslu. To se týká zejména raně křesťanskými bazilikami, které mohli členové konfesně rozdělené střední Evropy 16. století, jejíž Jednoty při svých cestách sami poznat. Při srovná- nábožensko -politické a sociální hranice byly vy- ních se nabízí jako zvláště pozoruhodná bazilika hraněné, stejně jako i nepřehledné. Základní teze S. Sabina na Aventinu. Konkrétní blízkost komparace vychází z kriticky revidovaného konceptu konfesi- není tak podstatná jako fakt, že obecný typ takové onalizace německé historiografie. Přes oprávněné stavby alla romana mohl vyhovovat tradicionální výhrady snad stále platí, že post-reformační Evropa argumentaci a náboženské legitimizaci Jednoty, stej- produkovala pestrou varietu konfesijních politik, ně jako byl vyhovující pro její liturgické potřeby. které odrážejí dynamiku náboženského života v jed- Zkoumání nekatolického stavitelství může dobře notlivých sociálních prostředích. Může být zajímavé, doplňovat pohled na katolické stavební fundace na že projevy konfesionalizace lze dobře sledovat na Moravě kolem roku 1600. Jejich římské inspirace vizuálním materiálu, který provázel prosazování podobně nesouvisely jen s přejímáním konkrétních náboženského přesvědčení, kultů, dogmatu a vůbec motivů triumfální katolické církve, ale operovaly konfesijní identity. Role náboženského umění se i s dalšími atributy potridentské kultury. To se zají- zajímavě sleduje v „konfesionálních prostorových mavě koncentrovalo na kult relikvií, jejich translací strukturách“, nejčastěji v prostředí středoevropských a spektakulární využití v konfesní politice. konfesijně rozdělených měst, kde se vizuální identita­ Při autorových závěrech nemusí překvapit, že jednotlivých konfesí, jejich komunikace i kontro­ i nepřátelské církve hledaly inspiraci ve stejné tra- verze, dá v různé míře vysledovat. dici (i současnosti) „architektonické kultury“ Říma. Předmětem studie je několik sakrálních staveb, Každá z těchto církví použila tuto referenci jinak. Pro katolických i nekatolických, budovaných v českých obě byl však vizuální a kulturní kód této „autority zemích v 16. a na počátku 17. století, které se zají­ Říma“ ospravedlňující pro jejich věroučné nároky. mavým způsobem a vědomě vztahovaly k prostředí Fakt, že stylový charakter sledovaných staveb nebyl Říma, jež se opět stávalo centrálním a referenčním vyhraněný, není problémem těchto staveb, ale na- místem umělecké a náboženské praxe raně novověké ším, a naší mylné víry ve vše - determinující formální Evropy. Centrálním bodem je analýza biskupského kategorie. Identita církví a jejich staveb přitom ne- kostela Jednoty bratrské v Mladé Boleslavi, který spočívala jen v namnoze konstruovaných architekto- po polovině 16. století vybudoval na panství Krajířů nických atributech, ale mnohem více v distinktivních z Krajku severoitalský stavitel Matteo Borgorelli. formách liturgie, ceremoniálů, jazyka a textů, které Jednota bratrská byla unikátní radikálně reformní aktivovaly prostor kostelů jednotlivých církví.

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