State of the Environment in Denmark, 2001

Home , Aalborg Municipality, Districts of Copenhagen, Kongens Enghave, Odense Municipality

Man and the urban community The Danish towns are growing. In densely populated towns the resources can be utilized more effectively to the benefi t of the environment, for example through public transport and district heating. Urban sprawl entails increased transport and altered landscapes and cultural environments. The environment infl uences human health, but it is very diffi cult to differentiate environmental 5impacts from the effects of living conditions and lifestyle. Threats from pollution further add to the experience that we live in a risk society. 306 Photo: NERI/John Jensen

5.1 Introduction consumption, has not decreased. It is recycling schemes. One of the means increasing less rapidly than consump- of enhancing awareness among the 5.1.1 Man and the tion, however. general public are the so-called “Local environment In addition to trying to reduce con- Agenda 21” activities. As a follow-up It is actually we human beings who sumption (a goal not yet achieved), a on the 1992 Rio Conference on sustain- are responsible for the environmental shift in the direction of environmen- able development, activities have been problems facing society. We create tally cleaner goods and services can initiated at the municipal level to in- environmental problems through our be pursued, for example through re- volve the public in the move towards consumption of goods, food, trans- ducing the environmental impact of more sustainable development locally port, housing, etc. The greater our production and ensuring that the (cf. Section 5.4). consumption, the more has to be pro- goods contain fewer hazardous sub- In some cases the pressure on the duced, and the greater the resulting stances. Furthermore, we can help re- environment affects our health. It is emissions of pollutants to our sur- duce the waste disposal problem, for very diffi cult to distinguish between roundings. example through active sorting and the health impact of the environment Much is done to reduce pollution from society’s consumer-oriented activities: Index: 1994 = 1 Energy effi ciency is increasing, cars 1.4 are driving further per litre of petrol 1.2 and are being fi tted with catalytic con- 1 verters, agricultural pollution is being reduced, etc. In some cases, however, 0.8 consumption increases more than the 0.6 increase in effi ciency. This can be illus- 0.4 trated by examining the relationship Total consumption 0.2 CO2 emissions between consumption and a number Waste production of pollution indicators (Figure 5.1.1). 0 1988 19891990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 19961997 1998 1999 Despite the increasing consumption it has been possible to reduce emissions Figure 5.1.1 of CO2 through energy effectivization, Development in consumption and two indicators of pollution: Waste production and CO2 afforestation and the use of cleaner emission. Waste production data are not assessed in the same way for the years prior to 1994. fuels. Waste production, which is more (Source: Statistics Denmark, Danish Energy Agency, Danish Environmental Protection Agency, directly correlated with the level of 2000).

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 307 and that of all other factors, though, the population lives in towns with over tion over the past ten years, in particu- for example our lifestyle with too 1,000 inhabitants, and 85% lives in ha- lar fi shing towns and towns on the much smoking, too much food and bitations with at least 200 inhabitants. island of Lolland. too little exercise. This aspect is re- Growth in the towns is mainly attrib- viewed at the end of the chapter under Urban growth utable to natural population growth the heading “Environment and health” Urban growth during the 1990s has been and immigration from abroad. Migra- (Section 5.6). relatively evenly distributed among tion from rural districts only plays a Man’s perception of the health risk the various sizes of town (Table 5.1.1). minor role today – perhaps with the posed by environmental problems can The town pattern is generally stable, exception of northwestern Jutland. considerably infl uence how we attempt although there is a tendency towards Urbanization has also accelerated in to solve the problems through citizen more rapid growth in the larger towns. the countryside. Farmers and their involvement, including changing Thus the major towns, defi ned as towns families presently account for less than behaviour in a more environmentally with over 20,000 inhabitants (including one third of the rural population. The sustainable direction. This understand- Greater Copenhagen), increased in pop- majority is accounted for by people ing of pressures on and perception of ulation by 4.8% between 1990 and 2000, with jobs in the towns (and their the environment is also described at the while population growth in the country families), either migrants who have end of the chapter under the heading as a whole was 3.8%. Conversely, pop- kept their jobs in the towns, or locals “The risk society” (Section 5.7). ulation growth in towns with under who have obtained employment there. 1,000 inhabitants and in rural districts 5.1.2 Towns in Denmark is modest, only a good 1% over the dec- Urban area The population of Denmark largely ade. Only a few towns of over 1,000 The urban area has grown markedly, inhabits towns. Thus around 77% of inhabitants have declined in popula- both for housing and business purposes.

1990 2000 Growth 1990–2000 % Greater Copenhagen 1,337 1,393 4.2 Towns >100,000 inhabitants 453 482 6.4 Table 5.1.1 Towns 20,000 –100,000 inhabitants 777 814 4.8 Population (in 1,000s) apportioned by town Towns 5,000 –20,000 inhabitants 590 614 4.0 size 1990–2000. The ﬁ gures for inhabitants are Towns 1,000 –5,000 inhabitants 787 820 4.2 calculated on the basis of the 1990 town size Towns 200 –999 inhabitants 413 418 1.2 groups. Rural districts 779 790 1.4 (Source: Statistics Denmark, 1993 and 2000a). Denmark 5.1355,135 5.3305,330 3.8

Urban zone Urban zone Growth 1974–2000 Table 5.1.2 1974 2000 % Urban zone area (km2) 1974 and 2000 in Whole country 1,948 2,445 26 municipal groupings based on the size of the Greater Copenhagen 563 623 11 largest town. Urban zone 1974 includes towns Municipalities with main town 675 801 19 (>200 inhabitants) that have since been trans- >20,000 inhabitants ferred to urban zone. Municipalities with main town 353 476 35 (Source: Town and Country Planning Agency, 5,000 –20,000 inhabitants 1975; Spatial Planning Department, 2001). Other municipalities 357 546 53

Table 5.1.3 Urban zone area (km2) 1974 and 2000 appor- Urban zone Urban zone Growth 1974–2000 tioned by urban, suburban and other munici- 1974 2000 % palities. Urban zone 1974 includes towns Whole country 1,948 2,445 26 (>200 inhabitants) that have since been trans- Municipalities 1,091 1,241 14 ferred to urban zone. >20,000 inhabitants (Source: Town and Country Planning Agency, Surburban municipalities 412 585 42 1975; Spatial Planning Department, 2001). Other municipalities 445 620 39

308 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY The urban zone, i.e. the area desig- Urban sprawl industrial estates in the town outskirts nated for urban functions pursuant to Over the past couple of decades the and suburbs, often close to the main the town and country planning legisla- Danish towns have undergone con- road network. tion, comprised a total of 194,800 ha in siderable changes in terms of distribu- The 1990s also saw growth in housing 1974, corresponding to 4.5% of the total tion of different types of business and construction, especially construction of area of Denmark (Table 5.1.2). By the end land use. During the past 30 years the detached houses (Figure 5.1.2). Conver- of the 1990s the urban area had grown major towns have lost large numbers sely, the number of newly built apart- to 244,500 ha or 5.7% of the country. of industrial workplaces, while indus- ment blocks and terraced houses has Growth in the urban area thus amounts trial employment has grown in the decreased. Detached houses require to 26% or approx. 1% per year on aver- smaller towns. Deindustrialization more land than densely built-up, low- age. In general, the percentage growth has been most evident on the island rise housing developments and apart- in the urban area has been greater the part of Denmark, whereas industry ment blocks, and are often constructed smaller the town in question (Table remains widespread in Jutland, where at the outskirts of town. 5.1.2). trade and industry has mainly grown Urban sprawl has taken place despite The growth has been largely the same in western, mid and southern Jutland. the considerable possibilities for urban in the suburban municipalities of the Studies of commercial and institu- development within the existing urban main cities as in the other smaller mu- tional property development in six zones. Several studies show that there nicipalities (Table 5.1.3). The reason why selected municipalities have revealed are large centrally located areas in the the growth is greatest in the municipali- that such development continues to major Danish towns that could be devel- ties with the smallest towns is probably disperse away from the town centres to oped for commercial purposes such as that they are thinly populated and the outskirts of the towns. In Odense, ofﬁ ces and services, but possibly also hence can more easily designate new for example, 8% of new commercial and for apartment blocks. urban areas. institutional buildings were erected on This urban sprawl is problematic for At the same time as the towns are docklands, 9% in the town centre, and the environment for several reasons. spreading, changes are taking place in 15% in the area between the town cen- Firstly, the majority of empirical stud- the existing urban areas. In several of tre and the outskirts, while 46% were ies indicate that a lower town density, the major Danish towns, urban concen- erected on the outskirts of the town. greater distance to the centre and a tration and urban sprawl are tending The pattern is the same in Aarhus. At greater distance to local service func- to occur simultaneously. New houses the same time, the industrial, storage tions result in an increase in transport and business premises are being built and transport sectors in the major and hence in energy consumption for in the town centres concomitantly with towns have moved from the central transport and in CO2 emission. Both development of land on the outskirts. parts of the towns and docklands to public transport and district heating

Newly-built homes, % 100 Apartment blocks Terraced and semidetached houses 80 Detached houses

0 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 Photo: CDanmark

Figure 5.1.2 Detatched houses account for an increasing percentage of newly built homes. (Source: Statistics Denmark, 1998).

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 309 depend on a certain density in order not at all enables towns to be concen- very large retail outlets, often stimulate to be economically viable. Secondly, trated to a much greater extent by considerable traffi c in the immediate heat loss is considerable in the district mixing urban functions (cf. Section 4.2.2). vicinity. Local pressure on the environ- heating network to peripheral build- Despite the fact that service enterprises ment is therefore very dependent on ings. Finally, urban sprawl means that do not pollute in the same way as manu- the size of the retail trade. If an outlet land is developed that could otherwise facturing enterprises, urban concentra- serves a regional function, it will attract have been used for developement of tion has some environmental conse- more traffi c than say a retail outlet with urban forests and other recreational quences for the local environment and a local service function. These urban purposes. the cultural environment. Urban renewal concentration problems are typically of docklands, former military sites such local, whereas the environmental conse- Urban concentration as Holmen and old industrial districts quences of urban sprawl are regional The urban areas are becoming more can lead to loss of buildings worthy of and global. Urban restructuring and concentrated, especially through the preservation and destruction of cultural concentration also have environmen- construction of new homes and the environments (cf. Section 5.3). With very tal consequences. They can exert con- establishment of service enterprises in large units, or for example by concen- siderable pressure on the individual the existing urban zones, for example trating functions of a county to the local area, for example resulting in on former docklands and in old com- major towns, the environmental prob- local noise problems and air pollution. mercial districts. The tendency that lems are enhanced. Some service enter- many enterprises now pollute less or prises, for example wholesale fi rms or

310 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY Photo: NERI/Jes Fenger

5.2 Urban traffi c relation to the infrastructure, infl uences residents of smaller towns will be more the amount of transport. The internal inclined to travel to a larger town. Introduction traffi c in the towns is strongly affected Analyses in Statistics Denmark’s Traffi c in the towns is considered a by the mutual location of town functions. Transport Habits Survey (1995–99) special problem because the pollution From the theoretical point of view, the show how transport and traffi c depend from traffi c concentrates there, a large situation is one where provided all on the location of the home, the size of number of people are affected by the homes are evenly distributed through- the town and the location of the work- environmental impact of traffi c, and out a town, the functions that are located place. From an environmental point queues and congestion can arise. In peripherally in the town will generate of view, it is important to reduce the reality, approx. 70% of transport ex- 40% more transport than if they were amount of traffi c and to shift the traffi c pressed in person-kilometres takes centrally located. Correspondingly, a from cars to public transport and light place in rural areas and between towns. centrally located address will, irrespect- traffi c (bicycle and pedestrian). Only approx. 30% is transport inter- ive of the general localization pattern nally in the towns. It is thus the traffi c in the town, lead to less transport in the out of the towns and in the country- town than more peripherally located side that accounts for the majority of addresses. As short distances mean traffi c’s share of CO2 emissions. greater inclination to cycle or walk, and Since 85% of the population live in the public transport systems in all towns towns, much of the traffi c outside the primarily run radially towards the cen- towns must also be due to trips by tre and hence become more attractive town-dwellers. These trips are often for centrally oriented journeys, the en- subdivided into three categories when vironmental benefi ts of central localiza- assessed in relation to the traffi c they tion will be even greater than indicated generate: Work, errands and leisure. by the amount of transport per se. Localization of the workplace and home The amount of transport between in relation to each other and in relation towns also varies depending on the

to retail outlets, etc. affects the amount size of the towns. Among other things, Photo: 2. maj/Sonja Iskov of transport expended in each catego- a large town often has a greater number ry. Town structure, understood as the of more specialized town functions density of the different districts, the than a small town, and is thereby bet- mutual location of town districts with ter able to offer its inhabitants a broad different functions and their location in spectrum of services and jobs. Thus the

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 311 Home location and town size is carried out by public transport in hagen City and the major towns, the Town size considerably affects trafﬁ c Copenhagen as in rural districts, and lower amount of transport is primarily behaviour. Thus the amount of trans- three to four times as much is conducted attributable to shorter journeys to work. port per inhabitant increases with de- on foot and by bicycle. The distribution Errands contribute most to the differ- creasing town size (Figure 5.2.1). The of means of transport and the generally ence between large and small towns, number of trips driven per person is lower speed of car travel in the towns mainly by being longer for towns of un- largely the same for all sizes of town, mean that transport speed increases der 10,000 inhabitants. As the transport although the number of trips is slight- with decreasing town size and is 50% modality pattern for errands is the most ly smaller in the small villages and higher per person in rural districts than problematic from the environmental especially in the rural districts than in in Copenhagen (Figure 5.2.2). The result point of view, errands are one of the the towns. Time spent on transport is is that energy consumption and CO2 main problems attributable to the town also largely independent of town size. emissions are 50% greater per person for pattern. That it is not the most important The distribution of means of transport rural inhabitants than for inhabitants of problem, though, is due to the fact that shows that car use as the driver increases Copenhagen and the major provincial the amount of transport used per person the smaller the size of the town the per- towns (Figure 5.2.3). on errands is less than for the other son inhabits, while use of both public Both the amount of transport and types of trip. transport and cycling/walking decreas- pressure on the environment increase es. Three times as much of the transport with decreasing town size. In Copen-

Daily transport to work, per person (km) 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Copen- Towns Towns Towns Towns hagen 35–60,000 10–22,000 2–5,000 200–500 inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. Towns Towns Towns Towns Rural >70,000 24–35,000 5–10,000 500–2,000 districts inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab.

Figure 5.2.1 Transport per person per day in various sizes of town according to the Transport Habits Survey 1995–99. The columns are subdivided according to choice of means of transport. (Source: Christensen, 2001).

Transport speed (km/hr) Daily CO2 emission per person per day (g) 45 6,000 40 5,000 35 30 4,000 25 3,000 20

15 2,000 10 1,000 5 0 Copen- Towns Towns Towns Towns 0 Copen- Towns Towns Towns Towns hagen 35–60,000 10–22,000 2–5,000 200–500 hagen 35–60,000 10–22,000 2–5,000 200–500 inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. Towns Towns Towns Towns Rural Towns Towns Towns Towns Rural >70,000 24–35,000 5–10,000 500–2,000 districts >70,000 24–35,000 5–10,000 500–2,000 districts inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab.

Figure 5.2.2 Figure 5.2.3

Transport speed in various sizes of town according to the Transport CO2 emission per person per day from person trafﬁ c in various sizes of Habits Survey 1995–99. town during the period 1995–97. (Source: Christensen, 2001). (Source: Christensen, 2001).

312 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY Localization within the town public transport service, pressure on largely depends on how the housing In the major towns, one third of trans- the environment is actually less than areas in question are designed and lo- port takes place within the town. In with the same traffi c in the provinces. cated in relation to existing housing Copenhagen City, the percentage is Similar variation in transport and traffi c and the main road network. even greater. In these towns, localiza- with town structure is also seen in the tion within the town can affect the mag- newer habitations in Greater Copen- Workplace localization nitude of total transport. In towns with hagen. The distance from the workplaces to the between 35,000 and 65,000 inhabitants, Transport and traffi c per person also employees’ homes varies very little one fi fth of the transport takes place increase with increasing distance from with the size of the town in which the within the town. In this case the exact the town centres in the provinces. The workplace is located. In general, there is localization has only a modest effect. daily transport per person in Aarhus considerable variation in the distance In Greater Copenhagen, localization grows by 1 km for each additional kilo- between home and workplace. While differences have a greater effect on both metre one lives from the town centre up it is true that half of employees live the amount of transport and the energy to a distance of 20 km. In Copenhagen within 6–8 km of their workplace, 5% consumption by the traffi c than in the it only increases by 850 m per kilometre. live more than 50 km away. The work- provinces. In the provinces the differ- In Kolding, transport increases by 3.5 places in Copenhagen City result in ence ranges from 31 km per inhabitant km for every additional kilometre one slightly longer journeys than the work- in the largest provincial towns to 43 lives from the centre, but only until 6 places of other towns. Workplaces in km per inhabitant in the countryside. km from the centre. With housing villages and small towns result in slight- In the central municipalities of Copen- located on the outskirts, car traffi c is ly shorter journeys than workplaces in hagen, the amount of transport per 2.5–4-fold greater than for housing the provincial towns. The latter is prima- inhabitant is only 26 km, while that of located in the centre. rily attributable to the composition of inhabitants of the rural districts and All the studies undertaken thus show businesses in the small towns, where small towns of Greater Copenhagen that central localization of housing, i.e. a greater percentage of people work on averages 49 km, or almost twice as concentration of the towns around the their own farm, workshop, etc. The other much. town centres and previously abandoned types of trip made by persons who live The amount of transport is lower for districts such as disused industrial dis- very far from their places of work/edu- people living near railway stations, tricts and docklands will reduce CO2 cation also involve a greater catchment probably because shopping centres and emissions from traffi c. In contrast, the and longer distances than those of the like are concentrated there. In areas signifi cance for other environmental people who live closer to their work- with apartment blocks the amount of effects such as noise and air pollution place. transport is lower than average, even when the differences in population composition and car ownership are taken into account. In the towns of Greater Copenhagen the amount of transport is lower than the distance from the city centre would seem to indicate. This refl ects a certain degree of local “town effect”. The greater amount of transport and increased motoring lead to a marked increase in energy consumption and Effect on average distance (km) emissions from the centre outwards. 6

CO2 emissions are thus 2.5-fold greater 4 from the centre outwards in the provincial towns of Greater Copenhagen 2 than in Copenhagen Municipality. In Figure 5.2.4 0 the rural parts of Greater Copenhagen Effect of occupation it is 11% higher than in the rural category on the -2 districts of the rest of the country. In average distance -4 comparison, the amount of transport (in km) between is 18% greater in Greater Copenhagen, work and home. -6 -10 Salaried Salaried Salaried Skilled Unskilled Students Self- i.e. due to the transport modality (Source: Christensen, staff – staff – staff – etc. employed upper- medium- lower- pattern, and in particular the better 2001). level level level

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 313 There are a number of other factors towns, there is also a greater tendency peripherally a workplace is located in that affect the distance between work for them to employ local inhabitants the town, the longer the journeys it and home, for example branch, occu- or people from the immediate vicinity. creates. Workplaces in the town centre pation, income, gender, etc. The group A workplace surplus in a town does not also have a greater catchment than who travel furthest – the upper-level result in equally longer travelling dis- workplaces in other densely built-up, salaried workers – travel almost twice tances, however. This is because work- more peripheral parts of the town. The as far to work on average as the group place surplus is mainly seen in major effect of this is very modest in the pro- of wage earners who travels least, and towns, which have a large catchment, vincial towns, but is considerable in the four times as far as self-employed per- while workplace defi cit is mainly seen Copenhagen area. More important for sons, who travel the shortest distance in smaller towns. It is nevertheless clear, the environmental impact than distance (Figure 5.2.4). High-income groups though, that there is an upper limit for is the transport modality, however. travel further than low-income groups how great the workplace surplus can A location within 10 minutes walk – also more than would be expected be. The size of an enterprise and its re- (approx. 800 metres) from a station that from their occupations. Finally, women quirements as regards worker special- comprises a major public transport hub, work closer to their home than men. ization are decisive determinants of results in considerably lower car traffi c The choice of means of transport to where it can be located in an environ- and greater use of public transport. A and from work depends on the localiza- mentally sound manner. There is like- central location near a station has the tion of the workplace. With towns of ly to be demand for workplaces in the greatest effect in Greater Copenhagen, under 35,000 inhabitants, the fraction of smaller towns that are suitable for a not where the difference is from 4 km car daily transport to work conducted by too specialized workforce, for example traffi c per workplace located centrally car is greater the smaller the town in skilled workers (especially the tradi- near a station to 18 km for a peripheral which the workplace is located (Figure tional trades), medium-level salaried location in the suburbs far from a cen- 5.2.5). This fi ts well with the fact that workers and unskilled workers. In con- tral station. In the medium-sized towns the level of public transport service de- trast, specialized workplaces, and in the corresponding range is from 5–6 km creases with town size. The difference particular workplaces that employ car traffi c for locations near a station to offsets the shorter distance to the homes upper-level salaried workers, result in 12–14 km for locations far from a sta- with the result that the average number longer travelling distances. The town of tion. In this case, the railway station as a of kilometres travelled by car to work Roskilde exemplifi es how a workplace traffi c hub for both busses and trains is the same for all sizes of town. surplus coupled with major imbalance has great signifi cance for choice of trans- in enterprise composition results in port modality. Home-workplace balance greater average distances between From the environmental point of view, home and work. it is appropriate to promote a pattern of enterprise localization that fosters a Workplace localization home-workplace balance in the smaller within the town towns. A defi cit of workplaces results The location of the workplaces within in longer total travelling distances. If the towns is of great signifi cance for enterprises are located in the smaller their environ mental impact. The more

Kilometres per workplace per day 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 Figure 5.2.5 0 Copen- Towns Towns Towns Towns hagen 35–60,000 10–22,000 2–5,000 200–500 Daily transport per workplace apportioned by means inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. Towns Towns Towns Towns Rural of transport for various sizes of town. >70,000 24–35,000 5–10,000 500–2,000 districts inhab. inhab. inhab. inhab. (Source: Christensen, 2001).

314 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY Photo: Highlight

5.3 Urban environment energy and resource consumption is ing per m2 has therefore fallen by 24% typically lower per m2 in densely built- over the period 1980 to 1999 (Figure Resources in the town up towns than in open urban areas and 5.3.2). This is due partly to improve- The turnover of a number of import- in the countryside. ments in building insulation and part- ant resources is concentrated in the Energy consumption for space heat- ly to the replacement of old oil-based urban areas. Their density means that ing has fallen by 10% from 1980 to 1999. central heating burners with more ef- energy and resources can be utilized The decrease has taken place in spite fective natural gas and district heating more effectively, among other things of the fact that the heated area has in- installations. because of collective solutions (Figure creased by almost 19% over the same 5.3.1). At the same time, the average period. Energy consumption for heat-

Type of housing Index 1980=100 150 Residential neighbourhoods 1960–1980 Mixed detached 1890–1950 100 Elderly detached 1850–1920 Terraced/ semidetached 1940–1975 50 Housing estates 1973–1990 Heated floor space Terraced/ Final energy consumption semidetached Final energy consumption per m2 1850–1930 0 New concrete apartment blocks 1980 1982 19841986 1988 1990 19921994 1996 1998 1955–1970 Newer apartment Figure 5.3.2 blocks 1980–1990 Net energy consumption for space heating. Block houses 1920–1950 (Source: Danish Energy Agency, 2000). Block houses 1870–1920 Figure 5.3.1 Old town houses District heating consumption per m2 in 01245 3 various types of housing. District heating consumption per m2 in m3/yr (Source: Marling and Knudstrup, 1998).

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 315 In the urban areas, district heating sys- number of persons per household in connection with local waste manage- tems have become dominant, which the residential neighbourhoods means ment, stormwater percolation and local has enhanced energy effi ciency in these that waste production per person is energy production using active solar areas. Individual oil-fi red central heat- lower than in some of the apartment heating, solar cells, etc. The experiments ing dominated until the mid 1980s, blocks. have shown that several of the cycles whereafter district heating became the The characteristics of the public can be successfully closed locally, but most widespread source of heat. At the utility systems in highly urbanized that these local solutions can confl ict national level the 2.5 million heating areas are the invisible cycles as regards with the public utility systems. installations are apportioned as follows: water, wastewater, waste and energy Active solar heating, which produces District heating installations 57%, oil- supply. While this has been sensible hot water with the aid of solar panels, fi red central heating 20%, natural gas- from the hygienic and rational points is mainly of importance in the summer fi red central heating 13%, and other of view, it also means that we have months. In areas with combined heat systems, including electric heating, large open cycles in our urban areas and power plants, the hot water is pro- 10%. In cities such as Copenhagen and and low awareness of where the waste duced almost without costs as a waste Odense, though, district heating accounts disappears to, and how much waste product of electricity production. Some for as much as 85–90%. we actually generate. heating plants use waste to produce the Household waste production has At the same time, the urban areas heat. The desire for local recirculation increased slightly between 1995 and are characterized by a high percentage of waste can thus lead to a confl ict of 1999. Waste production varies consid- of paved surfaces, which diminishes interests. erably from one urban district to an- the possibility of water percolation to The possibilities for establishing local other. In general, waste production per the aquifers. This intensifi es the prob- cycles for water and organic waste de- household is higher in the less densely lem of a lowering groundwater table pend on the natural resources present, built-up areas such as residential neigh- as a result of the overexploitation of also in the urban areas. Mapping of bourhoods and public housing estates the groundwater seen in some urban these resources is therefore decisive than for example in districts where both areas. In urban ecology experiments, for the establishment of cycles that young and old people live, e.g. apartment attempts have been made to close the can contribute to the desired holistic blocks. On the other hand, the greater town’s cycles locally, for example in solutions. Local soil and hydrological

Figure 5.3.3 In densely populated towns such as Copenhagen in this example, the expansion of the district heating system is almost complete. (Source: Danish Forest and Landscape Research Institute, 2001).

ForsyningskildeHeat source BrFuelændselstype type

District heating 0 1 km Central heating – own Electricity 0 1 km Wood burning stove Oil Electric Coal No heat Other

316 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY conditions, for example, are decisive as (including “cleaner” petrol) and the and air pollution”). The particulates regards choice of solution for disposal introduction of catalytic converters on predominantly derive from traffi c. of surface runoff. In addition, various cars. Concerning NO2, all the measured They may consist of whirled-up dust possibilities in connection with waste concentrations are below the current and soil, but can also consist of sulphur management and waste processing limit value of 200 µg/m3 for the 98 per- and nitrogen compounds from exhaust have to be weighed up in order to centile. The measured values are rela- gasses that are converted to particles by identify the components that will pro- tively close to the currently applicable chemical processes in the atmosphere. vide the optimal solution. According guide values. The WHO guide value The particles are of various sizes de- to several studies, local treatment of and a forthcoming EU limit value for pending on their origin, the dust par- organic waste requires a minimum of the annual mean of 40 µg/m3 was ticles being large, and the chemically- 4 m2 free space per inhabitant. Local exceeded in Copenhagen in 1999. The formed particles small. The smallest composting of organic waste will there- NO level has decreased considerably particles, called ultrafi ne particles, are fore typically be unrealistic in densely since the beginning of the 1990s, when currently considered to pose the greatest populated urban areas such as the Nør- catalytic converters were introduced on health problem. They mainly derive rebro, Østerbro and Vesterbro districts new cars. Likewise, a slight decrease from emissions from petrol- and diesel- of Copenhagen. has been recorded for NO2, but the re- driven vehicles. Catalytic converters duction is not as great as for NO. This on petrol-driven vehicles and fi lters on Air pollution in towns can be due to the fact that the formation diesel-driven vehicles effectively reduce

Air pollution in the towns is attribut- of NO2 at street level is mainly determ- the emission or formation of particles, able to industrial emissions, including ined by the ozone concentration (cf. including ultrafi ne particles. emissions from heat and power plants, Section 2.3). The concentration of particles has de- and to traffi c. In addition to the local Pollution with SO2 is clearly decreas- creased over the past 10 years as a result sources of pollution, air quality in the ing in Denmark. The measured concen- of reduced emissions of sulphur and towns is affected by air pollution trans- trations are more than a factor 10 below nitrogen compounds and the introduc- ported from afar. In the towns, a distinc- the limit values and more than a factor tion of catalytic converters on petrol tion is made between air quality at 5 below the currently applicable EU cars. The measurements for 1999 did not street level and the urban background guide value. The measured concentra- reveal any cases where the currently pollution at rooftop level. Traffi c is the tions are also far below the forthcoming applicable limit values had been ex- primary source of the pollution at street limit values. The greatest fall occurred ceeded. The latter are under revision, level, while that at rooftop level is a in 1985–86, when restrictions were im- however, and new limit values will combination of all sources (cf. Section posed on the sulphur content of oil. apply from 2005 and 2010. In several 2.3). At street level, meteorological Improved fl ue gas abatement, the in- cases the measurements taken in 1999 conditions considerably infl uence air troduction of natural gas and a contin- were higher than the limit values that quality, and the orientation of the street ued reduction in the sulphur content of will apply from 2005. (east-west or north-south) and the form oil products, etc. have also contributed of both the buildings and the street are to the positive development in sulphur therefore also of considerable impor- pollution. tance. The quality of the air at one pave- As has previously been the case, the ment can differ markedly from that at ozone levels measured in 1999 were the other (cf. Section 2.3). almost the same throughout the coun- The quality of the air in the Danish try. Ozone formation over Denmark is towns is monitored through measure- virtually insignifi cant. By far the ma- ments made at both street and rooftop jority of ozone detected is attributable level in Copenhagen, Odense, Aarhus to transboundary transport to Den- and Aalborg. The parameters measured mark from countries lying south and are sulphur dioxide (SO2), nitrogen west of the country. The highest con- oxides (NO2 and NO), carbon monoxide centrations occur in the summer half (CO), hydrocarbons (including benzene), year during periods of warm and ozone, lead and fi ne particles. The sunny weather. An ozone concentration measurements made in recent years exceeding the threshold value for reveal a general improvement in air issuing a public ozone warning was quality in the towns (cf. Section 2.3). only measured on one occasion in 1999. The improvements have primarily The main worry as regards air quality been attributable to improved fl ue in the towns is now pollution with parti- gas abatement, the use of cleaner fuels culates (cf. Section 2.3.2 on “Particulates

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 317 Figure 5.3.4 The contaminated sites are congregated in certain areas of the town, for example in old business districts. (Source: Danish Forest and Landscape Research Institute, 2001).

318 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY Contaminated sites come into direct contact with the con- gardens on former waste deposits and Around 63% of all the registered contami nated soil, these substances can child care centres and playgrounds on taminated sites in Denmark are located pose a health risk. The organisms in land affected by soil contamination. In in the urban zone. There is a high den- the soil can also be at risk. Finally, some Copenhagen municipality there are 35 sity of contaminated sites in the dense- contaminants, especially organic child-care centres and 11 public play- ly built-up urban areas with multi- solvents, can evaporate and cause grounds located on former industrial storey buildings, both in the former indoor climate problems. sites. and the present business districts and Apart from the registered contami- Around 1,000 contaminated sites are in areas where there are both houses nated sites, contamination of the sur- remediated each year (Table 5.3.2). The and business centres (Figure 5.3.4 and face soil in urban areas takes place from term “Newly contaminated sites” is here Figure 5.3.5). However, there are also diffuse sources, e.g. traffi c and deposi- understood to mean contamination that relatively many parks and playgrounds tion from smokestacks. In Copenhagen, took place after the early 1970s. These built on registered contaminated sites. the lead and benz-a-pyrene content of sites were not encompassed by the The registered contaminated sites the soil has been investigated in select- publicly fi nanced remediation efforts are typically old industrial sites, land- ed districts. It turned out that the soil carried out pursuant to the Waste De- fi lls, petrol fi lling stations, etc. (Table quality criterion for lead was exceed- posits Act. A large part of the newly 5.3.1). The most common types of soil ed in over half of the soil samples contaminated sites that have been re- contaminants are oil and petrol residues, examined. In towns such as Copen- mediated are relatively small incidents tars, organic solvents and heavy metals. hagen, a further source of soil contam- of contamination, for example from Some contaminants, for example petrol ination is the construction fi ller that has household heating oil storage tanks. and organic solvents, are mobile. These been used in connection with the Since 1 January 2000, when the Waste contaminants spread easily in soil and development of various town districts. Deposits Act was superseded by the water and therefore pose the risk of The soil contamination in the urban Contaminated Sites Act, the newly con- contaminating the groundwater and areas comprises an environmental taminated sites have also been encom- surface waters. Other contaminants are problem, for example in relation to the passed by the public remediation efforts, more or less immobile, for example tars groundwater. The health implications but not until the authorities have ex- and heavy metals. These contaminants also encompass direct contact, however, hausted all possibilities of ordering the tend to remain in the soil at the site since there are houses located on the polluter to remediate the site. where they were spilt. If humans site of former gasworks, allotment

Homes and Newly contam- institutions inated sites Figure 5.3.5 Industry, offices and businesses Newly contaminated and old contaminated Old contam- Other, including inated sites unused sites apportioned by land use. (Source: Danish EPA, 2001a). Percent 0 255075100

Old Newly Type of enterprise contamination contaminated No. % No. % Landﬁ lls and waste deposits 2,039 33.0 169 6.6 Petrol ﬁ lling and service stations 643 10.4 212 8.3 Other enterprises with stores of oil, etc. 560 9.0 1,212 47.2 Automobile repair shops 342 5.5 158 6.2 Dry-cleaning shops 329 5.3 27 1.1 Gasworks 172 2.8 4 0.2 Table 5.3.1 Scrap yards and scrap merchants 207 3.4 48 1.9 The most frequent sources of contamination of Iron and metal foundries and industry 221 3.6 78 3.0 sites encompassed by the Contaminated Sites Machinery industry 228 3.7 63 2.5 Act (“old” contaminated sites) and newly con- Asphalt factories 133 2.2 9 0.4 taminated sites (only 1996–1999). Excludes con- Metal plating shops, etc. 136 2.2 9 0.4 taminated sites registered under the Danish Oil Electricity, gas and heat utilities 171 2.8 30 1.2 Industries’ Environmental Clean-up Association. Chemical industry 107 1.7 33 1.3 (Source: Danish EPA, 2001a). Wood and furniture industry 58 0.9 33 1.3 Total 5,346 86.5 2,085 81.6

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 319 Table 5.3.2 Scheme 1997 1998 1999 1997-1999 Number of sites where remediation work has Publicly ﬁ nanced 87 81 53 221 begun apportioned by remediation scheme. under the Waste Deposits Act (Source: Data notiﬁ ed to the Danish Environ- Depreciation Protection Act 27 18 16 61 mental Protection Agency’s ROKA database by Voluntary remediation 88 64 66 218 the Counties and Municipalities, as well as under the Waste Deposits Act information from the Danish Oil Industries’ Newly contaminated sites 408 486 374 1,268 Environmental Clean-up Association, the Danish Oil Industry* 315 340 500 1,155 Danish National Railway Agency and the Danish State Railways/Danish Railways Agency 4 2 2 8 Armed Forces Buildings Division). Armed Forces 11 7 4 22 Total 940 998 1,015 2,953 *Danish Oil Industries' Environmental Clean-up Association

Noise Human beings have different noise Nationwide noise surveys have been Noise is unwanted sound and is ex- sensitivity – and tolerance. The expe- conducted in 1982 and 1993. Compari- perienced as one of the greatest envi- rience of noise as a nuisance is not son of the two surveys reveals a fall in ronmental pressures in the towns. solely dependent on the loudness of the number of noise-plagued homes. Studies have shown that a consider- the noise. A whole series of both ob- In 1982, 33% of all Danish homes were able percentage of citizens feel greatly jective and subjective factors also in- noise-plagued. In 1993, the fi gure had or very greatly bothered by noise from fl uence the experience of noise. Among fallen to 20%. The number of severely external sources in their homes. Noise the objective factors can be mentioned noise-plagued homes is calculated to is the environmental factor that affects the character of the noise and its vari- have decreased from 225,000 to 145,000. the greatest number of people, and ation over time. The subjective factors The calculations take into account that which causes greatest public concern. are mainly associated with the indi- traffi c has increased. In the 1993 survey Since the fi rst Environmental Protection vidual person’s attitude to the source it was assumed that the amount of Act entered into force in 1974, efforts of the noise, the possibilities for con- noise emitted by the individual type have been made to combat noise in trolling the source of the noise and the of vehicle had not decreased during the external environment. While such person’s problem tackling abilities. the interim period. As the two surveys noise is not normally so strong as to In urban areas the main noise problem were not conducted using the same provoke hearing impairment, it can be is road traffi c. Approximately 70% of the method, comparison is subject to some a nuisance and cause stress and other noise-plagued homes in Denmark (>55 degree of uncertainty. The reduction ailments such as tiredness, headache, dB) are located in towns with more than in the noise problem is attributable to ear pressure, dizziness, concentration 20,000 inhabitants, while only 55% of all several factors: diffi culties, etc., disturb sleep or rest the homes in the country are located in and make communication diffi cult. towns of this size. If one solely focuses • Traffi c-related changes due to traffi c Moreover, the noise can cause hyper- on severely noise-plagued homes (>65 and town planning. The traffi c is con- tension with the resultant risk of se- dB), half are located in Greater Copen- centrated on a smaller number of quelae such as cardiovascular disorders. hagen. In comparison, just under a third larger roads in the towns, ring roads Under certain circumstances, noise of all homes in Denmark are located in have been constructed, and traffi c has can be bothersome even at very low Greater Copenhagen. Approximately been reorganized. levels (e.g. the sound of a mosquito in 10% of the severely noise-plagued • The speed limit has been reduced the bedroom). Different forms of noise homes are located in towns with less from 60 km/h to 50 km/h in the do not pose the same nuisance, and than 20,000 inhabitants. In comparison, towns and from 90 km/h to 80 the noise level considered to pose a 45% of all homes are located in this km/h on the main roads. nuisance varies from person to person. category of town.

Housing Branch Main Highways Motorways Total roads roads roads Table 5.3.3 55-64 dB55-64 dB 37,876 90,050 158,564 80,130 8,044 374,664 Number of homes affected by trafﬁ c noise > 65 dB> 65 dB 2,391 31,965 80,575 11,058 3,629 129,618 apportioned by road category. Number of Total 40,267 122,015 239,139 91,188 11,673 504,282 homes and distribution in percent. 55–64 dB, % 10 24 42 21 2 100 (Source: Danish Environmental Protection >65 dB, % 2 25 62 9 3 100 Agency, 2001b).

320 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY Trafﬁ c noise and noise of other types

The nationwide noise survey carried out around 1990 showed exposed to more than 65 dB. The majority of these homes are that: located in the vicinity of Copenhagen Airport at Kastrup.

• Approximately 485,000 homes were exposed to road noise There are no corresponding surveys for other forms of noise, exceeding 55 dB, which is the recommended limit value for but in autumn 2000 the Danish EPA estimated that: road trafﬁ c noise. Approximately 145,000 homes were exposed to more than 65 dB. • Approximately 40,000 homes are affected by noise from indus- • Approximately 39,000 homes were exposed to train noise try at levels exceeding the recommended limit values. exceeding 60 dB, which is the recommended limit value for • Approximately 40,000 homes are affected by noise from other train noise. Approximately 14,000 homes were exposed to enterprises at levels exceeding the recommended limit values, more than 65 dB. The noise from the Copenhagen suburban e.g. craftsmen, shops and restaurants. railway is not included in the calculations. • Approximately 15,000 homes are affected by noisy recreational • Approximately 40,000 homes were exposed to aircraft noise activities such as motor sports and shooting at levels exceeding of more than 55 dB, which is the recommended limit value the recommended limit values. for major airports. Of these, approximately 3,000 were

Box 5.3.1 Trafﬁ c noise (1993) and other forms of noise (estimated 2000). (Source: Danish Environmental Protection Agency, 2001b).

• Construction of approx. 230,000 new Urban nature homes and demolition of approx. and green spaces 35,000 homes during the period The number of green spaces in the ma- 1982–93. It is assumed that the new jor Danish towns varies markedly. The homes comply with the recommen- availability of green spaces in the various ded limit level of 55 dB measured at town districts also varies, especially if the exterior facade (or at minimum one considers the area of green space with the 30 dB maximum for indoor per inhabitant in the different districts. noise in living areas specifi ed in the Many of the oldest town parks were Danish Housing Regulations). established at the beginning of the 20th century, initially as promenade parks In 1995, an updated nationwide noise and later as fl ower gardens and lawns. survey was conducted based on more Wear on the central town parks is con- precise surveys of a number of towns siderable as they are used by many (Table 5.3.3). The decrease in the number people who live and work in the central of severely noise-plagued homes from parts of the towns. 145,000 in the 1993 survey to 130,000 In some urban areas the number in the 1995 survey is attributable solely of green spaces has increased over the to the greater precision of the survey past 25 years. However, the growth in method. park area has mainly occurred in the By far the majority of the homes ex- medium-sized municipalities posed to a noise level exceeding 65 (8,000–30,000 inhabitants). These new dB are located along the main town green spaces are typically green com- arteries. This is due to a combination munity spaces in residential neighbour- of relatively heavy traffi c and the high hoods or housing estates where the in- density of the housing districts in close habitants already have their own gar-

proximity to the trafﬁ c arteries. den in connection with their home. At Photo: CDanmark

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 321 Km2 Km2 0–0.1 0–0.1 0.1–0.2 0.1–0.2 0.2–0.3 0.2–0.3 0.3–0.4 0.3–0.4 0.4–0.5 0.4–0.5 0 1 km 0.5–0.6 0.5–0.6 0.6–0.7 0.6–0.7 0 5 km 0.7–0.8 0.7–0. 8 >0.8 >0.8

Figure 5.3.7 Figure 5.3.8 Map of the availability of green spaces in Copenhagen and Frederiks- Map of the availability of green spaces in Aalborg Municipality. The berg Municipalities. The map shows the number of km2 green space map shows the number of km2 green space available within approx. available within approx. 15 minutes walking distance from a random 15 minutes walking distance from a random point in the municipality. point in the municipality. (Source: Danish Forest and Landscape Research Institute, 2001). (Source: Danish Forest and Landscape Research Institute, 2001).

Figure 5.3.6 Green spaces in various Danish urban municipalities. (Source: Danish Forest and Landscape Research Institute, 2001).

Aarhus Lake Aarhus Lake Graveyard Graveyard Sport Sport Randers Recreational area Randers Recreational area Forest Forest

Svendborg Svendborg

Odense Odense

Copenhagen Copenhagen

Copenhagen and Copenhagen and Frederiksberg Frederiksberg

Hjørring Hjørring

Frederiksberg Frederiksberg

Ballerup Ballerup

Albertslund Albertslund

Aalborg Aalborg

0 5 10 15 2025 30 0 100 200 300 400500 600 Percent of municipality's area m2 per inhabitant

322 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY the same time as the area of parkland Parks Many town dwellers want alternati- in these medium-sized towns has in- Parks are of great recreational signiﬁ - ves to the traditional well-manicured creased, the green spaces in the town cance. Studies have shown that in six town parks. In recent years the Munici- centres have come under increasing of the largest Danish towns, 98% of the palities have developed differential park pressure. In some places buildings inhabitants have visited at least one management in order to ensure a varied have been erected in the town parks, green space during the preceding year. biological content, thereby ensuring vi- for example the State Museum of Art On average, the town dwellers visit the sitors a variety of possible experiences in Østre Park in Copenhagen and the parks 2.7 times a week, with the people and concomitantly rationalizing park Concert Hall in Esbjerg City Park. The aged 7–16 being the most frequent vi- management. pressure is most apparent in the case sitors. Institutions and associations are Most people visit the parks to go for a of locations used more informally as also frequent users. Schools, sports as- walk, to get some fresh air and/or enjoy green spaces, however, for example the sociations and other associations pay nature. The things they accord highest undeveloped spaces and green spaces an average of 100 visits to green spaces priority are basically the same (Figure in less built-up districts. each year. The majority of people come 5.3.9). Associations and institutions are In Copenhagen and Frederiksberg on foot, and the shorter the distance to mainly interested in sensory experiences: Municipalities there is far less green the nearest green space, the greater the To enjoy nature, the changing seasons, space per inhabitant than in other mu- number of visits. The forests are also fresh air, the weather, etc. Actual activi- nicipalities (Figure 5.3.6). On the other very popular recreational facilities, at- ties are accorded lower priority. Nur- hand, the local availability of green space tracting more visits than libraries and sery schools like to build dens, though, in Copenhagen is good compared with cinemas. Distance also plays a role here and both nursery schools and day Aalborg (Figures 5.3.7 and 5.3.8). There in that two thirds of all forest visits are nurseries accord importance to being are more local green spaces in the town payed to the forest located nearest to the able to play with things from nature. districts of Copenhagen than in Aalborg, home. The forests located near Copen- The wishes of the schools are more where the green spaces are predomin- hagen and Aarhus only comprise 2% of education-oriented, in the direction of antly located on the outskirts of the the total forest area, yet attract 20% of learning something about nature. In town or as large isolated enclaves. forest visitors at the national level. the urban forests, people are mainly

Table 5.3.4 Geographic distribution of allotment gardens (2000) and coverage: Number of allotment gardens expressed in percent of the number of ﬂ ats in apartment blocks. (Source: Spatial Planning Department, 2001).

Overnighting Day use Allotment Coverage permitted only gardens total % Greater Copenhagen 22,209 8,478 30,687 6 Aarhus municipality 3,327 61 3,388 5 Odense municipality 3,713 5 3,718 9 Aalborg municipality 2,329 97 2,426 6 Other municipalities 13,210 8,721 20,931 7 Whole country 44,788 7,362 62,150 Whole country, % 72% 28% 100%

Walking Fresh air Nature Better mood Peace and quiet Exercise Play Feed birds Walk the dog Figure 5.3.9 Bicycle ride Motivation for the Meet others Play ball last visit to a green Other space.

01020 30 40 50 60 (Source: Jensen % of interviewees & Koch, 1997).

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 323 attracted by the peace and quiet, and Animals in the towns and there is no clear sign of either an hence would rather have the forest for The towns are the habitat of many dif- increase or a decrease. A bird such as themselves and not meet any other ferent animals. Of the species on the the house sparrow is on the decline forest visitors. The fewer people one Danish Red List, i.e. species that are and has been so for a number of years. meets, the better. If one has to meet endangered, vulnerable or rare, 4.7% In contrast, the wood pigeon, the magpie other people, visitors prefer to meet live in the towns. Many animal groups and the crow are on the advance. families on picnics, people on horse- are represented – for example, there is As regards mammals, the bat popu- back and joggers. Cyclists and hunters no reason why certain amphibians lations in the towns are ﬁ rmly en- are just about acceptable too, but cannot thrive in urban settings provided trenched and have been so ever since motorists and moped riders are at there is an adequate supply of good buildings started to be constructed of the bottom of the list. breeding ponds, natural habitats and solid materials. The badger has declined green spaces for them to inhabit. Many near towns, primarily because of dis- Allotment gardens amphibians, e.g. toads, thrive in private turbances resulting from increased Allotment gardens are the town’s sub- gardens, where they can often be found. recreational pressure on urban forests. stitute for small household gardens. Moreover, the green toad is specially Conversely, the fox has prospered. It can The allotment garden supplements adapted to life in urban environments. thus be concluded that animals able to the apartment. The number of allot- It breeds in paved ponds/canals and adapt to the special environment of the ment gardens in Denmark has fallen, forages in sparsely vegetated areas. The towns (e.g. certain bird species, the bats many have short-term leases, and special efforts made to aid amphibians and the foxes) are doing well, while many are located far from the apart- in towns have naturally beneﬁ ted them. animals that require peace and/or large ment blocks. A good example is Valby Park close to undisturbed green spaces (e.g. the There are 62,150 allotment gardens Copenhagen, where ponds have been badgers) are not doing so well. in Denmark. They are shared between dug for the green toad. This project 1,019 associations or allotment garden succeeded: The toad now breeds there, Urban space and the local districts, and approximately half of all and the population that was present in environment of housing allotment gardens are located in Greater the area has been saved. districts Copenhagen (Table 5.3.4). Allotment According to the Danish Ornithologi- The quality of towns correlates with gardens are to be found in 192 of the cal Association’s bird censuses, more the quality of the local environment in country’s 275 municipalities. Around than 100 bird species inhabit Danish the housing districts and the public 16% have a lease of up to 1 year, and gardens, of which 82 breed there, cor- urban spaces. Over the past 20 years, 32% have a lease of up to 10 years. 55% responding to half of all the bird species much has been done to improve the of all allotment gardens are located in that breed in Denmark. The populations local environment in the central parts the urban zone. of animals and birds are not constant, of towns via urban renewal. In most major towns the housing that was in the worst condition with the poorest facilities has been improved. At the same time, many building courtyards have been renovated to ensure better local open spaces in even the most densely built-up town districts. In Copenhagen, for example, 125 building courtyards have been renovated since 1990. The concrete and asphalt paving is typically removed and the courtyard renovated with lawns, playgrounds, benches, barbecues and washing lines. At the same time, the quality of the public spaces, promenades and squares has been improved in many towns. Pedestrian streets have been established in the town centres, market places and squares have been renovated, and roads with special speed restrictions have been established in the more open residential Photo: NERI/Lars Maltha Rasmussen Photo: Highlight areas to ensure a safe and secure local

324 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY environment. In Odense there was only weakened growth in trade in the The old town centres with their his- half a kilometre of pedestrian street in peripherally located shopping centres toric street patterns, squares and older 1969, but over 3 km at the end of the have been detectable. All in all, the buildings with a known or recognizable 1990s. At the same time, the pedestrian new plans reduce dependency on cars history are easily understandable cul- streets are no longer solely used for for shopping, but naturally also in- tural environments worthy of preserv- shopping. A survey conducted in Søn- crease the need for careful environ- ation. It is more diffi cult to acknow- derborg showed that 72% of the town’s mental planning of the town centres. ledge newer, more modest suburban inhabitants go for a walk in the centre built-up areas, high-rise buildings, allot- of the town at least once a week. The Cultural environments ment garden areas, residential neigh- quality of the town’s pedestrian streets in the towns bourhoods, industrial districts, town and squares and the possibilities for The cultural environments comprise boundaries, etc. as structures worthy pausing there are decisive determin- an important part of the welfare soci- of preservation. Nevertheless, they too ants of how the urban environment is ety’s wealth and hence of the Danish comprise important historical layers of used. identity. Our physical surroundings urban development and independent are of great signifi cance for our daily cultural environments that need to be Shop development life and are decisive for our well-being. safeguarded in order to maintain varied During the period 1987–95, half of all The towns are large, complex cultural towns. new shops were built in or near the environments. The individual town can One of the important elements of few major towns. If this tendency con- be perceived of as a coherent cultural urban cultural environments is the tinued, many small and medium-sized environment, or one can separate out buildings. Thus preservation orders towns could eventually lose a good larger or smaller parts of the town and have been issued on approx. 9,000 selection of shops. In order to counter- view these as individual cultural en- buildings of special national interest, act this trend, the Danish Parliament vironments. The variety of buildings, and a further 300,000 buildings have changed the retail trade provisions of streets, squares, market places and been designated as worthy of preserva- the Planning Act in 1997. Since then, parks from various historical periods tion. Cultural environments are also addenda have been drawn up to each that together comprise a town are im- entities and coherence. Responsi bility County’s Regional Plan detailing the portant factors for our daily well-being. for care of urban cultural environments overall retail trade structure. The Re- Each town district has its own historical lies with the Municipalities as it is the gional Plans have to ensure that the story value and is important for both Municipalities who defi ne the guide- majority of the shops are located in the our experience of the quality of towns lines for urban coherence through the many town centres and not just outside and our understanding of our history Local Plans. In connection with the the few major towns. This is achieved and culture. urban renewal currently in progress, by designating central areas for use by shops, limiting the maximum size of stores and distributing the building of new shops throughout the town structure. The negotiations on Regional Plans for the retail trade sector will be completed in 2001. Supermarkets will be restricted to 3,000 m2, and with Figure 5.3.10 few exceptions, other shops will be Preservational value of the buildings registered in restricted to 1,000 m2. The extent of the municipal atlases planned retail trade developments has (Source: Danish Forest and Nature Agency, 2000). been reduced and distributed such No. buildings worth preserving (1,000) that it will be possible to build new 100 Not considered, small buildings, shops in many rather than just a few sheds, carports, etc. 80 1–3 High value towns, that the shops are not larger 4–6 Medium value than can blend in with their surround- 7–9 Low value 60 ings, and that they are built in areas located in the centre of the individual 40 towns. As a result of the debate and the new Regional Plans, investments 20 are once again being made in the town centres. In 2001, a relative increase in 0 0123794 56 8 trade in town centres and a relatively

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 325 a conﬂ ict of interests can arise between are registered. Sixty Municipalities all Local Plans drawn up in munici- urban concentration and preserva- have so far drawn up such atlases, palities with a municipal atlas contain tion of the existing cultural environ- which together describe around 1,800 preservation regulations as compared ments. urban environments and approx. with 7% for municipalities without a In order to assist municipal urban 350,000 buildings. On average, one municipal atlas. In 2000, 69 local pres- planning, information on urban cul- third of the registered buildings have ervation plans were drawn up encom- tural environments has been collated been designated as being of high pres- passing 2,300 buildings. An example over the past decade in the form of ervational value (Figure 5.3.10). The is illustrated in Figure 5.3.11. municipal atlases in which the indi- result of the survey work is seen in vidual buildings erected since 1940 the Local Plans, where approx. 20% of

Figure 5.3.11 Preservational value of the town centre in Faaborg Municipal Atlas. The dark buildings are encompassed by preservation orders, the red buildings have high preservational value, the pink buildings have medium preservational value, and the grey buildings have low preservational value. Annexe to the preservation section of Faaborg Local Plan based on the buildings registered in the Municipal Atlas supplemented by paving, gardens and street structures that are also encompassed by the preservation regulations. (Source: Faaborg Municipality).

326 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY Photo: Highlight

5.4 Urban environment Inhabitants and users in the indivi- A varied range of homes needs to be – objectives and dual town and housing districts need to available and efforts to combat urban measures participate in this, among other means decay need to be enhanced. Urban re- through a lifestyle whereby considera- newal should create a balance between Sustainable development tion for the environment and caution new and old with the emphasis on Town and country planning aims to as to consumption of resources are in- quality, good architecture and urban ensure that societal development takes tegrated in everyday life. The town and ecology, while concomitantly safe- place in a sustainable manner. In recent its social life, buildings and infrastruc- guarding the cultural environments years, the environmental dialogue be- ture need to be organized and admini- considered worthy of preservation. The tween Municipality, County and State stered with the aim of considerably quality of the recreational possibilities has become more effective. Environ- reducing resource consumption and in the towns needs to be improved and mental standards have led to less air pressure on the environment. The allotment gardens safeguarded. pollution in the towns and a cleaner car towns need to be vibrant and diverse, fl eet. At the same time, environmental and the town centres need to be management is becoming more com- strengthened as centres of trade and mon in public and private enterprises, culture. The individual parts of the town and Agenda 21 initiatives in the towns need to contain both homes, services, are growing. The sustainable town public institutions and sports facilities unites a good overall environmental so that the town becomes more vibrant. economy with a good monetary Areal growth of the towns needs to economy. The active Danish town be restricted, and the older industrial exploits its possibilities in a network districts and docklands need to be of towns in the neighbourhood, in better exploited. Town functions that the region and internationally. generate traffi c need to be located Photo: CDanmark Much is done internationally to at- such that the majority of people can tain a common understanding of the advantageously use public transport. principles that promote the sustainable Moreover, the negative consequences of town. For example, several countries the increasing traffi c in the towns need set specifi c goals for the share of the to be curtailed, and the environmental country’s total urban growth that is pressure in the towns needs to be to take place via reuse of the existing reduced. urban areas.

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 327 The increase in the standard of living public transport. This places demands sion, reuse of urban land progresses and the division of labour have resulted on cooperation between and within the very slowly when the existing activi- in a marked growth in traffi c, which is Municipalities and Counties. Strategies ties in an area cease (Figure 5.4.1). The currently the greatest threat to the urban need to be developed for localization of Industrial and Urban Policy Committee environment and hence to the overall shops, offi ces, institutions and homes in has shown that several Municipalities quality of the towns. In order to limit the towns in a way that reduces the reserve space suffi cient for the future growth in the amount of transport it is impact of transport and ensures high- 40–100 years, and that the Municipali- necessary to be very restrictive when it quality green spaces. ties base their projections of land use comes to incorporating rural land into Expertise concerning sustainable in 40 years time on the predominant the urban zone. building needs to be enhanced among present-day habits, for example with- Instead, urban growth needs to take the parties in the building sector, as in housing. place on land that is already part of the does interest in and obligation to pro- On the housing side, there is a need urban zone. Development of the mote sustainable development. More- to create a wide selection of available villages in the rural zone needs to over, the reports strongly recommend homes. These have to meet the needs of remain possible, though, so that the that efforts concerning urban ecology younger population groups, who want local communities can be strength- should be enhanced, including the to live in the central parts of the towns. ened and preserved. The Government’s development of sustainable products, They also have to meet the needs of principles in this area are specifi ed in environmentally sound project design, young families with children, middle- the Regional Plan statements. building material labelling and green aged couples and pensioners, who Sustainable towns necessitate the accounts. The building regulations either want to stay in or move back to formulation of principles for localiza- will be tightened, including further the central parts of the towns. At the tion and traffi c planning, among other requirements concerning energy con- same time, the most dreary housing reasons to ensure that an increasing sumption and healthy buildings. The districts need to be revitalized through part of the traffi c is conducted by pub- Building Panel’s Action Plan for Envi- partial conversion of the present hous- lic transport, bicycle and on foot. In ronmentally Sustainable Building will ing stock to sheltered housing for the Greater Copenhagen this needs to be be published in 2001. The so-called elderly, communal housing and young assured by such means as localizing new “acceleration fund” for the promotion people’s housing, etc., and through business developments in the vicinity of green building will support a num- blending in new types of housing. of the railway stations. ber of development projects. On the business side, the negative The reports of the Industrial and Ur- Approx. 1 million people or 20% of environmental impacts of enterprises ban Policy Committee and the Govern- the Danish population inhabit towns have decreased so much that it is now ment’s Urban Policy Report contain a in less densely populated regions. In- possible to locate many of them in the number of proposals for new initiatives creasing traffi c mobility and access to town centres or housing districts. The and legislation intended to strengthen information concomitantly promotes Industrial and Urban Policy Committee sustainable urban development as re- migration to the towns, urban sprawl has therefore examined the barriers to gards localization and land use. Among and new divisions of labour. Many small reuse of the urban area (former indus- other things, demonstration projects towns survive as dormitory suburbs trial districts and docklands). The Com- will be used to stimulate the develop- for a more centralized labour market. mittee’s six recommendations are to- ment of new urban structures that re- While the Municipalities reserve very gether intended to eliminate the barriers duce demand for transport and promote large areas of land for urban expan- to attainment of sustainable land use:

Developed urban zone

Undeveloped/ developed urban zone

Undeveloped urban zone

Rural zone reserved for urban purposes Figure 5.4.1

0 50 100 150 Area of Denmark used or designated for urban use, 1998. ha (1,000) (Source: Spatial Planning Department, 2001a).

328 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY On currently In areas where building Total Table 5.4.1 undeveloped zone sites density can be increased Space availability on undeveloped and partially Businesses, m2 12 million 24 million 36 million developed building sites in Greater Copenhagen, Houses, No. 40,000 30,000 70,000 1998. (Source: Greater Copenhagen Development Council, 2000).

• The possibility for establishing urban coordinated with implementation of Aarhus Municipality has calculated renewal associations within special a coming EU directive on assessment that it will be possible to locate all the urban renewal zones designated in and control of external noise. urban growth anticipated for the next the Municipal Plan. 12 years near railway stations in the • The possibility to exceed noise limits Air pollution existing town if the tram lines are ex- for a few years while the planned In the EU, limit values for air quality tended appropriately. The barriers to changes in the urban renewal zones have been in effect since 1980. These the application of this principle are are implemented. have subsequently been incorporated partly economic and partly that reuse • Amendment of the regulations so as into Danish legislation in the form of of the existing urban area for urban de- to enable more ownership forms, Statutory Orders. Limit values exist velopment will be considerable. Aarhus homes and businesses to be mixed for nitrogen oxides, sulphur dioxide, County Council has nevertheless de- in the same buildings. particulates, carbon monoxide, ben- cided to apply the station proximity • Inspection of the construction poten- zene, lead and ozone (cf. Section 2.3, principle. In order to limit the amount tial in urban areas and undeveloped Table 2.3.2). The measures to limit air of transport, housing and business areas sites in urban and rural zones desig- pollution to ensure compliance with the will henceforth have to be localized nated for development in the Munici- limit values are implemented as restric- where an effective public transport pal Plans, and stipulation of the tions on atmospheric emissions of the service can be assured, and most im- sequence of urban development. relevant substances (cf. Section 2.2). portantly, transport-generating urban • Development of regional and joint functions with many employees or vi- municipal localization strategies that Transport sitors will have to be sited near public concomitantly minimize transport In the transport area, the goal of the transport hubs. needs and promote use of public national sustainability strategy is to Many towns want large sites for new transport. uncouple growth in the environment- transport centres, but these wishes • Improving the data on which the al and health impact of the transport often lack coherence, especially with Municipal and County Plans are sector from economic growth. The sustainable development. They seldom based. transport system shall provide the aim to improve coherence between population with good access to work, transport forms and do not take into Noise shops, public services and recreational account how development on the IT One of the general urban and environ- activities. front can change transport needs. Work mental policy goals is to reduce the The station proximity principle is has started on drawing up a strategy number of noise-plagued homes. This fundamental to regional planning in for a unifi ed structure for transport particularly applies to noise from traffi c, for example Greater Copenhagen. along the Aarhus-Vejle-Padborg axis. railways and businesses, but also to Localization of enterprises with inten- The intention of the strategy is to re- noise from shops, recreational facili- sive employment, other activities with duce transport needs and increase the ties, bars, discotheques, etc. The 1993 a high visitor frequency or densely incentive to trans-ship goods between traffi c plan “Traffi c 2005” stipulates populated housing complexes near different means of transport. This will that the efforts so far made to combat traffi c hubs enhances the possibilities make the total transport more sustain- noise should be continued and the for reducing traffi c problems such as: able and will reduce the associated CO2 objective tightened such that no more emission. In addition, the strategy shall than 50,000 homes will be affected by • Air pollution ensure that transport centres are only noise levels exceeding 65 dB in the • Noise established where really needed. year 2010. As part of the follow-up on • Safety this objective, the Danish EPA and the • Congestion Ministry of Transport in 1997 began paving the way for a national noise Success here requires continuous plan- action plan focusing on noise from ning efforts. urban road traffi c. This work will be

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 329 Allotment gardens Strategy and municipal Local Agenda 21 In 2001, Parliament passed new legisla- planning up to Rio+10 tion on allotment gardens. This essen- In 2000, Parliament adopted an amend- Nowadays, virtually all populous urban tially makes it diffi cult to terminate ment to the Town and Country Plan- municipalities are actively engaged in existing allotment gardens in both ur- ning Act that takes effect from 2003 and Agenda 21. This development has tak- ban and rural zones. requires each Municipality to draw up en place since 1994. Moreover, it is an- Allotment gardens on state land a municipal development and plan- ticipated that half of the municipalities and new allotment gardens have to be ning strategy at the beginning of each and counties will be involved in Agen- established on a permanent basis, and election period. The aim is to stimu- da 21 activities before the Rio+10 Con- the number of allotment gardens is to late cross-cutting collaboration within ference in 2002. be increased, especially in Greater the Municipality and to better enable With the above-mentioned amend- Copenhagen, where expansion of the Municipal Council to prioritize ment of the Town and Country Plan- allotment gardens is to be assured the main principles and measures for ning Act in 2000, the strategic side of through incorporation into the developing the municipality and to the Agenda 21 activities has been Regional Plan. In the remainder of the present these to the general public and strengthened. From 2003 onwards, country, expansion is to be assured other potential partners. The strategy each County and Municipal Council through the Municipal Plans. By no must contain the Municipal Council’s must draw up a strategy for the local later than 1 November 2001, the Mu- decision on the content and extent of Agenda 21 activities for each election nicipalities are required to have noti- the subsequent revision of the Munici- period. fi ed which allotment garden sites are pal Plan. The amendment of the Act The authorities thereby hold a special to be designated as permanent. More- thus strengthens the requirement for responsibility for involving the local over, replacement sites have to be sustainable development. At the same community in the efforts to ensure designated for those allotment garden time it provides the individual Munici- sustainable development. The strategy sites that are not designated as perma- pality with greater freedom of ap- for Agenda 21 activities must contain nent. Upon sale of allotment garden proach when planning, drawing up an evaluation of the municipality’s sites that are being terminated, the and implementing the strategy. development towards sustainability. site tenants must be given the fi rst right of purchase. Allotment gardens may only be terminated with the permission of the Municipal Council. Permanent allotment gardens may only be terminated under exceptional circumstances of vital interest to society that justify using the land for another purpose. This does not apply, for example, to a desire to establish new housing districts.

330 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY Photo: CDanmark

5.5 Well-being sults will not be available until the end considerably higher incidence of acute in the towns of 2001/beginning of 2002. Figures are mortality (suicide, infarcts). already available for Copenhagen based Copenhagen citizens have a shorter 5.5.1 Introduction on a 1999 interview survey, however. mean lifetime than the Danish popu- The 1999 urban policy and perspective A similar study was carried out in 1991. lation as a whole. This is chiefl y attri- action plan “Town of the future” focused Together with Copenhagen Municipa- butable to illness caused by an un- on “healthy, beautiful and exciting lity’s health profi les for the year 2000, healthy lifestyle combined with poor towns”. One of the chief urban policy this material provides a picture of the living conditions. The lifestyle factors goals is “to promote development that state of health in the country’s largest involved include the consumption of highlights welfare, living conditions town compared with the situation at alcohol and tobacco, the amount of and quality of life in the towns”. At the national level. exercise and being overweight. present, though, well-being in the towns In 1999, almost three quarters (74%) There are considerable difference in does not appear to be unconditionally of Copenhagen inhabitants rated their lifestyle between the various districts good. Taking Copenhagen as a yard- health as good or very good. The situ- of Copenhagen, however (Table 5.5.1). stick, people consider their health to ation has not changed since 1987, when In the Inner Østerbro district, a greater be poorer than in the remainder of the 75% rated their health as good or very than average percentage of inhabitants country. The general quality of life is good. The fi gure is still slightly below have a healthy lifestyle. Among other also slightly lower in both Greater the national average, however. Thus things there are fewer smokers and Copenhagen and other major towns in 1994, 79% of all Danes rated their fewer overweight people than in than in villages and in the country. health as good or very good. Copenhagen as a whole. One of the positive factors for well- In general, a higher percentage of At the other end of the scale lies the being in the towns is the green spaces, citizens feel that their health is bad in district Kongens Enghave, where many which play an important role to the Copenhagen than in the rest of the people have an unhealthy lifestyle. inhabitants. The spaces are well used, country. Around 11% of Copenhagen Thus the percentage of smokers and and are of signifi cance for both physical inhabitants often feel stressed in daily overweight people is higher than in and mental well-being. life, while the corresponding fi gure for Copenhagen as a whole. There is the rest of the country is only 5%. More- nothing to indicate that the inequali- 5.5.2 State of health over, more people suffer from nervous ties have become greater since the The Danish Institute of Public Health disorders, angina, asthma, stomach latest survey in 1991. studied the state of health of Danes in ulcers and gynaecological diseases. In In 1999, a greater percentage of 1987 and 1994. A major new study is addition, male citizens of Copenhagen Copenhagen inhabitants had been ill currently being carried out, but the re- aged between 30 and 40 years have a within the previous 14 days than the

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 331 Lifestyle Attachment Satisﬁ ed with home Town districts with a high percentage of Town districts where inhabitants are Town districts where inhabitant inhabitants with either a healthy or unhealthy strongly or weakly attached to the district satisfaction with their homes is high lifestyle – above and below the average of a – above and below average, respectively or low − above and below average, number of lifestyle indicators, respectively respectively Healthy Unhealthy Strong Weak High Low • Inner Østerbro • Kongens Enghave • Christianshavn • Kongens Enghave • Christianshavn • Kongens Enghave • Copenhagen City • Southern Sundby • Inner Østerbro • Outer Nørrebro • Inner Østerbro • Outer Nørrebro • Brønshøj-Husum • Vesterbro • Vesterbro • Bispebjerg • Brønshøj-Husum • Bispebjerg • Outer Østerbro • Northern Sundby • Outer Østerbro • Northern Sundby • Valby • Outer Nørrebro • Vanløse • Vesterbro • Inner Nørrebro • Copenhagen City • Southern Sundby

Table 5.5.1 In the Inner Østerbro district of Copenhagen the percentage of inhabitants with a healthy lifestyle is high, the inhabitants are strongly attached to the district, and they are satisfi ed with their homes. Conversely, in the Kongens Enghave and Outer Nørrebro districts a high percentage of inhabitants have an unhealthy lifestyle, they are only weakly attached to the district, and they are not very satisfi ed with their homes. (Source: Health Administration, 2000). national average. Conversely, there is Inhabitants of Copenhagen also use In major towns and suburbs, the nothing to indicate that a greater per- more medicine than other Danes, but quality of life is only slightly lower centage of Copenhagen inhabitants suf- consumption remained almost un- than in the countryside and in villages. fer from protracted illness than other changed between 1991 and 1999. Thus there is only a limited difference Danes. Around 34% of Copenhagen between the quality of life in the towns inhabitants suffered from a protracted 5.5.3 Quality of life and in the countryside. The study also illness in 1999 as compared with 33% The Quality of Life Research Institute shows that the type of housing is of in 1987. Nationwide, the percentage of investigated the quality of life of greater signifi cance for the quality of citizens with one or more protracted Danish citizens by means of a popula- life than whether one lives in the illnesses increased from 33% in 1987 tion study in 1995. The quality of life countryside or in a town. A weighted to 36% in 1991 and 38% in 1994. was measured both in relation to sub- average for the quality of life shows Inhabitants of Copenhagen more jective factors (how do people think that inhabitants of Copenhagen lie rarely have headaches and muscle and they feel?) and objective factors (do 3.7% below the national average, and skeletal pains. On the other hand, they people have the things and the status that the weighted fi gure for villages is are more affl icted by tiredness, depres- the culture suggests that they should 2.5% above the national average. The sion and digestive disturbances. Absence have?). deviations are generally so small that from work due to illness is also greater. Among other things, the quality of it is diffi cult to talk about an actual life is measured relative to whether trend, however. people live in the capital, a major town There is virtually no difference in the or a suburb, a village or in the coun- quality of life from one county to the tryside. The results show that people next. Only Bornholm County lies sig- who live in a village or in the country- nifi cantly below the national average, side generally have a slightly better while Copenhagen County, which has quality of life than people who live in the characteristics of a city, lies slight- major towns. Thus the quality of life in ly below the national average. Ring- Copenhagen is an average of approx. købing County lies slightly above the 5% lower than in the countryside or in national average. villages. Photo: CDanmark

332 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 5.5.4 Importance of In the workplace, a green view can 5.5.5 The development recreational possibilities help employees to feel less stressed and As early as the mid 19th century, doc- The green spaces seem to be an import- irritable. A Swedish and an American tors became aware of the benefi cial ant positive factor as regards well-being study have found that employees with health effects of light, open air and in the towns. For example, the majority a view of trees and fl owers were more green spaces. This led for example to of inhabitants of Sønderborg think that satisfi ed and thought that their job was the construction of hospitals with the best thing their town has to offer less stressful than those who could not wards having large south-facing win- is the nature, the water bodies and the look outside, or who could only see dows or with detached pavilions in forest. Only thereafter do they mention buildings. Moreover, these employees park-like surroundings. During the shopping possibilities, educational faci- were less frequently ill and had less same period, large areas of land in the lities, the harbour, the cafés, the pedes- headache. towns were zoned as parks, allotment trian street and the theatre. Another Swedish study concludes gardens and playgrounds. The relationship to the nature in the that children who play in nature play- Today it seems that the benefi cial local environment also plays a role for grounds are less ill, are better able to health effects of green spaces have been the quality of life. Those who state that concentrate and have better motor forgotten somewhat. Museums and they are very satisfi ed with the nature in function than children who play indoors concert halls have been built in several the local environment have on average a lot or in a traditional playground. large parks, houses have been con- a 5% better quality of life than the na- Among other things, this is attributable structed with poorly used open spaces, tional average. Conversely, those who to the fact that nature playgrounds and child-care institutions have been are very dissatisfi ed feel on average provide good possibilities to be alone, established virtually without play- 7% worse. Moreover, there is a corre- to fi nd a breathing space where one grounds. Part of the explanation may lation between quality of life and the can relax. be that the general state of health is time that has passed since a person The essence of the matter is that day- fundamentally good. has last been out in nature. Those who light ensures that our biological clock In recent years, though, the tendency have been out in nature within the is correctly adjusted relative to the time has been to use the green spaces, for previous few days lie a good 15% of day and year. One therefore sleeps example in the treatment of patients higher as regards overall quality of better at night when one spends a lot with senile dementia. General aware- life than people who were last out in of time outdoors. Conversely, a lack of ness of the benefi cial effects of green nature more than a year ago. In the daylight can disturb the biological clock spaces on health is not very great, studies nature is interpreted as some- and cause depression. In the case of however. thing like “to be away from the town” elderly people it is particularly impor- or “to be away from one’s home”. tant to get suffi cient daylight. The ultra- The green spaces provide attractive violet light in daylight stimulates the experiences. A number of Swedish formation of vitamin D, which helps and American studies show that they prevent osteoporosis. A Swedish study are also of direct signifi cance for our shows that half an hour outside every physical and mental well-being. One day is suffi cient to achieve this effect. can actually measure an effect on blood The effect on mental well-being is pressure and muscle coordination. somewhat more vague. Among other American scientists conclude that even things, studies show that green spaces short contact with somewhere green are of importance for our mood and can help compensate for the stress of feelings of vigour and self-assurance. urban life. Urban life can be experienced as stress- It appears that a view of somewhere ful because our subconscious experi- green is of such great importance that ences the rapid movements, strong it can help hospital patients to recover colours and sudden noises as a sign of more quickly. An American study danger. We therefore use more energy shows that patients with a green view on remaining alert when we are in can be released from hospital an aver- towns. The brain has to continually age of one day earlier following an process the many impressions. In con- operation. The scientists’ theory is that trast, green spaces can have a calming a view of somewhere green has both a effect because they only impose upon Photo: CDanmark soothing effect and is experienced as our spontaneous awareness. The im- familiar and homely relative to the pressions here do not require the same more alien hospital environment. degree of processing.

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 333 Photo: CDanmark

5.6 Theme – Environment and health

Human health and well-being are affected by a 5.6.1 Introduction large number of factors in everyday life. These The intention of this theme is to summarize our include composition and quality of the diet, life- present knowledge of the effects of environmental style, indoor climate, conditions at the workplace factors on human health. Much of this knowledge is or pollution of the surrounding environment and conjecture that can to some extent be substantiated the products we use. In recent years, increasing by the trend in the state of public health. At the inter- attention has been focused in Denmark and national level in particular, new knowledge is being abroad on the effects of environmental factors accrued on the effects of environmental factors on on human health. It can be very diffi cult to iso- human health that will hopefully contribute to a bet- late the signifi cance of the state of the environ- ter understanding of the issue. ment for the state of human health, however. In the present context, environmental factors are subdivided into chemical, physical and microbiological factors. Chemical substances can occur in soil, water and air, as well as in foods and the products we use. Examples of physical factors are noise, particulates in the air, radiation and the nature of the physical surroundings, including the distance to and extent of nature and recreational areas. The microbiological factors include naturally occurring and introduced microorganisms such as bacteria and vira. Man comes into contact with environmental factors in so many different ways that it is diffi cult to assess and describe the signifi cance for health of the individual factors in detail. Among other means, man is exposed to environmental factors through pollution of the air, soil and water, through foods, waste or chemical substances and products used at work and at home.

334 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY The areas in which it is acknowledged that human Health Associations with some health is affected by environmental factors are sum- impacts environmental exposures marized in Table 5.6.1 and include allergy, respiratory Infectious • Water, air and food contamination disorders, cancer and fecundity problems. diseases • Climate change The health effects of chemical environmental factors Cancer • Smoking and environmental tobacco smoke (ETS) include hormonal disturbances, abnormal development, • Some pesticides, e.g. phenoxy herbicides damage to the nervous system, cancer, allergy, multiple • Asbestos chemical sensitivity ( ), fecundity problems and • Natural toxins harmful effects on the immune response. hysical • Foods, e.g. low ﬁ bre, high fat environmental factors can cause cancer, including • Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons, e.g. in diesel fumes skin cancer ( • Some metals, e.g. cadmium, chromium • Radiation (incl. sunlight) • Several hundred other animal carcinogens Cardiovascular • Smoking and ETS diseases • Carbon monoxide (CO) • Lead • Inhalable particles • Foods, e.g. high cholesterol • Stress Respiratory • Smoking and ETS diseases, • Sulphur dioxide incl. asthma • Nitrogen dioxide • Inhalable particles • Fungal spores • Dust mites • Pollen • Pet hair, skin and excreta • Damp Skin diseases • Some metals, e.g. nickel • Some pesticides, e.g. pentachlorophenol • Some foods (allergies) Diabetes, obesity • Food, e.g. high fat • Poor exercise Reproductive • Polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) dysfunctions • DDT • Cadmium • Phthalates and other plasticizers • Endocrine disruptors Developemental • Lead (foetal and child- • Mercury hood) disorders • Smoking and ETS • Cadmium • Some pesticides • Endocrine disruptors Nervous system • Lead disorders • PCBs • Methyl mercury • Manganese • Aluminium • Some solvents • Organophosphates Table 5.6.1 Immune response • UVB radiation Health impacts associated with • Some pesticides environmental factors. (Source: EEA, 1999).

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 335 Over the past decades the incidence of allergy in up to 25% of the population experience hypersensi- the population has increased, and Denmark has a tivity reactions. The latest fi gures for hypersensitivity higher incidence of testicular cancer and a higher derive from a 1994 study. It was estimated that frequency of breast cancer in women relative to 15–20% of the population suffer from contact aller- other OECD countries. This development is unlikely gy towards chemical substances. At the same time, to be attributable to genetic disposition alone. The the incidence of respiratory allergies has increased. OECD estimates that 2–6% of disease in the OECD In Denmark, the number of new cases of cancer is attributable to environmental factors. The estimates has increased from just over 9,000 per year in the for a number of diseases are shown in Figure 5.6.2. 1940s to 28,222 in 1996. Throughout the whole period The fi gures show that environmental factors are of under consideration there has been a true increase in major signifi cance for a number of diseases in non- the number of new cases of cancer in Denmark (Figure OECD states, and that it is diseases coupled to 5.6.3). For men, the rate of new cases per 100,000 biological environmental factors that predominate. (age-standardized) for all types of cancer jointly has Environmental factors can play a role in the de- increased by 73% from the interval 1946–50 to the velopment of allergy and hypersensitivity. Approxi- interval 1991–95. For women, the corresponding mately 5% of Danish adults and 6–7% of Danish increase was 54% during the same period. Over half children suffer from allergy in the medical sense, but of the cases of cancer affect people over 65 years of

Development in mean life expectancy, yr 80 Incidence of cancer Women 350 Men Women 78 300 Men 250 76 200

74 150

100 72 50

70 0 1980 1982 19841986 1988 1990 19921994 1996 1998 1946- 1951- 1956- 1961- 1966- 1971- 1976- 1981- 1986- 1991- 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995

Figure 5.6.1 Figure 5.6.3 Development in mean life expectancy in Denmark over the Incidence of cancer per 100,000 in Denmark over the period 1980–2000. (Note: Mean life expectancy is calculated period 1946–96 age-standardized to the world population. in Denmark as an average of two calendar years. The mean (Source: Ministry of Health, 2000). life expectancy for the year 2000 is thus the average of the mean life expectancy for 1999 and 2000). (Source: Statistics Denmark, 2000).

Non-OECD OECD

Other Cancer Environm. Ischaemic heart disease Depression Cerebrovascular disease Road traffic injuries Chronic respiratory disease Dementia Self-inflicted injuries Perinatal conditions Congenital anomalies Acute respiratory infections Injuries through violence Malnutrition Figure 5.6.2 HIV Childhood infectious diseases Patterns of disease Prenatal and maternal conditions burden with estimated Diarrhoea Tuberculosis environment-related Malaria shares. 15 10 5 0 015510 (Source: OECD, 2001). Percent Percent

336 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY No. of contaminated sites age. At the same time, cancer is the most frequent 6,000 Figure 5.6.4 cause of death among persons aged under 65 years. Development in the 5,000 Part of the increase, although far from all, is explic- number of contamin- 4,000 able by the fact that Danes are becoming older. ated sites. It is now known that environmental factors can 3,000 (Source: Danish play a role for the risk of developing cancer. It is not 2,000 Environmental known with certainty how great a percentage of the Protection Agency, 1,000 increase is attributable to environmental factors, how- 2000). 0 ever. For example, it is known that the presence of 1990 19911992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 (previously used, now phased-out) pesticides in human blood is associated with a higher risk of cancer, and that radioactive gasses from the subsoil can infi ltrate Soil and chemical contamination into inhabited rooms and, if the ventilation is Soil is the habitat of the majority of the animals and inadequate, increase the risk of cancer. plants that comprise our foods. The soil is constantly A number of substances can cause hormonal dis- affected by human activity, and in many places is turbances, primarily persistent organic pollutants and consequently contaminated (Figure 5.6.4). heavy metals. It is also suspected that hormone-like In 1999 there were a total of 4,940 registered substances affect semen quality. contaminated sites, of which 1,830 are designated as priority sites for remediation. Of the priority sites, 617 5.6.2 Chemical environmental factors are presently used for habitation, 1,022 threaten the Chemical environmental factors include both the groundwater, and the remaining 191 are used both xenobiotic, man-made chemical substances and for habitation and threaten the groundwater. The products, and the naturally occurring chemical contamination happened as a result of commercial substances and heavy metals. activities, pesticide use, deposition of waste, intensive At the European level, it is estimated that more than traffi c, etc. 30,000 different chemical substances are presently in Human exposure to soil contamination depends use. Among other reasons, this is due to a trend towards on the use of the site. Exposure can occur by direct increasing substitution of natural substances by synthetic intake through the mouth, through the skin or by chemical substances. It is estimated that there are approx. inhalation. Children are generally considered to be 20,000 different chemical substances on the market in most exposed in that they are both the most sensitive Denmark, and approx. 100,000 worldwide. Analyses to contamination and are often subject to the greatest show that our knowledge of the various substances’ exposure during play, for example by actually eating properties is very inadequate, though. With about 70% soil. Their size relative to their intake means that the of all substances in use, absolutely no information is effects can be relatively great. In the case of soil con- available concerning their properties or effects on human tamination with organic solvents, the contaminants health. Moreover, very little is known about how man often evaporate through the ground and foundations is affected by exposure to mixtures of the many existing into houses, thereby detrimentally affecting the in- chemical substances. door climate. The number of new chemical products notifi ed to Heavy metals, especially lead, and tars dominate the Danish Product Register in recent years has been diffuse soil contamination from traffi c and construction greater than the number of products that have been fi ller in older town districts, while substances such as withdrawn. This means that there has been net growth organic solvents and oil/petrol dominate in contamin- in the number of chemical products. A rough estimate ation derived from commercial activities. When the is that chemical substances are present in more than soil is contaminated with mobile substances, the con- 200,000 different goods. As a consequence, chemical tamination can spread to the groundwater and there- substances are transported from the chemical indus- by threaten the drinking water supply. try to other manufacturing sectors and from there via Mercury, cadmium and lead pose the greatest numerous consumer products to eventually end up in health hazards among the metals because they accu- the waste streams. In all stages of this cycle, chemi- mulate in the body. The most critical health effects of cals will be lost to the environment. Man is exposed mercury and lead are the effects on the development to chemical substances from both the air, the water of the central nervous system. These manifest as and the soil, as well as via direct contact with products, learning and memory diffi culties, etc. Short-lasting including foods (cf. Section 1.6). exposure to for example high levels of lead causes acute toxicity. With longer exposure, even at small doses, irreversible damage can result. Studies in Photo: Highlight

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 337 experimental animals and man indicate that unborn Contamination of drinking water foetuses and young children are the most sensitive to The most frequent sources of contamination of water heavy metals. Foetuses become exposed due to the abstraction wells are pesticides and their degradation metals load accumulated in the mother, while young products, nitrate and thereafter microorganisms such children can be exposed to large daily intake, for as bacteria. example by inadvertently eating contaminated soil. In recent years, pesticide residues and their degra- Heavy metals can also be taken in via foods. Small dation products have been increasingly detected in the amounts of lead can occur in many different foods, groundwater. The health-based limit value for drinking especially as a result of air pollution. The main sources water is 0.01 µg/l. The fi gures for pesticides and pes- of lead intake are wine, fruit and vegetables, as well ticide degradation products detected by the water- as cereal products. Compared with other countries, works’ in-house control during the period 1993–99 the daily lead intake by Danish consumers is low – revealed that of the 5,774 wells tested, pesticides or 0.027 mg/day. This corresponds to approx. 10% of degradation products were detected in 1,396 (24%). the permitted total weekly intake (PTWI set by The limit value was exceeded in 509 (9%) of the JECFA – Joint FAO/WHO Expert Committee for Food wells. Additives and Contaminants). As regards the 90,000 small private water supplies, Dietary intake of mercury predominantly stems which usually consist of one single abstraction well, from fi sh and marine mammals as a result of their the most frequent types of contaminant are bacteria or position in the food chain. Mercury largely derives nitrate, and are often attributable to poor construction from deposition of volcanic ash in the sea and from of the water supply system. The bacteria can also result coal-fi red power stations, but previously also derived from the water remaining in the pipes too long (cf. to a considerable extent from industrial pollution. The Section 5.6.3). Photo: Highlight intake of mercury is calculated to average approx. Pesticides are primarily used in agricultural produc- 0.005 mg/day, corresponding to approx. 10% of the tion and encompass substances with very different PTWI set by the WHO. This PTWI value does not apply effects on health. They can affect the nervous system, to women of childbearing age, however, as a lower fecundity, hormonal systems, and a large number of limit for damage to the foetal brain could not be de- different organs. A common feature of all the pesti- termined. cides used in Denmark is that they are subject to an Cadmium primarily accumulates in liver and kid- approval scheme whereby all active ingredients are neys, and is mainly toxic to the kidneys. As cadmium tested thoroughly for up to three years to determine accumulates in the kidneys over a span of many years, their effects on both human health and the environ- the effects are mainly seen in elderly people and can ment (cf. Sections 4.5 and 3.3). contribute to kidney problems. Intake of cadmium by Pesticides can also occur in foods. For the average Danes is high, and the safety margin is not very large. Dane, however, pesticide daily intake via the food is The intake of cadmium is calculated to average 0.017 typically around or under 1% of the ADI (Acceptable mg/day, which corresponds to approx. 25% of the PTWI Daily Intake), which is set internationally by the set by JECFA. FAO/WHO Expert Group JMPR, and in Denmark by The level of protection against soil contamination the Ministry of Food, Agriculture and Fisheries. It is is determined through risk assessments and the use estimated that 2/3 of this intake derives from foreign of health-based quality criteria. The quality criteria products. Since 1969, nationwide control studies of are an expression of the level at which it is certain pesticide residues have been carried out with both that effects harmful to health do not occur, and in the Danish and foreign foods. The control studies primarily case of soil are set so as to take into account the most encompass fruit and vegetables. The limit value is com- sensitive uses: Vegetable gardens, child-care centres plied with in 98–99% of the samples. This corresponds and playgrounds (cf. Section 4.4). to the results of similar studies in our neighbouring countries and in the EU.

338 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY Air pollution of 180 µg/m3 has been introduced at which a public By far the dominant source of air pollution in Denmark warning has to be issued. In 1999, this level was ex- is use of the fossil fuels, coal, oil and natural gas, in- ceeded on one occasion in a rural district. Ozone and cluding the petrol and diesel oil used in trafﬁ c. From particulates are considered to be associated with a the health point of view the main pollutants are SO2, not insigniﬁ cantly increased morbidity and mortality

NOx, NMVOC, CO and dioxin (Table 5.6.2). Another among the population. very important factor is particulates (cf. Section 5.6.3). Emission of dioxins from combustion processes Prior to the phase-out of leaded petrol the lead content comprises another health problem. Dioxins are extreme- of the air was also a major health problem. This has ly toxic substances that among other things cause now been eliminated in Denmark, though. weakening of the immune response and are carcino- The quality of the air in Danish towns and in the genic. It is not the level in the air per se that is the background areas has been monitored since 1982 under problem, but rather the accumulation in the environ- the Nationwide Air Quality Monitoring Programme ment and in our foods. The Danish population is (cf. Sections 2.3 and 2.4). The measured concentrations estimated to be exposed to dioxins and dioxin-like of NO2 and NO are far below the applicable limit value substances to an extent exceeding the tolerable daily for these substances. The same applies to SO2. intake (TDI) set by the WHO. As the WHO con- The ozone concentration in Denmark is largely de- comitantly states that their TDI value is unlikely to termined by transport from countries to the south and protect the population against certain mildly harmful west of Denmark. In the case of ozone it has not been effects, dioxins – despite falling concentrations in possible to demonstrate any lower threshold value for the Western world – are still considered to pose a its harmful effects. An hourly mean threshold value problem. Photo: CDanmark

Source SO2 NOx NMVOC CO Dioxin Combustion in energy industry 37,145 55,964 1,699 13,325 Non-industrial combustion plants 3,293 6,694 7,904 130,801 Combustion in manufacturing industry 8,536 15,169 683 6,075 Production processes 1,359 451 5,071 0 Extraction and distribution of fossil fuels 0 0 5,539 23,799 Solvent and other product use 0 0 38,535 0 Road transport 1,267 69,258 46,071 269,391 Other mobile sources and machinery 4,264 57,837 20,004 94,826 Waste treatment and disposal 50 4,798 1,349 3099 Agriculture 0 0 1,191 0 Other sources and sinks 0 0 14,095 0 Total 55,912 210,171 142,143 541,316 95

Table 5.6.2

Emissions of SO2, NOx (expressed as NO2), NMVOC, CO and dioxin apportioned by type of source in 1999 in tonnes/yr except for dioxin, where the unit is g/yr. The two main sources of dioxin pollution are waste incineration and combustion of wood and other biomass. Together these sources are estimated to account for half of all dioxin emissions. (Source: National Environmental Research Institute, 2000).

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 339 Chemicals and the working environment terial’s structure, for stabilization purposes, for deco- The working environment is also affected by the con- ration, etc. Examples of chemical substances that were sumption of chemicals. Exposure to chemicals during intentionally part of a product, but which are now un- working life contributes to many serious injuries, both wanted and perhaps even prohibited, are cadmium and acute and chronic (Figure 5.6.5 and Figure 5.6.6). lead used to colour enamel and glazing, phthalates in The Danish Working Environment Service’s 1994 dis- plasticizers in PVC, and certain surfactants in detergents cussion paper “On the road to a cleaner working en- and cleaning agents. vironment” states that there is a lack of awareness Residual concentrations or contaminants from a of the relationship between working conditions and substance in a fi nished product can also pose a health the development of cancer. According to the Service, problem. The concentrations will often be so low that the number of work-related cases of cancer is under- there is no worry of acute poisoning, but it is rather reported. Reporting of a number of other work-related the long-term effects associated with exposure to the ailments is also subject to some degree of uncertainty substances that might pose a problem. as regards the relationship between environmental The indoor climate can be affected by the choice factors and health effects. of building materials due to long-term effects. Volatile substances are attracting particular attention as Products and consumer goods volatilization from walls and fl oors can result in high Many consumer goods are not generally considered concentrations, especially in enclosed rooms with as possible sources of environmental factors, despite large surfaces. the fact that chemical substances and products are Ecolabelled products provide users and consumers used in the manufacture of consumer goods. Chemi- with the possibility to avoid products with hazardous cal substances can be present in products because effects on the environment and health (cf. Section 1.6). they serve a specifi c purpose such as part of the ma- Photo: NERI/Patrik Fauser

No. of persons with CNS damage Work-related ailments (incidence) 400 20,000 Reported CNS damage Chemicals-related ailments 350 caused by organic solvents All ailments 300 CNS damage caused by 15,000 heavy metals 250

200 10,000 150

100 5,000 50

0 0 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999

Figure 5.6.5 Figure 5.6.6 Number of persons with central nervous system (CNS) Work-related ailments indicating ailments related to damage purportedly attributable to exposure to organic chemicals. The ailments selected to represent chemicals- solvents and heavy metals. related ailments are cancer, neurological diseases, CNS (Source: Danish Working Environment Service, 2001). disorders, allergic and non-allergic respiratory disorders, and skin diseases. (Source: Danish Working Environment Service, 1999 and 2000).

340 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 5.6.3 Physical environmental factors tration (TSP) in town air lies between a half and a The physical environmental factors include noise, radi- quarter of the limit values. TSP consists of a mixture ation and particulates, as well as the nature of the of particles from several different sources, of which physical surroundings. Particulates can occur in harm- whirled-up soil dust is the most important. TSP levels ful concentrations in urban areas. are tending to decrease, partly due to better control of particulate emissions from combustion processes, Noise power stations and trafﬁ c. The new limit values for

In the modern society, people are exposed to noise at particulates will pertain to PM10 (i.e. particles with a home, at work, during transport, and sometimes in diameter of less than 10 µm). In 1999, measurements their leisure time. Noise is the environmental factor in Copenhagen showed that the annual mean was that attracts greatest attention among the public. Many close to the limit value of 40 µg/m3 that will apply people complain about bothersome noise. Sometimes, from 2005, and that daily mean values exceeding 50 especially in certain work situations, the noise can be µg/m3 occurred more frequently than the permitted so loud as to pose the risk of permanently damaging 35 times per year. From the health point of view, PM10 to hearing. In connection with some leisure activities is hardly the most relevant particulate fraction. Every- (e.g. concerts), noise levels can also be so high as to thing indicates that the ultraﬁ ne particles (0.01–1 cause damage to hearing. Noise disturbs conversation µm) play an important role as regards the hazardous and communication, and interferes with rest and sleep. effects of particulates.

Noise can therefore cause both physiological symptoms The fi ne particle fraction PM2.5 is considered to (e.g. raised blood pressure and ischaemic heart disease), be the most important factor detrimentally affecting as well as mental and psychosocial symptoms. Noise public health. Based on the knowledge accrued over affects people’s performance, and reduces the learn- the past ten years the effects on public health seem ing ability of pupils. These health effects are diffuse, to be considerable, among other reasons because and they are usually only demonstrable after long-term there does not seem to be any lower threshold below exposure to noise. In connection with the external which the particles do not have harmful effects. The environment the nuisance caused by noise is usually overall assessment is that as pollutants, ozone and used as an indicator of its effects on health – this is particulates are associated with a not insignifi cantly referred to as noise nuisance. increased morbidity and mortality among the popula- For most types of noise there is a reasonable know- tion. The effects are expected to be particularly ledge of the relationship between the noise level and noticeable in vulnerable groups comprised of persons the percentage of the population who claim to be with respiratory disorders and cardiovascular disorders bothered by the noise. The recommended limit values – two groups that together comprise a large percentage are based on this relationship. The Danish EPA has of the population. published recommended limit values for most types In the Danish context it is estimated that a reduction 3 3 of noise in the external environment. The noise limits of for example 5 µg/m PM2.5 from 15 µg/m PM2.5 are an expression of the level of nuisance considered will reduce mortality by 3.5%. Among a population to be environmentally acceptable, i.e. a balance between of 1 million Danes with an annual mortality of approx. the effect the noise has on people, and practical con- 12,000, this corresponds to a reduction in mortality siderations. Some of the recommended limit levels are by 400 deaths. based on comprehensive studies (traffi c noise and fi ring noise in particular are well studied), while those of other Nature of the physical surroundings types of noise are based much more on experience. The physical environmental factors also include the The greatest noise problems in Denmark are attribut- nature of the physical environment in towns and able to the still growing traffi c, especially road traffi c around housing and businesses. There is thus a well- (cf. Section 5.3). documented relationship between how much time people spend outdoors and the proximity of green Particulates spaces. Outdoor behaviour means increased physical The airborne particles are less than 20–30 µm in size. activity and exposure to daylight and has a large It is unclear to what extent the primary factor respons- number of positive psychophysiological effects on ible for their health effects is their physical properties illness of both a preventative and curative nature. and number, or their chemical content (or a combina- These primarily concern a number of lifestyle-related tion of both). ailments, including obesity, maturity onset diabetes, Complete emission estimates for particulates are cardiopulmonary disease, stress and learning and not available at present. Measurements are available concentration diffi culties. for urban areas, however. The total particle concen-

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 341 5.6.4 Microbiological Wastewater and sewage sludge environmental factors Wastewater can comprise a health risk if it comes into The microbiological environmental factors consist of a contact with drinking water or bathing water because number of pathogenic microorgan isms. Microorganisms it might contain pathogenic microorganisms. In addition, encompass a broad spectrum of bacteria, vira, fungi, the use of sewage sludge as fertilizer can have con- protozoans, algae, etc. The organisms are often natur- sequences for health. With the existing wastewater ally occurring, but can also be provoked through treatment system it has largely been possible to anthropogenic changes to the environment, e.g. by reduce exposure of the population to wastewater an excess of nutrients leaching from farmland. The and hence to the pathogenic bacteria and harmful microorganisms can also be released into the environ- chemical substances it contains. ment in discharges of untreated wastewater and Sludge from wastewater treatment plants can pose through the application of manure. a risk of infection, chiefl y when spread on farmland. Man can be exposed to microorganisms such as In recent years, attention has focused on ensuring that bacteria, vira and protozoans via bathing or drinking the sludge is applied in a manner that cannot result water and food. If taken in, these might cause disease. in the transfer of pathogenic bacteria to man. Sludge Airborne exposure (aerosols) is also known. from wastewater treatment plants that is used in ac- The well-known bacteria campylobacter and cordance with the regulations stipulated in the Statu- salmonella can occur in food, as well as in nature. tory Order on sewage sludge does not lead to the trans- Salmonella can occur in manure, and campylobacter fer of microorganisms. Moreover, limit values have been can occur in surface waters (bathing water), but introduced for four hazardous organic substances: exposure typically occurs via food and drink. Microbial PAHs, LAS, DEPHs and NPE (cf. Section 4.4). infection via drinking water has been recorded to a limited extent, whereas the cause of outbreak has Bathing water only been identifi ed in a few cases. The quality of the bathing water in Denmark has improved over the years and is now of a very high Manure application standard. This is refl ected by the fact that the number Spreading of manure on farmland can cause possible of bathing prohibitions and observation orders issued health effects through inhalation of ammonia vapour due to inadequate water quality has decreased rela- or of the aerosols, which can contain pathogenic tive to previous years (Figure 5.6.7). The assessment microorgan isms such as salmonella and giardia. The of bathing water quality is based on more than aerosols are formed upon the spreading of slurry 15,000 water samples from 1,300 monitoring diluted with water using watering canons or overall stations distributed along the coastal beaches and spreaders. The use of watering canons for spreading lake banks. slurry diluted with water has now been prohibited. Considerable efforts are still being made to elimin- The ban was implemented through an amendment ate those sources of pollution that deteriorate the to the Statutory Order on livestock manure, and en- quality of the bathing water. The means to achieve tered into force on 1 August 2001. Overall spreading this end are county and municipal planning, design of of liquid manure will be banned from 1 August 2002, wastewater systems, discharge standards for waste- primarily to limit ammonia volatilization. Together, water treatment plants, supervision and monitoring these two amendments mean that all future spread- of bathing water quality, and, if necessary, closure of ing of slurry has to be based on techniques whereby bathing beaches whose water quality is unsuitable it is inserted directly into the soil or applied beneath for bathing. Despite these efforts, there are still a the vegetation using trailing hoses. number of places where bathing is prohibited because the water is unsuitable for bathing, and there are a number of places where water quality is inade- Figure 5.6.7 quate and bathing is therefore advised against and No. of bathing restrictions Development in the 80 the beach is held under observation. Places under observation number of bathing 70 There are places where the bathing water is affected Bathing prohibitions prohibitions and 60 by discharge of untreated wastewater, which can con- number of beaches 50 tain infectious matter in amounts that can pose a health under observation. 40 risk to bathers. This untreated wastewater derives from (Source: Danish 30 homes and summer cottages in rural areas outside 20 Environmental sewerage catchments or from sewer overfl ows. These 10 Protection Agency, sources will be eliminated, partly through improved 0 2001c). 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 wastewater treatment for rural houses outside

342 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY sewerage catchments and partly through stricter Information Centre for Allergy requirements limiting the volume and frequency of sewer overfl ows. Summer 2001 saw the establishment of the Infor- mation Centre for Allergy to Chemical Substances Bacteria in hot water systems in Consumer Products. The information centre, Legionella bacteria are common in all wet and damp which is fi nanced by a government budget freshwater environments, both natural and man-made. appropriation as part of the health service, will The bacterium reproduces best at temperatures be- help strengthen efforts to prevent allergy. The tween 30 and 40°C, and therefore thrives well in hot information centre’s sphere of activity will water systems in which the temperature is not main- encompass both contact and inhalation allergy, Box 5.6.1: tained at a suffi ciently high level. If the temperature and its documentation will help focus attention Information centre exceeds 50°C, the bacteria cannot reproduce and the on the relationship between objectives and for allergy to chemi- population decreases. regulatory measures. cal substances in Even though legionella is common and probably consumer products. found in many water systems, there are only a few cases, of legionnaires’ disease, which is a serious form of pneumonia. This is because it is not very infectious. In most cases, the infection is transmitted in atomized water (aerosols) that is inhaled. The sources of the outbreaks described in the literature are water systems that produce large amounts of aerosols, for example cooling towers or jacuzzis. Hot water in homes, hospitals and hotels have also been described as sources of outbreaks of legionnaires’ disease. In Denmark there are just under 100 cases of legionnaires’ disease annually. Just over 20% of the cases are associated with travels, especially to southern Europe, just under 20% are cases contracted in a hospital, while 50–60% of the cases are contracted elsewhere. The probable source of the infection in the latter cases is showers, fountains, etc.

State of the environment and health Considerable attention is currently being focused on the signiﬁ cance for human health of environmental factors. Among other reasons, this is because more knowledge is being accrued about the signiﬁ cance of environmental factors, although it must be admitted that there are areas where our knowledge is inadequate. The precautionary principle is therefore applied as the basis for assessment and regulation. Health aspects have been included in environmental regulation for many years. A 2001 status report on environmental factors and health in Denmark has examined a number of central areas where a relationship might exist between environmental factors and health problems, i.e. soil, air, wastewater, drinking water, swimming pools, waste, noise and chemicals. Photo: CDanmark

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 343 Photo: Klaus Holsting

5.7 Theme – The risk society is upon us

This chapter introduces some of the new themes 5.7.1 Introduction that have entered the social science agenda over The starting point is the sociological thesis that we now the past 10–15 years under the infl uence of the live in a “Risk society”. According to this thesis, the environmental debate. way we deal with various forms of risk plays a central In contrast to the more concrete accounts in role in societal development. The following thus does this report, the present section is a more general not describe the environmental pressures in specifi c presentation and discussion of a sociological sectors, but rather examines some general traits in perspective on the environment. The intention is societal development in relation to the challenges to introduce some of the ways in which present- that environmental pressures and risk management day sociology can contribute to the efforts to pose to modern society. solve the problems facing society as a result of After the introduction, the meaning of the term the pressure on the environment. Risk society is described together with some general features of the present society that are a precondition for being able to understand why the question of risk is now far more controversial than previously. An explanation is also provided of what sociologists mean when they state that risks are “socially constructed”, and how various people comprehend risks and dangers differently depending on the nature of their life in general. Finally, the section examines how confl icts between experts and laymen can be understood sociologically. Photo: Scanpix/Reuters

344 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 5.7.2 From environmental problem tion and assessment, and will unavoidably be infl uenced to risk sociology by the views and values of the various actors involved. For many years, science has helped elucidate the health It is therefore becoming increasingly necessary and and environmental consequences of society’s activities. desirable that people other than the experts are At the same time, politicians and citizens alike have involved in solving the environmental problems. expected that science should be able to procure the This has triggered questions to the social sciences knowledge necessary to solve or minimize the problems about how one can establish a more effective “risk that society creates. However, it has proven diffi cult to communication”, i.e. how the experts can better com- transform scientifi c knowledge about environmental municate what they know and do not know to citizens pressures to defi nitive solutions – partly because many and politicians so that the latter can individually and of the problems have proven to be more complex jointly make appropriate decisions about how the and global than previously believed and because new problems should be solved. In practice, this need has problems arise faster than sound knowledge can be also resulted in attempts at citizen involvement. An accrued, and partly because society reacts sluggishly example is the so-called consensus conferences held to new knowledge about environmental pressures. by the Danish Board of Technology, at which laymen The problem is thus two-edged: listen to experts concerning a particular issue – for example about genetically modifi ed food – and • Adequate knowledge cannot be obtained until af- thereafter have to discuss their way to a consensus ter the problem has arisen – and in fact, the need recommendation to the politicians. This refl ects a for knowledge is often fi rst acknowledged when growing understanding of the fact that people other the problems are discovered. than experts have relevant knowledge and competence • Even though certain activities may be demonstrated to contribute when it comes to solving environmental to be harmful to the environment or man, it is far problems in a democratic manner. Expanding upon from certain that society can or will phase out these this understanding, what is thus involved is not just activities, as other needs than consideration for the better dissemination of information, but the condi- environment have to be met. tions for dialogue between experts, decision makers and citizens making it possible for “ordinary citizens” These problems have resulted in an increasing interest to take an active responsibility for our common environ- in how the interplay between the environment and ment. society functions, but also, and perhaps in particular, In parallel with this, the social sciences have in what barriers and potentials society per se comprises themselves taken up the environmental issue and its as regards a more environmentally sound development. signifi cance for society. An increasing acknowledge- It is for this reason that the social sciences have be- ment of the pressures on the environment has caused come increasingly involved in environmental research. a societal dynamism that should be investigated by It would be ideal if the sciences could provide reliable the social sciences. Examples of this are numerous. and value-free knowledge that could support demo- For example, the environmental movements have de- cratic decisions of a political and value-related charac- veloped new political processes and action forms to ter. The preconditions for taking action in relation to get their views heard as a reaction to what they con- environmental problems are knowledge and that a sider as traditional political institutions’ inertia in rela- political and ethical stand has been taken. When our tion to environmental problems. Patterns of consump- knowledge is incomplete, however, the very basis for tion have partly changed in the wake of the green wave. the decisions also becomes more open to interpreta- Various risks to health and safety have made new

Real – unreal risks

Risks have a somewhat strange “reality status” – they are both real and unreal. Real because they (usually) concern something that really can go wrong, unreal because they concern something that has not yet happened. We do not know what the future will bring (in detail), and when we refer to something being risky we mean that something can go wrong, i.e. unwanted events such as pollution can occur. On the one hand we thus do not know what will happen in the future, but on the other hand we are quite sure that what will happen depends on what we do in the present. One can thus say that we conceive of events in the future that we try to prevent. We thus need to make decisions based on more or less incomplete knowledge. Risks therefore comprise a problem for society irrespective of whether or not detrimental events actually occur. Box 5.7.1 Risk and time.

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 345 Three perceptions of risk

Box 5.7.2 One can differentiate between three different ways To the extent that reliable knowledge about the Three perceptions of understanding risk based on either an objective, a probabilities and consequences is available, it is of risk. subjective or a sociological approach. possible to weigh up different risks against each other in a risk/beneﬁ t analysis. One can thus 1 – Objective perception of risk objectively weigh up different risks against each In the objective perception of risk, risk is a very well- other, for example compare how dangerous it is deﬁ ned term: to travel one kilometre by bicycle, by car or by aeroplane. In practice, such objective risk analyses Risk = probability of damage occurring x the extent are often complicated and are carried out by experts. of the damage 2 – Subjective perception of risk According to this perception of risk it is properties of The psychological perception of risk tries to under- our surroundings that we can investigate that deter- stand risk subjectively. This does not just concern the mine what is dangerous – and how dangerous it is. objective risks “out in the world”, but why the indi- Probability and consequences of an unwanted event vidual human being perceives some things as more are determined with the aid of objective methods. dangerous than others, so-called risk perception.

Reduced experience of risk Enhanced experience of risk Factors decisive for the experience when the phenomena are: when the phenomena are: of risk: Well-known Unknown Is it something one has experience with? Visible Invisible Can one sense the dangers oneself? Voluntary Involuntary Can one choose to subject oneself to a risk? Controllable Uncontrollable Can one change one’s mind later? Just Unjust Is the way the hazards affect people just? (i.e. are the innocent affected?) Chronic/complex/delayed Catastrophic/immediate How directly, rapidly, restrictedly and violently does the harm occur? Nonlethal Lethal Does it cost human lives? “Natural” “Man-made” Is anyone responsible?

demands on society’s institutions in the widest sense, 5.7.3 The risk society and societal conﬂ icts have arisen such as protests The risk issue really sprang onto the social science against genetically modiﬁ ed foods and animal feed. agenda with the German sociologist Ulrich Beck’s book These are all issues that stem from the interplay “The risk society – moving towards a new modernity”. between nature and society, and which have attracted It introduced the term risk society as a new type of the attention of the social sciences. One can thus say society on par with such terms as the knowledge so- that the environmental issue has initiated attempts at ciety and the leisure society. The term risk society does “ecological modernization”, i.e. a process of societal not necessarily imply that society has generally become change where the challenge of solving environmental a more hazardous society in which to live than previously, problems is considered as the “engine” that drives but rather that awareness and management of various our society forward through technological changes, risks decisively affect people’s everyday life as well as institutional reorganization and cultural renewal. A societal development in general. However, we currently branch of social research is currently in the process of face other types of risk than was previously the case investigating what ideas and changes this process has in that they are created by society, and in certain cases actually resulted in. On this basis – but also on the are unavoidable. Where one previously had to fear such basis of social science’s general knowledge about things as natural catastrophes, famine and diseases that social development – this can lead to new critical as we can now easily overcome, the risks we now face well as constructive contributions to help shape the include contamination of the groundwater, global process. climate changes and other problems that our civilization has itself provoked. Many of these risks are global in

346 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY Risk perception research has shown that human that people’s assessment of risk relates to their beings’ assessment of risk depends on many factors general conditions of life, secondly, that there are not immediately connected to the objective risks. often certain values incorporated in the experts’ The reduced and enhanced experiences of risk listed objective methods and assessment of risk and that in this box indicate some of the factors of signifi cance these values can either be identical with or diffe- for the way risks are perceived and assessed. rent from the values of laymen, and thirdly, that Despite these characteristics of the subjective per- confl icts concerning risk in modern society are ception of risk, it is widely believed that if “ordinary” always part of a broader context where society’s people just knew more, i.e. had a greater insight into various institutions mutually infl uence each other the objective risks, they would take a more rational when risks have to be dealt with. One refers to this view of the risks that surround them. This argument as social amplifi ca tion of risk, i.e. that perception has proven not to hold water, however. For example, and interpretation of the danger posed by different while it is known that Scandinavians generally know things is either enhanced or diminished when they more about genetic engineering than southern Euro- are communicated and dealt with in society. This peans, they are nevertheless more inclined to reject can have both positive and negative consequences. the technology, even though the experts cannot de- The important point is that this process is not monstrate that it poses any risk. Models and explana- restricted to the objective dangers and subjective tions have therefore been sought that could provide experiences, but also encompasses confi dence in a more integrated understanding of the relationship institutions, division of benefi ts and problems, between the experts’ “objective” and the laymen’s politicization of research, etc. “subjective” or “irrational” perception of risk. One This section will primarily focus on the sociolo- explanation is that risk management is always a part gical perception of risk. This does not mean that of the social context. the other two perceptions of risk are considered to be less important or relevant. A thorough under- 3 – Sociological/cultural standing of risk necessitates an understanding of perception of risk all three dimensions. The sociological perception of risk focuses on viewing risk in a social and cultural context. This entails fi rstly,

character, moreover. They are not always connected than could be ignored by the post-war growth optimism. to the localities that benefi t from, for example, polluting Nature was something that should be controlled and production. There is thus a greater risk than previously exploited, not protected. Nowadays the environmental that one will be the victim of other people’s irresponsi- problems have taken a more prominent place on the bility. A classic example of this is the Chernobyl accident, public agenda, however, and many confl icts concern which had consequences (at least political and economic) avoiding evils such as pollution, genetically modifi ed throughout Western Europe. foods, global climate changes, etc. Now nature and man must be protected against society’s activities, and New division problems the privileged are no longer the haves (goods), but It is not just for environmental reasons that we cannot rather the have nots (risks). continue as before. Thus societal coherence is threatened Beck thus claims that the price of progress might in the risk society. One of Beck’s fundamental points no longer be commensurate with the benefi ts, that is that modern society has created so many environ- there is no longer a clear correlation between growth mental problems that these begin to control societal and welfare. The production of goods systematically dynamism. Previously, social confl icts largely concerned produces risks – and these perhaps eventually over- the division of goods and welfare. Until the end of the shadow the benefi ts. He thus speaks of a “side effects 1960s society did not generally worry too much about regime”. This means that the attempts to control un- pollution provided there was economic growth and desirable effects of the hitherto development of society the benefi ts were divided equitably. The side effects might overshadow the positive visions for the future. of the industrial society’s production were no greater

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 347 The experts’ loss of authority At the same time, the increasing specialization of New technology has always affected society’s develop- scientifi c knowledge makes it diffi cult to form a general ment and man’s living conditions. This is uncontrover- impression of the overall risk profi le of modern man. No sial, though, as long as there is a fundamental societal integrated scientifi c perspective exists that can address consensus that technological change equates with such different pressures as air pollution, additives, progress. That is how it has been for many years in housing quality, noise at the workplace and all the the Western world, but much indicates that this will other pressures man and nature are exposed to. It lies change in the risk society. Not all technological ad- in the “nature” of science that it is specialized in areas vances prove to be progress. The confi dence of the that can be investigated through specifi c theories and general public in representatives of this technological paradigms. As the scientists have to fi ght for the fund- development – the experts – has therefore changed. ing that is available, they all try to make their fi elds It is not possible to foresee all the consequences of interesting for politicians and the public – occasionally the technologies that have been “let loose” in society perhaps at the expense of an overall perspective that and nature until at a late stage. This is because more and enables society’s resources to be prioritized. There is more of our knowledge can fi rst be verifi ed when it is thus a parallel tendency towards a politicization of “too late”, i.e. after the decisions for example to permit science – research topics are selected that are politi- additives or to release genetically modifi ed organisms cally in favour – and scientifi cization of politics have been taken. Laboratory knowledge cannot foresee – political choices are increasingly justifi ed with in detail what will happen when one releases things reference to scientifi c knowledge. into nature’s cycle. This places citizens and society in a dilemma be- From the political point of view, this uncertainty cause one cannot do without the scientifi c expertise

Photo: NERI/Jens E. Johansen of knowledge concerning risks has led to introduction in relation to the risks that surround us. Many of the of the precautionary principle. This means that the problems we face are not immediately available to our authorities can take action (intervention, prohibitions, senses, and our everyday experience cannot assess etc.) without having a solid data foundation on which which of the potential risks are serious, and which to base such action, but based on the mere probability can be neglected. If we want to gain an insight into of pollution or other effects on the environment and the conditions such as pollution of the groundwater, health. The precautionary principle is as far as possible the greenhouse effect, depletion of the ozone layer, based on a scientifi c assessment of risk, but the fi nal harmful substances in foods, etc., we are dependent decision on how careful to be will chiefl y depend on on scientifi c theories and methods in order to be able a political decision. Political risk assessments and deci- to even identify many of these problems. Society is sions can be infl uenced, and hence are often debated thus dependent on experts who citizens no longer fully in the mass media. Here the experts often come under trust to solve the problems. As a result, the environ- cross-fi re, either to underemphasize or overexaggerate mental problems and the associated health risks also the risks, and thereby infl uence the political decision- become a challenge to society’s democratic institutions. making process in a direction with which, for example, the business or environmental organizations disagree. The reappearance of politics and ethics A central theme in connection with risks is the concom- The dwindling trust in experts has triggered politicization itant distrust and trust of the experts. On one hand of areas that were formerly considered as unproblem- they are no longer trusted simply because they are atic for experts to investigate and regulate. When the experts. On the other hand, though, never before have experts can no longer provide unambiguous answers we been so dependent on experts. as to what is dangerous and what is harmless – when That the mass media are so occupied with covering nature so to speak does not itself set limit values – the the risk issue could be partly due to the fact that many question of which risks and hazards a society shall accept of the problems have moved “closer” to people’s becomes a collective responsibility. As a consequence, everyday life. Nowadays the things we surround our- the assessment and management of risks also become selves with can suddenly prove to be hazardous. For a political matter. example, when there are chemicals in our clothes or It turns out that there is rarely agreement in society harmful substances in our food. The things the experts and among the public concerning acceptance criteria argue about thereby become important for the indi- for various risks – especially when various benefi ts have vidual’s everyday life. to be weighed in relation to each other. Confl icts therefore arise between various interests and values. These confl icts cannot be solved solely with the aid of science and expert competence because in the last analysis, they concern what type of life we want to

348 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY live, i.e. which values we want to control societal knowledge and describe the environment “as it is”, development. This means that when the experts can only as it lets itself be described with the aid of the no longer provide unambiguous solutions, when theories and methods that are available. Science is as these no longer win broad acceptance or cost “too such a social institution. The insights of the various much”, the problems also spread to an ethical and a disciplines are also characterized by many other con- political level. This probably contributes to the fact that ditions than indicated by the scientifi c fi elds. As a ethical issues have become fi rmly rooted on the public matter of fact, even the scientifi c fi elds are a con- agenda during the 1990s – and will undoubtedly leave struction in the sense that it is not nature that de- their mark on the agenda from now on. This also cides what is chemistry and what is biology, medi- means that the environment often becomes politicized cine, etc. The research is nevertheless carried on in when politicians, experts and citizens have to reach an a more or less stable manner within these demarca- agreement. tions. Our image of nature is naturally subjected to On this background, among others, the idea that sensory impressions from our surroundings when we the risks that surround us must be understood as observe and act in the world. There is no guarantee social constructions has won widespread acceptance that science records everything that can be of relevan- in the social sciences as an alternative/supplement to ce to human safety and health, however – neither the natural science-based risk research. when the observations are controlled in a laboratory, nor when they have to be made out in nature. 5.7.4 Risks as social construction In order to be able to describe something (for An important controversy in the discussions on the example how additives affect man) in an understand- risk society is to what extent the risks that currently able way, we have to reduce the complexity of nature.

characterize/threaten society, should be perceived of One always has to choose to describe one thing rather Photo: CDanmark as objective dangers or as social constructions. To than another. Descriptions of the environment, risks perceive risks as objective problems or dangers in our – and for that matter virtually everything in this world surroundings, problems that threaten us irrespective – thus entail choices based on more or less explicit of whether we acknowledge them or not, seems ob- criteria for what is relevant. These criteria do not derive vious. We become ill from harmful foods irrespective from nature itself, but from society. But they are not of whether or not we know that they contain harm- necessarily the same for all people and all parts of society. ful substances. It can sometimes be advantageous to They can be “constructed” differently all depending on perceive risks as social constructions, though, when what interests are at stake in a given situation. When one wants to understand why society reacts as it does one speaks of for example additives, these criteria can in relation to the risks we presently experience. That themselves be open to dispute, also among experts. something is socially constructed does not mean that But even if the experts are largely in agreement about it does not exist, that it is just a collective illusion. It the state of nature, their descriptions have to compete means that we are only able to acknowledge the world with other descriptions and topics of discussion in order through symbolic and cultural fi lters – a bit like the to be relevant for all those who are not experts. fi lters one can place on a camera lens. These fi lters Put briefl y, social constructivism states that in order help form our perception of the world around us in a for the state of the environment to be an environmental way that we cannot “get around”. In other words, problem, it has to pose a problem for someone. Nature we cannot see the world without fi lters. Sometimes it can be as “ill” as it likes – if it is not perceived of as a is easier to understand the social dynamism that dif- problem and is problematicized in society, no societal ferent dangers trigger on the basis of such social con- problem exists, and nothing will consequently be done structions than with reference to the state of nature. about it. The crux of the social constructivistic perspective To remain with the analogy of the camera lens this is therefore how man and society react to perceptions means that for the social scientist, the fi lter becomes about the state of nature – and how various descrip- just as important to understand as that which the tions are viewed as either exaggerated, irresponsible, lens is focused on (nature) when one wants to under- well-founded, confi dence-inspiring or the suchlike. stand the societal dynamism in risk management. Social constructivism is based exactly on the question When we as laymen observe, think and discuss of how such perceptions are formed, constructed, in environmental problems, we use ways of perceiving, a social context that is never neutral or objective, but conceptualizing and communicating about the envi- can naturally be scientifi c and well-documented, and ronment that are rooted in and useful to the society can always be analysed in relation to interests, motives of which we are part. Science plays an important role and assessment criteria. in the development of this interpretation readiness. These problem formulation mechanisms, i.e. what However, not even science has direct access to ac- we designate to be a problem, are not objective in a

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 349 scientifi c sense. They are characterized by interests and and hence also of which things are hazardous and values. An example of this is that just a single case of which things can be ignored. In turn, culture is coloured salmonella poisoning triggers considerable media by the social relations that rule in a given society. In coverage and public anxiety, while little notice is taken simplifi ed form, Douglas’s societal analysis can be of the fact that 500 Danes are killed annually in the summarized along two dimensions: Grid and Group. traffi c and many more are injured. In order to under- Grid denotes the strength of the hierarchy in society stand such “peculiarities”, it is not suffi cient to look (“regulation density”), while group denotes how at the objective risks associated with eating eggs and closely the individual people are associated to their travelling on the roads, respectively. It is necessary to social groups (“collective identity”). Schematically, examine what meaning people accord to food poison- one thus ends up with four cultures or four “myths ing and traffi c accidents, respectively – and what of nature”. The idea of such a cultural analysis is that perceptions they have of being affl icted by the respec- there is a systematic relationship between the social tive misfortunes. relations one is a part of, and how the world looks. The diagram is intended as an idealized typology that Risk cultures can illustrate tendencies, not as a complete descrip- When one states that different people consider different tion of man. The idea is that when one lives in one of things as hazardous, it is not just banal ascertainment these cultures, one will be inclined to share its “myth that no two people are identical. It is rather that one’s of nature” and strive for the maintenance of exactly otherwise identical circumstances of life affect how one this culture’s lifestyle as the natural one. Individuals perceives different things in one’s surroundings, including can be infl uenced by elements of several cultures, risks and environmental problems. however, and the infl uence of the different cultures One of the social scientists who has most system- can change during the course of time (Figure 5.7.1). atically examined how different people perceive different This type of cultural analysis has among other things in their surroundings as hazardous is the British things been used to determine how different people anthropologist Mary Douglas. Douglas believes that it view nature, and the “fi lters” different people wear is our culture that colours our perception of the world and through which they comprehend nature and environmental problems. This yields four different “myths” about nature’s predictability (Figure 5.7.2). These general schematizations cannot be used to Fatalists subdivide all people into four categories whereafter Hierarchists Marginalized one can understand and explain all their actions and people Bureaucrats attitudes. They express tendencies (in the sense of "It doesn't matter "Rules are there what we do to be obeyed" statistical regularities) in groups of attitudes that can – it makes no difference illustrate that when referring to nature, all people do in any case" not necessarily think about the same thing or in the same

Entrepreneurial Communards way. It can therefore be used to provide a feeling of why Figure 5.7.1 expansionists Social movements different people (and organizations) react differently Four cultures or Individualists "We must stand to “the same” information and pressures. In part be- “myths of nature”. "Man is his together cause the different cultures will not view the same own maker" against (Source: Douglas, the powerful" pressures on the environment as problematic, and in 1992). part because the proposals for change that stem from organizations with another cultural orientation will appear strange, incomprehensible or unacceptable. When environmental movements and the agro- chemicals industry argue about whether GMO crops "Nature is are “safe enough”, it is not just a dispute about fact- "Nature robust within limits ual knowledge. A feature of such confl ict is that the Is capricious" that must be maintained" parties to the confl ict perhaps have fundamentally different perceptions of nature. It is not certain, how- Figure 5.7.2 ever, that such differences are explicitly apparent from Four “myths” the confl ict. The opponent’s arguments become not of nature’s only wrong, but also incomprehensible or “suspect” "Nature is predictability. "Nature because they threaten the whole of one’s perception fragile and is robust" (Source: Douglas, requires protection" of the world. In this way, everyone believes that they 1992). are talking about “the same problem” when in reality

350 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY they may be talking at odds with each other. If one for people perceive nature differently, and that these per- example subscribes to “entrepreneurial expansionism”, ceptions cannot meaningfully be ranked. Otherwise highly bureaucratic regulation of the environmental dialogue becomes very diffi cult. Based on the desire for area will be perceived as unnecessarily limiting inter- a democratic environmental administration it is there- vention in commercial freedom. One will, for exam- fore necessary to take into account our knowledge of ple, tend to think that nature can manage to look nature, the limitations in our acknowledgement of both after itself, and that consideration needs to be shown nature and society, and the fact that society is culturally to the balance of payments so that we can afford to diverse. In this connection the contribution made by protect nature. For a “communard environmental ad- sociology is the insight that the “right” solutions are vocate” regulation will perhaps be perceived as an in- not necessarily right for all those people who did not adequate, somewhat paltry compromise that mostly participate in formulating them. Different forms of serves to preserve the power of the political/administra- environmental administration do not just have differ- tive system. On the other hand, the regulatory au- ent consequences for the environment, but also have thorities will undoubtedly consider such a measure as different social consequences. The confl ict potential a successful and well-planned intervention to the in the handling of environmental problems is there- benefi t of the environment. fore far from unimportant. An example of this is the One cannot say that the persons comprising the Danish Aquatic Environment Action Plans. political/administrative system have a truer cultural fi lter than businessman or environmental advocates. 5.7.5 Experts and laymen in confl ict From the social constructivistic point of view, it is In recent years, there have been numerous examples not a question of who is right. The different actors of how experts and “ordinary” citizens have disagreed can naturally attempt to pick holes in each others’ markedly as to how various risks should be assessed, foundation with reference to environmental changes. and which consequences this should have. One such However, as the relevant knowledge is often incom- example is GMO foods, which experts believe are plete, and the actual basis for procuring and inter- harmless, but which are nevertheless blocked by preting knowledge differs, such discussions typically activists, and which everything indicates will be run into insoluble problems. Everyone has a fi lter, boycotted by consumers if they are labelled. Another and such a fi lter is a unity that creates meaning and is the atomic power debate in the 1970s, where a coherence in the perception of the world. Moreover, popular movement grew up despite the fact that the the dissimilarities between them can largely be main- majority of experts in the area attempted to ensure tained by the fact that they obtain their meaning in the population that it did not pose any risk worth relation to each other. mentioning. If one wants to understand and prevent In this connection it may well be that the experts such confl icts, it is not suffi cient to establish expert have a “better” understanding of the state of the en- knowledge and administrative precautions. Account vironment because they have the possibility to inves- must also be taken of the societal and social dynamism tigate it with advanced methods and theories. How- involved in such confl icts. ever, as they have to advise society, their statements Based on a social constructivistic perspective of risk are the result of both their concrete investigations and the risk culture thesis, one can say that the objec- and the fundamental perception of nature and values tive/scientifi c approach that the experts use to assess that characterize their expertise. As a consequence, various risks is only one of several means of perceiving confl icts can arise when observations have to be inter- the world. It does not necessarily hold precedence preted, and especially when they have to be tran- when laymen have to accord meaning and coherence scribed into action in cases where there are confl icts to their everyday life. When laymen have to assess of interest at play. In this context the social sciences what is hazardous for them, they do not consider can contribute by for example analysing why and some or other phenomenon in isolation. To the con- how some understandings of environmental problems trary, they also incorporate everyday practical, ethical become dominant, while others become marginalized or societal considerations. Moreover, much research – without this (solely) happening with reference to indicates that when ordinary people have to assess the state of nature. various risks, they do not so much consider the scien- The challenge in a democratic society is to devel- tifi c content of the information they receive, but refl ect op mechanisms that through mutual consideration more on the trustworthiness of the institutions that and respect for the fact that others view the world provide them with the information. The knowledge differently than oneself can deal with the confl icts provided by the experts often appears impenetrable caused by environmental problems, etc. As a basis for and diffi cult to relate to. On the other hand, we are this it is necessary to at least be aware that different all able to assess whether we fi nd experts trustworthy.

THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY 351 In this connection, many criteria are incorporated that companies dominating the food market. There would at fi rst glance have very little to do with the content be no place for these types of democratic anxiety in the of the experts’ investigations, namely whether they public debate if all dialogue was based on an objec- are attached to independent organizations, whether tive risk language that only the experts master. This is they have economic interests in the thing being as- seen, for example, in the confl icts in the WTO, where sessed, etc. The environmental movements are often only “sound scientifi c evidence” is acknowledged if accorded high credibility in the public eye, and their one wants to ban something, and not, for example, experts therefore enjoy greater trust than the experts arguments such as that one fi nds hormone treatment associated with private companies. Companies often of animals to be ethically reprehensible. In that way, have greater resources with which to carry out investi- risk problems become a way of dealing with questions gations and risk assessments, but they also have eco- of political fairness without this being apparent from the nomic interests in the results. The trust-distrust balance confl icts. means that it is not certain that the scientifi cally best Modern society has to make use of experts, but in knowledge will have the greatest infl uence when society a democratic society, democracy and expert knowledge makes decisions. are to some extent at odds with each other. One can Occasionally it is claimed to be a problem that say that expertise excludes. Not everyone can share laymen do not have suffi cient understanding of how the experts’ knowledge, which is exactly what makes experts conduct risk assessments, yet nevertheless re- them experts. But if the experts are not to rule society, ject the fi ndings. In this way the public displays an ir- it must be possible to include other considerations than rationality that is inappropriate for society. For several those “the wise” state to be the correct considerations. reasons, efforts are now being made to do away with Expert knowledge can help ordinary people to orient such an understanding of the relationship between themselves in their everyday lives and decision makers experts and laymen. to make qualifi ed decisions. This too is increasingly the One reason is that the experts are not neutral. case. The experts do not have a monopoly on telling Not in the sense that they necessarily look after the people what they have to be afraid of, or how they interests of particular parties, but that they have a should live their lives, however. Experts should not be special way of perceiving the world that infl uences considered as “judges” who have to make the fi nal how different risks are assessed and ranked. This ob- decisions, but rather as important “witnesses” whose jective scientifi c approach to describing the world is information is to be used together with other “testimo- also coupled to some perceptions of value. One of the nies” in the solution of problems. If modern humans points of the risk culture theory is exactly that this type are to create harmony and meaning in their life, they of fi lter is always present, but rarely acknowledged as must take an active responsibility for it. There is there- bias in the case of the experts. At the same time, the fore a need for refl ective institutions where experts, strong focus placed on the experts’ formalized know- decision makers and citizens can enter into dialogue ledge means that the citizens’ experience-based with each other. knowledge about how things are done, for example about nature conservation, is overlooked and with The role and contribution time is eventually undermined and lost. of social sciences Another and perhaps more important reason is In Denmark in particular, but also internationally, the that the scientifi c risk considerations help to determine “soft” social sciences such as sociology, anthropology what can be said in the public debate. They force and cultural studies have hitherto played only a minor people to express themselves in a risk language. For role in the investigation and management of environ- example, it is hard to be a legitimate opponent of mental problems. The intention of the present section GMOs if one cannot prove or render probable that has been to illustrate some of the ways that sociolog- they are harmful to health or hazardous to the environ- ical analyses can hopefully contribute critically and ment. However, the anxieties upon which such pro- constructively to the way we deal with environmental tests are founded can concern something completely problems by focusing on aspects of the environment- different, for example that one objects to multinational al problems other than the purely physical aspects.

352 THE STATE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN DENMARK, 2001 – MAN AND THE URBAN COMMUNITY