Hybridizing the Human Body: The Hydrological Developrnent of Acupuncture in Eariy Imperia1 China

Nigel Peter Daly Department of East Asian Studies MalUniversity Montréal, Canada

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial futfiliment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

Universai Copyright O 1999 Nigei Peter Daly duBbJioy Cana Acquisitions and AcquLUtions et ûiiliogmphic Senrices se- bibiiographiques

The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence ailowing the exclusive permettant à la National Li- of Canada to Bibiiothèque nationale du Canada reproduce, loan, distribute or seil reproduire, prêter, distriiuer ou copies of this thesis m microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la fome de rnicrofiche/6?lm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format élecîronique.

The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la thèse ni des extraits subsîantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son pexmission. autorisation. This bL4 Look over five years to cornpiete. Among the obstacles on its path to completion was a two year hiatus in Taiwan, Vretrievably lost data on deleted harddrives, inaccessibility of research materiai, and several changes in thesis topic. Through al1 the deIayç, refinemenb, and changes of direction my thesis supervisor, Dr. Robin Yak, was always patient, open-rninded, and generousiy supportive. A rigorous taskmaster, 1am gratefd to him for keeping me in Line, or at least trying to. 1 feel fortunate and honored to have had him as a supervisor. 1 have Iearnt a great ded hom him. 1would also like to extend my th& to the East hianShidies Department staff at McGill University, +dy Dr. Thomas Lamarre for his insightful comrnenb and criticisms, Dr. Ken Dean for his valuable suggestions during our impromptu meetings,and SuanOng, theDepartmenIs Administrative Assistant for aiways being abIe to masberfully cut through aii that university bureaucratie red tape. 1 am grateful to my fianck, Chiang Suchen, who has respectecl and encouraged my work, especiaiiy during past two years, deciding to seifIessly stay in France and give me space to finish my thesis. E wish ta apologize to her for putting up with a tiresorne and expensive bngdistance relationship. FinaMy, my greatest aclcnowledgment mut go to rny patents. They have always supported me and encouraged me no matter what 1was doing. Mymother has always been both generously supportive and goad at keeping me focused. 1 have drawn much strength from her strong-wilt and pragmatism. AcademicaUy, 1 am indebted to my father for his patient proof-reading and for putting up with my ranting and chatter about thesis ideas over late night tea drïnking sessions. He was a gmat sound-board. I would thus like to dedicate this thesis Lo my parents as a small token of thanks for everything thev have donc for me. Table of Contents

Acknowledgments...... A .. Table of Contents...... -...... u Abstract ...... iv Introduction...... l

Chap ter 1 Theoretical Becomings

Respecthg difference(s)...... -.13 HybridiPng the 18 modern"...... J6 Networking and hybrid ontology...... "..-.-...... -...... -..20 Viral becomings and hybnd bodies...... î3 Chinese hy brid-bodies...... 25 nie"symbioticfield'' of water in early China ...... 3.5 Becoming-text, embody ing bext...... 37

Chapter II Pre-mai Bodies: Ritual Vessel-body ... Zhou vessek and mcnphons...... 42 Ritual dynamics: vesseIs and ved-bodies...... 47

ShamaiUc vessel-body ...... -...... -• -.-A9 Daoistlyang shmg vessel-body...... ------.32- Conclusion: Wbnd bodies...... -5' iii Chapter III Observations on the MaiTexk

hfaitext descriptions...... 60 Textas open system ...... fsl Contents of the texts ...... 67 Spatiaiizingyin and yang...... 73 Movemeiit and spatialized time...... ,...... -...... 75

Chapter IV Movement in the Mnifa and Yuiyang mai sihou

fi& pathoiogy and (up/down) movement...... 78 Vertical planes of movement ...... 82 Pathologicai speed - afktedover-extendhg (guo)...... --...83 Yhyangmaisihou-healing(emptying-mg) movement...... 86

Visioning the body: signs...... ++ ...... 87 'dovementvs stagnation...... 94 .Beliows" bodies: yang sheng resonances...... 99

Chapter V Hydralogical Resonances in the Mai fit and Yinyang mai sihou

'he hydrological "symbiotic field"...... IO5 Euman/nonhuman becomings...... If O hdrcxosmology: river networking...... Ill jrdering disorder: conclusions...... -120

nces...... 123

App- .f ix ...... ~...... +...... -....-~...... +...... 238 Abs trac t

Nybridihg the Human Body: nie HydroIoaofcai Development of Acupuncture in Early hpenaf China

Investigating the concepts of qiand maiand their functions in the oldest extant, recently excavated, second centq BCE practice-oriented guides to puise taking, moxibustion, and needling practices, this thesis aims to show the prominent influence of water imagery and suggests a way to conceptualize its significance. These texts can be seen as transitional in the development of acupuncture, whose later practice wodd involve use of met. needles and be almost exclusively associahi with the cosmological concepts of yin yang and wu hgand circular movemenk of qithat reached popdarity in the Qin and Han dynasties and attesteci in the oldest and most famous Chinese medical compilation, also of the Han, the Huangdi neijng. In contrast, the paradigm of water, with its uniditectional free flows, is what informs these early medical manuscripk' understanding of qiand mai and their physiological movements.

Cette thèse, en recherchant les fonctions physiologiques des concepts de et de ma;souligne l'importance de Simagerie associé avec l'eau teIle qu'elle est v6hicuiée par ces deux termes centraux dans tes plus vieux textes de la tradition ris l'acupuncture. Ces textes, récemment rétrouvés et datés du deuxième siècle av. J-C, représentent une étape transitoire dans Yhisioire de l'acupuncture. Ils sont écrits avant l'usage des aiguilles metalliques qui ont été associés presqu'uniquement avec les concepts cosmologiques de yin yang et de wu &g et les concepts physiologiques des mouvements circuiaires de qi devenus populaires durant les dynasties Qin et Han. Ces concepts ont été employés de facon libérale dans le ; classique medical datant, lui aussi, de l'époque des Han. Le paradigme de rem, qui suggère un mouvement fluvial et unidirectionnrl, influence les concepts de qiet de maiet leurs mouvements physiologiques. In traduction Developing Mai @ Texb/Bodies

Heaven and earth blend qi[and the resuit] is calied man. [f man is abIe to temain responsive mg@) to the four seasonç.. . - Suwen, ch. 25 (in Sivin 198738)

Mm Iives on the qiof heaven and earth. he grows accordmg to the iaws of seasonal changes. - Suwen, ch 25 (in Liu 22)

Occidentals who know anything about traditional Chinese medicine wili at least have heard of one of its most ancient and distinctive practices, acupuncture (zhenjiu #&), defined broadly as the insertion of thin needles to varyllig depths at strategicdy locakd points (acu-points) on the surface of the hunian body generaiiy used to treat acute diseases,' and especiaUy effective for reiieving or suppressing pain. And if they are familiar with acupuncture and its needling techniques then they have probably also heard of qi a 'its "circulation tracts" that striate the body called mai and special points of access dong the maicailed acu-

The other practice dosely dssociated with acupuncture is moxibustion, consisting of the buming of drfemesia tïnder (ai in the form of cones or a agar-shaped stickabove acu-points on the skin's surface. As Needham points out, moxibustion is dyused to treat dvonic ilkiesses (1985855. The Chinese name for dcupunctrue, &en/Ïu, Kterally "needle" (dien fi) and "cauterization" (jïu a,designates both acupuncture and moxibustion practices, hence the tenn "acu-moxa" employed by Lo (1998) is a more faithfd translation.

= 1 wdi leave "qi" transiiterated as the tenn itseif is becoming inaeasingiy recognized as an English neologism, espdyfor Westernstudenb of Chinese medicine. Qiisoftenmisleadingly translated ds "energy,"for, as two commentators put it, "[ijn the entirety of Chinese medical iiterature, thete is Little to suggest th& qimeans anythinglike Westernconceptolenergy'' (Wiseman and Zmiewski 79). 1 prefer to maùitain the mineteenth and early twentieth sinological tradition of conceiving qias d tluid, as Graham does when he simply defines qias "the dcti~tinghi& m the atmosphere and the body" (1989:4n), but in eariy Chinese writings t has the senses of vapor. breath. air, and in Ciunese ptuiosophy and science, a dynamic force that infiuences thgs and phenornena (making Living things Iive and moving thing moue). in titissense, as Kaltenmark points out, yin yang; wu hg; dnd even the Yijhgs tri- and hem- dre d manifestations of qi (62)- points or xue or .WC wei k.3 It is a1s0 likely that they are suspicious of acupuncture treahnent for a nurnber of reasons, not the least of which has to do with the f'act that both qiand mhi, as well as physiotogical systems that comprise Chinese medical anatomy, are invisibIe. In fact, as bothchinese medicai praditioners and xholars alikeoften proudly point out, Chinese medicine has no anatomy. The result is a discourse4 of "organicism" and "holism" that externally recognizes the body's intimate relations with ik environment, and internally stresses the in€erconnections between the viscera and mai that are functiondy and not spatially conceiveci, while definùrg itself against the aiiegedly mechanistic physiology of the Western medical anatornic and unitary body. Many occident& may not realize the polemical and, indeed, productive aspects of contemporary discourses on Traditionai Chinese Medicine 0.During the emergence of acupuncture physiology in Chinese medicai practices some two miiiennia ago, there was no modem Western medicine to compete with, and the body's intimate rehtion with its environment was both ontologicai and epistemological. Ontoiogicaiiy, the body and its environment were pervaded by commonvitd Bows engendering Me and movement, e.g., qi and epistemologicaily, the body was understood in topoIogrcal terms, whiie land was similarly describeci with somatic concepts. The two quotations that open the Introduction above are in fact translations of the same passage, but reveal how contemporary uses and perspectives differ

Xue iitedy means "hotes" or "caves." Kuriyama has arh'culately çuggested the connection between some early Chinese myhand tegends that speak of cosmic winds flo-g in and out of the earth's caves and cavemr and the Chinese medicai understanding of "strategic orifices" in the skin through whïch pattiogenic wind ûows in and out (199437).

1 find Hay's general sense of "dkourse" twful, which applies to "the articulatory and expressive practices evolving in spdccdturai spheres between and among mdividuals, pups and institutions, in media su& as Ianguage, visud irnagery, social relationships and psychodymmia (1994dr7). conceming the dissemination of the wkdom hom ihe Chinese rnedicai classics. The former derives €rom a Chinese medical hbtorian, while the latter from a contemporary Chinese medical theorist Both quotations, however, are taken from English books that are both intendeci to be TCM textbooks. The rnedicai historian, however, attemptr to presewe the original sense of the human body as a composite thing, the literal blending of heaven and earth qi wMe the other translation interprets the passage in a more or les"symbolic" as weII as and "Iiteral'' way, and is conditioned with the foUowing words: Not onIy is the human body an organic whole, but there aiso exists a rdationship of integrity between the human body and nahue, ... That 'man Lives on the @of heaven and earth' can be understood more or leçs fiteraiiy. ïhe 'giof heaven and earth' implies those subsbnces such as food and air supplied by nature to support the fife process ... These statemenis cm be viewed, however, as symboIic statements about the relationship betwen the human body and the enWonment, Symboiicaiiy, they suggest the human physiology depends on the quaiïties of the environment wu12)

Three points stand out here, also commonplace in guides to and textbooks on TCM (1) the use of quotatiow kom classics, especially the Huangd nepg5uwen fie ;J fl as above, (2) the rationaiiza tion and scientization of these "symbolic statements," and (3) the emphasis on organic hoüsm, the "integritf' between "the human body and "nature." Taken together, these three points reveal that an interesting bension exisb in contemporay TCM (&ongyi + $), that is, the reverence for its cIassicaI scriptures and theseif-conscious formation of an identity against Western, "scientific" medicine (xi' @ a. TCM and many of its core practices and theories about physiology and pathology can daim a iustory of over two thousand years. Accordingly, the tradition and ib dassics are venerated, although their rneanings or "impiications" are drawn out and explained with language that is les"Iiteral" and more scientific. FinalLy, perhaps the most conspicuous difference between TCM and "Western medicine," is the cornplel absence of anatorny in the former. This fad is extolled in 4 biany rvriters of TCM books consider ztnatomy as divisive, cutting up the body into parts and organs that have IittIe inkrcomection with each other, and of a mechanical nature, at that. Incontrast, Qiinese medicine relies on a physiology that stresses function and hctiod zones rather than material substrate. The 1977

Figure 2: The surface, iinear anatomy of the Figure 1: This 1618 Pietro da Cortona study sI'0rcyung ming dndung from Zhang Jiim's of bIood vesseis, nerves and abdommal /lei jing (1624). vixera is Plate one in the second edition of TabuIaemtomicae,pubikhed posthumously in l78û (Norman, plate 0. nationai textbook entitled Foundafions of Chinese Medicine (Zhongyi jichwn

The mai are held as precious by the sages. ... Those who cure (zhi g) iünesses take surptus and augment deficiency. (Maifa;Gao 199296)

In aii cases, one is able to see the subue signs of death ...When the maiare full, empty hem; when ernpty fiU them. Be quiescent in order to trea t them. ( Yhyang maisfiou; Gao 199294)

Bones are the piiiars, sinews the ties, bIood the rnoisture, mai the watercourçes (du if), ffesh that which adheres, qi that whidi bends. ( Yhymg mai sihou; Gao 199296)

These passages are the first practice-oriented descriptions of early acupuncture-iike needIing techniques. Sigdicant is their emphasis on the capacity of the mai to be

This is one of the main ideas of the pMosophy of Gilles Deleuze who considen it more hithil to the understanding of a body (humart, &al or object) if itç powers to affect and be dffected ate known. He thus rejects the static ontological question of "what is a body" in heu of "what can n body do?" (19902ZI7-221;sce &O Deleuze 1987). either full or empty, the physician having the ability to "take surplus and augment deficiency," and the description of maias "watercourses" or "irrigation channels," suggesting a function involved in transporting fluids (qiand/or xuedIlblood). The diagnostic techniques described in these texts involve either touch or vision: the flows ofr or in, the maican be ascertained by palpation (pulse taking) techniques, whereas body-part problems can be determineci by recognizing the "subtie signs" that manifest on the body's surface. The la ter medical corpus entitled the Huangdi naJing Suwm, tenta tively daki hom the between 100 BCE and 100 CE6 and stiii revered as the philosophical fount of contemporary TCM, reveals a more theoreticaIly cornplex understanding of the body and ma; thair relation to the cosmos, and the role of the physician. This has prompted Needham and Lu to say that "[ilt mains hue, however, that no real understanding can be at&ined without the basis of the Huang Ti Nei Chhg Su Wen [Huangdi ne@g suwen] and Ling Shu," and merthat these classics "correspond in large measure with the Hippocratic Corpus" (9). It wodd be a mistake, however, to assume that the Huangdina~hgciassicsconstitute a theoreticaiiy consistent corpus. Keegan has shown that we must "recognize that the Neiching[Huangdineqing] is the name given to a series of compilations which recorded a variety of debates on medical theory" (xiv). By the time of the Suweds composition and compilation, acupuncture and needling techniques had already been influenced by the ideas found in the influentid correlative cosmology that emerged during the Qin and Han empires and was popuIarly ernployed by the

The Huangdinwjihg in fact, is not one text, and it desïgnated at least four different, thoughat times overIapping compdations, subtitied: Suwen g PL, Lingsbu f#E, &Sand iMulg T'mg a g.Sivin points out that it has oniy been Nice the Northern Song (%O4126 CE) the titie "has been used as a collective titie for the kttwo" (19931%). Although many schohrs phce the compilation of the core of these two Hlrangdim~mgworksbehveen approximately 100 BCE to 1O0 CE. Keegan (see his chaptcr 1) has cogently argued that since we only have extnnt (618-WCE) recensions of these texts, it is impossible to determine the exact relationship hetween the Hm and Tang vcrswns. scholastic elite and bureaucracy .Chapter 25 of the Huangdineji'ngSuwen, the same chapter as quoted from above, exempIifies such a correlative account of the body: Heaven and earth blend qi[and the result] is calleci man. If man is able to remain responsive (yhp"P&) to the four seasons, heaven and earth are father and mother to him, as when he who shodders the burden of dominion over the myriad things is caiied the Son of Heaven. in the sky there are ph (ICB) and yang m);human beings have their twelve major maichannels? The sky has its hot and cold weather; human beings have their depletions (xu and repletions (shil).He who can model @hg bSe) himseif on the transformations of sky and earth, , wiii not fail to be attuned to the four seasons. He who can know the pattern (Ilmunderlying the [motions] of the twelve m&anneis wilI not be surpasseci in wisdom even by a sage. He who can axertain the dianges of the eight movements [ie., winds of the eight directions] and those associateci with the Five Phases (wu ~gh.e)m their cycie of mu tual conquest, w ho can master the regularities underlying depletions and tepletions, goes in and out done.' No matter how faint the moan [of the patient], nor haw subtie the symptom, nothing escapes his eye. (Suwen 163; madifieci from Sivin 198758)

There are seven things one notices in this passage: (1) self-cuitivation of physician is Like that of "Son of Heaven," a common designation of the der - the derand physician are &O namesakes Ur their functions: both derand physician zhi s, which generically means "to put in order" or specificaiiy "to de" and "govem" for the derand "to heal" and "cure" for the physician; (2) the physician must model himseIf on heaven and earth and be attuned to the four seasons, (3) in order to know the "underlying patterns" or "princip1esn of the "channels"(or joints) and so detect irregularities; (4) the correlating ofyzhand yangto Heavenand Earth;

The onqnai tcxt in the Wang Bing E $& edition from the Tang dynasty (618-907 CE) readzjies "joints" instead of mai. Meng and Wang, the editors of the 1994 edition of the Tmlation and Ekplanation ofthe Huangdi neilhg Su wai wuangdi ne#ïngSuwm @hi )ti & S S (IM), emend jie to mai This seems to make more sense given the number hvelve (the number of major maiin the body) and the foiiowing üne that talks of "depIetionWand "repletion" (basic hinctions assoàated with the mari not the "joints"). However, Sivin maintains the origuial term expiainïng that the joints are that "whichalIow the hbsto move in aitemation" (198738).

This obsctue passage Sivin interprets lhis to mean Uiat having "no peer among mort&, and wtii survive as an immortaIW(lW38). (5) resonance with the four seasons; (6) use of Five Phases theory; (7) visual emphasis in diagnosis and recognition of signs. in discussing human physiology, etiology, diagnosis, and treatment, the Huangdi ne~Jihgalways emphasizes the human's relationship with the universe (Heaven and Earth). The human, a "median" situated between Heaven and Earth, thus depends on Heaven for its animation and on Ea* for the maintenance, constitution, and perpetuation of ik bodily form. Rochat de Ia Vallée has further suggested that this medical classic "serves only as a chronobiology" that prescribes that one "must live through each of the successive stages of his iife as fie iives through the changes of the four seasons, whether or not they are temporariiy disturbed" (67). Centrai to both the early mai te& and the later Huangdi nexjihng corpus (Suwen and Lingdu) is mai etiology and îreatment However, examining the depi~onsof the mai in these two different stages in the development of acupuncture theory and practice can show qualitative differences in the undentanding of ma;qt; and blood, and their respective movements. Although space requrrements bit my investigation, it can be soundly argued that these differences are in large part due to the influence of the Qin (221-206 BCE) and Han (206 BCE - 220 CE) im perial cosmology based on ph yang and wu xuig ("Five Phase") correlative ttunking and an aitendant qdical reconception of time. Comparing the two sets of texts via their above (albeit ümited) repcesentative quotations, one notices the absence in the eariier maitexts of identifications of the physician with the der ("Son of Heaven"), Five Phases and elaborate yin yang theorizing with its inseparable concent with seasonai attunement These elements found and elaborated in the Huangdi ner~ingcom pendium manifest a cosmoIogy that emerged and co-evolved with the imperial ideology with the unification of China. State economy and regdation of the flows and storage of goods fin& physiological counterpart in various Uuangdi naJmgessays. In the theoretically more cornpiex, and thus arguabty later? mai tex& of the Huangdi nepng; the 12 major transportation channek of the body mg ") are inûxconnected, via smalIer conduits (Iuo &), and individually linked with their respective "granaries" or "depots" (zangm and "palaces" or "centers of consumption" (ha}.The well- king of the body, just as of the state, depended an an unobstructed and interconnecteci network of imnsportation charnels and stornge depots to facilitate the ceaseles flow and distribution of goods. '7'0open clogged waterways, to drain fioodings, to irrigate he soil," Unschuld reminds us, "were among the most important responsibilities of the goverment to ensure riduiess of the land and abundance of its products" (82). Tn short, the story of the Chinese medical body, from these early times on, wouid be inexûicably W to the story of the unifid and unifying Chinese empire. This observation in itrelf is hardly novel, as others have already pointai out the privileged site that the body occupied in the devdopment of the Chinese imperial cosmology that used the concepts of state, body and cosmos as planes of correlation and legilimation (Unschuld 73-83; Sivin 2995a; Yak 1994). These imperidiy CO-establiçhedpianes were mediateci and dedby a new sense of time and timeliness which was aisa a pressing concem. An inverse proportionaliv seemed to develop between (state) cosmology and body: as the correlations of p yang and Five Phase cosmology became increasingly elaborate in a concern to regulate time and actions, the body became increasingly seen as a site of temporal

Keegan €usnnalyzed the relations beîween some of the MWD and Hua~gdiinerJUlgtexts. He has articuiated the existence O€ limages Iinking these tex& around what h has caiied "fossii structures." One such heage he adthe Cassilstnicture of what he cailed the "wwd- soundn(muyùi i/r Q: or mushg ;3r s)iüness. ling~hcr3.10b (95), Suwen 830 (27)and the hn(vo text entitled mpngshiyi ma@iu jihg(Ma 199232)all contain thïs fossil and thus can be desaibed as being membea of a common textual lineage (173-82). Although these tests share a common fmif structure, the contexts diverge in narrative and theoreticai complexity - the MWU text being the simpiest in both LW. ilth suggests either a temporalevolution ola tradition or the later cmployment of an idca within a Iater tradition. dislocation; many illnesses kameattributed to the belief that the body fell out of synchronization with the cosmic seasonal movements of time. But the maitexts kom Mawangdui and Zhangjiashan are remarkable in that they predate the influence of the imperial bureaucratic structure and oficially sanctioned cosmology. In fad, although the early mai texts, Like much of Late Warring States and early imperial works, partake in what has been cded "correIative thinking" (see Chapter l), the former texts nonetheless Iack any over- arching cosmology. However, one "correiative" theme that does murand resound - especialIy in the hvo more complex texts entitled by Ma (1992) as "M~fd'and II Yinyang mai sihod' - is waber. More specificaiiy, the properties of water, its movement and various forms (rivers and waterways) are often correlateci with major body componenk and functions, This hydrological theme cmbe observeci in later imperial medicai works, but is especially prominent in Late Warring States and early Chinese imperial works, as MIan's Tlie Way of Water and Sprouts of Vufue (1997) demonstrates. 1have divided the thesis into five chapters. The first chapter pub forward a critical approach to studying other cultures and historical periods and offers some theoreticai concepts to better understand and help situate early Chinese medical ideas. The early Chinese maibody did not arise from thin air. The second chapter thus tries ta situate ik emergence within the context of the shamanic, Daoist, and yangsheng or "nurturing life" traditions which are related to the mai tradition by technical terminology and thematic overlaps. The third and fourthchapters examine the WDand ZJS medical mar'texts themselves, paying special attention to both the functions and movements of qi and mai in etiology and diagnosis, and their conceptual parallels in other textual traditions. Finally, the fifth chapter draws almost exclusively on the two most compiicated mai texts in order to show the hydrological themes associatgd with theudescriptions of the movements of maiand qi, and to hrther contextualize these themes in a iarger epistemic field that pewaded much of pre-im perial Chinese thought Chapter 1 Theoretical "Becomings"

The tramhuman condition ... concem its non-teieoIogicaI becoming in an immanent process of 'anthropological deregulatiom' (Pearson 163)

Heaven is round. Earth iç tlat The human's head b round and his feet are bt-.- Heaven has the sut and maon. The human has two eyes. Earth has nuir regions. The haman has the nine orifices. ... Heaven has the four seasons. The human has the four limbs. ... Heawn has yin and yang. The human ha maie and femaie. ... Edrth has tweive nvers. nie huma. has twelve major channels (mai m. Earth has springs and strem. The human has the protective gr' (RA). ... (Huangdi ndjuig Lk@u A7i; rnodified Erom Wu J.N.W)

"It is not that there are a few hybrids, it is that there are only hybds." (Lmtour; in Crawford 1993261)

1.1 Respecting difference(s)

This chapter has two airns. One is to shed new Iight on understanding the maiand medical bodies inearIy maitexts, and the other, to investigate the mode of training of early mai doctors. Granteci, botfi modes of ùiquiry relv aimost exclusively on textual sources, but a criticai analysis can field understandings and fniitful interpretations that chdlenge uncritical assumptions and traditionaI Euro- North American schoiarly biases, such as the self-other, nahirPculture, and theory- practice dichotomies. In the context of early Chinese mai medical practice and studyt such kdand fast distinctions are, in fact wildly exotic. With the aid of the ideas and philosophies of sensitive, self-reflexive, and creative thinkers Like Bruno Latour and Giiies Deleuze, f want to take correlative thinking and cultural differences senousiy. My desire is to see how two thousand year old Chinese medical ideas and perspectives resonate with and through contempocary critical theory. It has been argued that the style of early Chinese correlative thinking dif€ers from "modernnWestern thinking. In China and the Cluistim IinpactA ConLVdof CuIhrres, Gernet investigates the eariy encounters between Christian missioniuies and thechinese. Given theiretuditeand phiIosophically based theology, influenceci largely by kistotelian philosophy, cakgories, and logic, the Jesuits beiieved that "the Chinese appeared to lack logicn (3). Matteo Ricci, for example, "very well understood the necessity fi& to teach the Chinese to reason properly, that is, to distinguish between substance and accident, the spirituai sou1 from the material body, the creator and his mation, moral good and naturd good. How else could Christian huths be put aaoss?" (Md.). Assuming their mode of reasoning was the only correct one, any other mode was naMydeemed faulty. It did not, perhaps could not, occur to the Jesuits that the Chinese participated in a different, and not deficient, intelledual tradition with different mental categories and modes or' thought Analogously, research on China and ik history and cultures employing traditionai Euro-Korth American universakt and universalizing categories is at best distorting and at worst self-serving. There has been much ment criticaI scholarship revedling, genedy, the intimate and insidious relationship beh-een power, Euro-American colonial expansion, and Euro-,&nericm research O t other cultures, and, specifically, the ways that such resea~hemploys various strategies of orhetingthat inevitablv construct its objects of study." Such attempts to fathom the unfamiliar require not only a respedul and opeLi attitude, but also a selfaitical stance. Thus to understand that which is different, it is instructive to appreciate the

La Many have argued out thnt the now-realized fiction of the unbiased, "pansptid" position of the researcher was bound up with unquestioned faith m geopoIitio (statehood) and chronopolitics (the idea of HegeIw "pmgressnand its avatars of modemity, modernhtion and "impact-resportse"theories) (see Saidf979; Fabian 1983; Latour 2993;seeaIso DirU for observations on these ideas in Chinese History studies). verv conceptof "difference" iklf-Thisethically-motivateci project has ahady been taken up by many post-structuralist French thinkers and culture theorists. Post-May 1968 French inteIIectuals have had a tremendous impact on contemporary ntlture theory. These post-structutolist thinkers wouId see the Jesuik as representatives of the Euro-North American philosophical tradition of "foundationaiism," a form of phiiosophy which resistr thinking difference. French thinkers like Deleuze, Derrida, Foucault, kigary, Kristeva, Levinas, and Lyolard thus seek to redress this neglect of difference for ethical reasons. Philosophical foundationaiism is the attempt to establish an account or theory that is exhaustiveand indubitable - "the final say." Two famous proponents of this mode of inquiry are René Descartes (1596-MO), the popularly prodaimed yet viiified "hther of modem philosophy," and Edm~dHussert (i859-1938), the fonder of phenomenology. Tney both aspireci to devise a science of beginnings, a "first philosophy." Similariy related to philosophical foundationalism is " totaiitarianism" - not in the narrow sense of an oppressive poIitical regime, but rather in the broader epistemological sense of "constraining people's Iîves and identities hnarrowly defined parameten" (May4). PhiIosophicatly, totaIitarianism distills, nullifies, and even hornogenizes what is different, giving primacy to what is the same or identical. Identitv, in this view, has traditionally heid sway in the understacding of (1) "community," which marginalizes those who cannot participate in the "common substance," (2) "ethics," which derives principles on the basis of analogy of others to oneself (identity and sameness) obliterating from view differences among people or things that are ethically very relevant, and (3) ontologv, which operates by foreclosingconsideration of ontological posstbiiities that are irreducible to identity (ibid.). In al1 these cases, observes May, "the different ... is Lost, distorted, repressed, or reduced" (ibid.). Being open to notions of difference and pIurality is espdalIy important when looking at earIy Chinese medical texts. The texts under investigation were written during a transitional period in Chinese medicine when ideas dbout qi mdJI and acupuncture were forming and taking shape. There was no standard doctrine, neither of physiology, etiology, diagnosis nor treatment, only multiple ways of reading symptoms and offering tceaûnenk emerging from multiple discourses. Even the later Huangdi naring, stiii the most revered scripture in contemporary "traditional" Chinese medicine, is a compilation of texts from various medical traditions containing many contradictions and inconsistencies. Although the Chinese medical tradition is replete with examples of the tremendous effort spent on the part of commentators and editors to make sense of, homogenize, and even eiùninate these inconsistencies, Chinese medical practice is typically inclusionist rather than exclusionist"

1.2 Hybridizing the "modem"

The goal of this thesis is interpretive in nature. %terpretiven cornes from the Latin intwpres, which means "an agent between two parties," a "broker." It wouid be ideal to occupy that place "ktweenn researched knowledge and reader, to become the "pure" interpreter or mediator. The "ideal" and real, though, are not the same, as many commentators have recently pointed out (see note 10). We are al1 in some sense products of our age and culture. Interpretation, then, should be not oniy analysis but selfaitical analysis. As the influentid French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu has put it, "it is not sufficient ... for the investigator to distance himself from, or to objectify, the social reality he studies; it is also necessary he sustain a continuing critique of his methods and epistemoIogica1 paradigms" (Payne 73). Whether the Euro-North American tesearcher of other cultures hoids he or she lives

" On the inconsistencies and Jifferent cornpeting and sometimes anbgonistic theones found in the Huangdineiiing see Ll~chuId5-8. in either modern or postmodem times, the idea of "modernity" is important in assessing his or her intellectual and cultural assumptions. "Modernity" has many meanings and connotes different periods of time in vanous disciplines, from aesthetics to history and sociology. In general, though, these various meanings involve a quality or experience (individual or socially coIIedive) of historical time which marks a radical break from not only previous epochs but also "other" cultures (see Fabian). Sociology, for example, primarily identifies "modernity"with the riseof industrialization,secularization, bureaucracy and thecity; Durkheim (1893) argued modernity reveaied a shift from "mechanical" to "organicnforms of solidarity in the division of labor; Tiinnies (1940) lamented the change from interpersonai ties of community (Gemmeto the autonomous individuai "societyn(Gkdfschafq; Weber (1921) associated it with the process of rationalization and disenchantmentu In We Have Never Been Modern, Latour enters the debate on "modernity," and offers an intriguing theory that attributes the rise of modernity to a division of Iabor in the production of knowledge. Modernity, in Latods view, ernerged during the seventeenthcenturyat the time of Hobbes and Boyle. It is at this juncture in time that knowledge was bifurcated, creaiing two domains of knowledge that would structure aii academic disciplines: oneof people(Hobbes and politics) and knowledgeof thùigs (Boyle and science). Science took on responsibiiïty for the representation of nonhuman and politicai science for the human; Hobbes excluded experimentaiscience hmpoliticai science and Boyle exduded politics from the discourse of experimental science. The modems, claims Latour, "have nit the gordian knot with a weii-honed sword. The shaft is broken: on the left, they have put knowledge of things; on the right, power and human politics" (Latour 3). However, natural objects and social subjects have

For a brief and morc comptete overview of infiuentiiil ideas and xholars of "modernity," sec aborne 346-9. never been sim pl y and purely "natutal" or "social." They are, rather, "hybrids" located in networks of transIation and mediation. The "modems" unselfconsciously perform a sleight of hand (or reason) insofar as they attempt to purify things of their "hybrid qualities" and categorize them into one or the other subject/object pole (Crawford 1994:579). "This double denial," ctaims Clegg, "becornes the basis for some of the great fictions of modernity: the subjected/subjective citizen, the sovereign state and order, on the one hand; the evident fa& the laboratory design and the objective witness-as-subject, on the other"(Ciegg 154). The "Constitution" of the modern can be describeci as consisting of an asymmetcical relation between two parts: "trans1ationN(practice of hybridization of socïeties-natures) and "~ficationv(theory-praxis of ontological difference of society and nature, and Western "cu1ture"axtdOther "dture~'~).More specïfidy, the word 'modem' designates two sets of entirely diüerent pratices which must remain distinct if ihey are to remain effective, but have recently become confused." The first set of practices, by 'transIation,' mates mixhms between entireky new types of beings, hybrids of nature and culture. The second, by 'purification,' creates two entirely distinct ontological zones: that of human bemgs on the one hand; that of nonhumans on the other. Without the fint set, the practices of purification wouid be fruitless or pointiess. Without the second, the work of translation wouid be slowed down, or even dedout The first set refen to what 1 have caiied networks; the second to what 1 shaii cal1 the modem criticai stance. (Latour 10-1)

Translation (mediation) and purification considered separately - that is, asymmetrically - is the defining attribute of the Wymodem" (Latour 11).The success of the modem, as witnessed in advances in science and technology, is due to the full-blown operation of translation with its sirnultaneous denial by

" One shouid, however, be aware of Latour's epistemological vantage point. which is temporally sitnated with the fail of the Berlin Wdand the USSR as the Jemise of socialism (143). These events have Ied to ÙLit "exceptiodsituation tbt we find outselves in today" (12), whidi in tum bris enabIed Litour to question the very identity of the modern Considerd simultaneously by networking, "we immediately stop king wholly modernn(Latour 11,91), and realize that, in fact, we haveneverbeen modem. This "networking' amendment to what hecdls the modern"Constit~tion'~ will thus transform it into a "nonmodern" Constitution. Early Chinese correIative thinking can be understood as a practice of "translation" without the segregating ontologizing associated with the "modem" practice of "purification." In Disputers of the (319-25), Graham elaborates on what he takes to be the difference between "causal" (modem, scientific) and "correlative" thinking, drawing on Roman Jakobson's structutaiist iinguistics derived from his studies of aphasia (see Jakobson 239-59). Jakobsondiscovered two types of aphasia, one he caiied "similarity disordersn (the inability to recognize relations of similarity, Le., metaphoric relations), the other "contiguity disorders" (the inability to distinguish part-whole dations, or of temporal connexity, i.e., metonymic relations). He conduded that metaphoric and metonymic relations constituted aii language Ieaming and use. Graham takes this schema of pattern recognition and devises an explication of the workings of early Qiinese correlative thinkingE suggesting it comprises "paradigmatic relations" denoting relations of similarity and contrast, and "syntagn?aticrelations" of contiguity and remotent 3s. For example, the pairs "Doy and Night" and "Light and Darkness" cmbe combined in both paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations: Day/Night = Light/Darkness rnanifests a paradigmatic relation of the metaphor type, while Day/Light = Night/Darkness manifests a syntagrnatic relation of the contiguity type (Graham

" It is in this respect that Latour writes, "[mfodernism was not an üiusion, but an active performing" (144).

Ls Again, 1 wish to make the distinction between cornkative thinking that pervades the early maitexts and the later "comldtive cosrnoiogu' htînforms Iater medical understandmg. as in the Huangdineijhg. The iatter style of comiative thinking not only involves the systemaîic use of concepts absent in the eariy mai texts, me wu xhg but &O has inextricable ties to the development of the imperid st&e 1989:320-1; Hall and Ames 136). Graham follows Jakobson's lead, believing that correlative thinking is grounded in the nature of Linguistic activity, but which nonetheless may vary fram culture to culture. After GaMeo, arevolution in thinking pushed analytic thinking to ihe foreground, but correlative thinking still remained in the background. According to Graham, "[tlhe Chinese assumption"is that correlative thinking is indispensable, but "[tlhe Western tradition ... has Iong persisted trying Co de&& the anaiytic completely £rom the background in the correlative, dismissing the latter as loose argument hm analogy" (Graham 1989:323). Latour has made a simüar observation in his investigation into the meaning and practices of "rnodernity," concluding that "translatingn seems to operate in the background, foregrounded by the ontologizing operation of "purification" that effectively erases, and thus denies, their inseparable connedon. The distinction between the "modemsnand "premoderns,"then, is not one of radicai opposition, but rather of "siuuiaritynand "fraternity"(Crawford 1993:259). "Al1 natures-culhires are simiiar in that they simultaneously constmct humans, divinities and nonhumans ... Al1 of them sort out what wiU bear signs and what will not. If there is one thing we al1 do, it îs sureiy that we construct both our human collectives and nonhumans that surround them" &atour 106).

1.3 Nehvorking and hybnd ontology

Cmcial to Latour's critique of and remedy to modernity, a "network" or "translation" is a linking or weaving-together of the divide that separates "exact knowiedge and the exercise of power ... nature and power" (3). En other words, networks atternpt to "cross the borders" of the categories of nature, politics, and dixourse (5) and "are neither objective nor social, nor are they effects of discourse, even though they are real, and coiiective, and discursive"(6). Prior to his book We Have Never Ben Modem (1993), he proposed the term "actor-nehvork theoryn which sees actorsi6 not as "fixed entities but as fIows, as circulating objects, undergohg triah" (unpublished manumipt; Crawford 1993262). Actor nehvork theory does 'net use cdture, the content of science, or discourse as the cause of the phenornenon;" it is, ra ther, an "Wanguage," nda mehlanguage, that does not predetermine who or what can be actors and their properties (Crawford 1993:263). In an interview, Latour similady equates Deleuze and Guattari's notion of rhizome with networ k, saying that "actor-network theory should be called actant/rhizome ontology" (Crawford 1993263). The rhizome is a horizontal growing mot-plant system, a creeping stem lying usuaiiy horizontdy, at or under the surface of the soi1 and differing hma root m having scde leaves, bearing leaves or aerial shoots near its tips, and producing mots kom its undersurface. (Wekte/s New WorIti Drch'onary)

Deleuze and Guattari have adopted this term to designate a concept that defies foudational and totalitarian thinking. The rhkome cm be understood as the univocity and hybridity of being, "the affirmation nei ther of difference nor of unity, but of the surface that is the interhuining of the two" (May 182). Among the six philosophical characteristics of the rhizome they discw, the first three are espe&lly relevant to Latouis shift to ontology. The first and second are the "principles of connedion and heterogeneity: any point of a rhizome can be co~ectedto anything other, and must be"19977). The third is the principle of muitiplicity: "A muitiplicity has neither subject or abject, ody determinations, magnitudes and dimensions thatcamot increase in number without the multiplicity changing in nature ... There are no points or positions ... oniy iines" (8). FinaIly, Boundas points out another featureof the rhizome in that "rhizomes may be broken at any point of their growth, without being prevented €rom spreading through a

IC h entrty with a "personality"but not necesMnly anhpornorphic Latour uses the descriptions "encrgy"or "force"(Crawford 2993:262). multitude of alternate lines" (Boundas 22; Deleuze and Guattari 1987:9-11). In its organic manifestation, the rhizome is a unity whose stems and leaves are not termini, but sites for re-organization and continual rebirth in the form of shoots growing out and then back into the rhizome entity at another point This connectivity evinces a doubIe movement of destratification or detemtoriaiization (growing out) and straüfication or retemtorialkhg (growing in). This double movement is another example of a "becoming." They provide another, more iiiustrative example of this co~ectedmovement, concerning the wasp and the orchid: The orchid detenitorializes by forming an image, a tracing of a wasp; but the wasp rebemtotializcs on that image. The wasp is nevertheIess detenitorialized, becoming a piece of the orchid's reproductive apparatus. But it retenitorialues the orchid by transporüng ik poilen. Wasp and orchid, as heterogeneous eiements, fom a rhizome. (1987:lO) This is not simply imitation, but a "capture of code, surplus value of code, ... a veritable becoming, a becoming-wasp of the orchid and a becoming-orchid of the wasp" (ibid.). Deleuze and Guattari further assert that "lelach of these becomings hgsabout the detemtoriaiization of one term and the retemtoriaiization of the other; the hvo becomings interlink and form reIays in circulation of intemitles pushing the deterritoriaiization even further" (ibid.). .Ugning his concept of network with rhizome, Latour strives to achieve a mixing of ontology and social theory with actor theory. "Actor theory," according to Latour, "is more ontologicai because it talks about the things and not the meaning of the thingsn (Crawford 1993:264). That is, traditional modes of scholanhip tend to operate via representationism, a re-presenting of the object that is also a speaking for it However, Latour's turn to "ontoIogyncan be viewed as an attempt to bestow upon obkmore autonomy in recognizing their participation in culture-ndtu re 1.4 Vira1 becomings and hybrid bodies

Participants in becomings can &O be undentood as hybrids, tramversah, or evensymbimts (organisms thatenter into symbioticrelationships). And the human body of "modernn science is not immune to becomings. It is, in kt, the site par exceflence of becomings. Microbiologist Lynn Margulis has promoted a theory of evolution highlighting the role of symbiosis, or cooperation, as opposed to the common theory based solely on random genetic mutations. From the invasion of unnucleated archaebacteïia by respiring baderia and spirochete bacteria emerged a new kind of ceIl 22 billion years ago. These were the ktnucleated cells and would eventually give Ne to plank, proctisk, animals, and fun@ (Briggs and Peat 157). Margulis has also studied human brain cells and (controversialiy) hypothesized that the neurons that facilitate and articulate human consciousness cmbe traced back to the original invasion of microbial ceiis by the parasitic flagella- Like spirochetes. "Spirochetes," she explains, "were the most motile of al1 the microbesnand by "~Jookingon to [a] ... ceU ... the spirochete is almost identical to a ceIl whip." Furthemore, "the evidence stcongly suggests that anaent pack were made behueen the early bacterial confederacies that became ce& with nudei and spirochek or spirochete-like bacteria. Spirochetes hovered both inside and ou bide theù nonspuochete neighbors and in the end they provideci rnovement for those who hadn't even requested if' (Margulis 1986:140). In the end, a symbiosis was achieved. But the spirochete did not reiinquish its (genetic) identity when it became

" This new form of "object-ivity" is dearly not unprobientatic, but it is beyond the xope of this work to analyre and hvestigate Latour's sense of ontology. It codd mean he has a certain view of wht it means io exist, or simpty a perspedve on how thgswork My f&g is that it pbably resembtes the latter, more modest daim. an organelle (inûacellular component). The spirochete deterritorialized and then retenitoriaiized when it " hooked" ont0 a cell, in a becoming-ceii, just as the ceil did in a becorning-spirochete. In the process there was a "capture of codenentailing the emergence of a new behavior or functionality that could nonetheless be traceci back to the spirochete's genetic hnctioning. Margulis hther elaborates, After maturiiy, brain cek never divide, nor do they move about Yet we know mammal brain cek -the richest source of tubulin protein anywhere - do not waste their rich microtubuiar heritage. Rather, the main function of mature brain celis, once reproduced or deployed, is to send signals and receive them, as if the micro tubule once used for cd whip and chromosomal movement had been usurped for the function of thought (Margulis 19#6:150)

The spirochete and ceU thus form a rhizome, an open system that facilitates transversal communication, "a constructive feedback loop between independent information iineages" (Eardley 1995; in Pearson 1997a:189). How can we think of ourselves as autonomous beings? On the miaoscopic Ievel, Margulrs and others have performed an "anthropological deregulationn or better, an anthropological deconstruction of the human body, revealing it for what it reaiiy is: a "coliection of microbes bound together by symbiotic cooperation" (Briggs and Peat 156) . Evolution, then, ca~otbe interpreted as simply a move from a less ki more differentiated state. Deleuze and Guattari have proposed the term "creative invoiution" to suggest "the emergence of a symbiotic field that dows assignalde relations between disparate things to come into play. It is this 'block of becoming' that represents the 'transversai communicationt between heterogeneous populations, making becoming a rhizome and not a classificatory or genealogical tree" (Pearson 1997a:186). To "in-volve" entails the formation of a "block that nans ik own line 'behveent the terms in play and beneath assignable relationsn(Deleuze and Guattari 1987239). "Ventable becomings titus derive only from symbioses, brînging into play new scales and new kingdoms" (ibid., 238). The notion of invoIution permik symbiotic becomings "by fonning 'blocks' which alIow things to pass through and kIybecome" (Pearson 1997aA90).

1.5 Chinese hybrid-bodies

The early Chinese practice of correlating human body componenk to na tural phenomena from ceiestial bodies tu earthly waterways and to time segments under the double aegis of "heaven" and "earth" effeds a collectivity of humans and nonhumans.The human body becornes hybridized. When theearly Chinese medical classic Qted at the beginning of this chapter says that "Fleaven has four seasons. The human has four iimbs .... Earth has tweIves rivers, The human has twelve major channeki (mal)," the human body participates in a process that Deleuze and Guattari caii "koming,"in this instanceIa becoming-heaven and becomïng-earth. Similarly, the mai in the mai texk becorne hybrid entities, participating in a becoming- waterway (see Chapter IV). The hybridizing effect of constructeci "collectives" is, however, two-way: human bodies are not the only entities involved in the transfomative becorningsther, nonhumans are also involved in a becoming- human. The author-correlator always says more than he means. This becoming is not a matter of mimesis or imitation, but involves what some contemporary "Western" thinkers wouldcalI theconjunction of heterogeneousentities, human and nonhumanentering into Wturaiparticipations," or "assemblages" (Deleuze and Guattari l987:242). Heaven, earth, and humans and their various delegates (planets, rivers, makhannels) are correfdted in these becomings and move towards a meeting place, or mediating point that resides between the participating entities. Such is the nature of hybrids: composites occupying the space in-behveen. This convergence învolves a capture of powers from both sides, a giving and taking of significant "functions" attributed to the correlateci entities. The human body constructed, or neified, in this way reveals a correlation not so much with entities qua substance, but entities qua function. 5.when the early mai manuscript entitied finyang mai s~housays that the mai are the "watercourses" (du ign of the body, both concepts of maiand watercourses enter in an assemblage, a give and take of functions and powers. The watenvays serve to transport vital fluids to support the livelihood of the land, while the mai are simiIarly associateci with flows that have a proper mode of movement and volume that resemble the economy of flows in a river or canal system (see sedion 5.3). Optimal interna1 body states depend upon proper directional flow of the mais contents like the water of a watenvay that flows downward, and has an optimal volume (a waterway with no water ciries up and one with too much water fIoods). Latour proposes a "symmetrical" anthropology that maintains that "[a]U the collectives similarly constitute natures and cultures; only the xaie of the mobilization variesn (105). Where "scalen is synonymous with "size" (los), the "dimensions of collecüves," if Iinterpret him correctly, is determineci by the number of quasi-objecb (Le., hybrids) produceci andior enlisteci in the translations and networks that are formed between the humans and nonhumans. Latour has described the 'West" asespecidy creative, and thus expansive, because science and technology "multiply the nonhumans enroiied in the manufacturing of coliectives and because they make the community that we form with these beings a more intimate onen(108). Further, "[mlodern knowiedge and power are different not in that they escape at last the tyranny of the social, but in that they add man-v more hybds in order to recompose the soaaI 1Uik and extend its scaIt? (italics in the original; 109). Although the formation of coUecüves in China under the aegis of imperiai knowledge and power is evident," the formation oicolIectives in theeariy maitexts,

ls The muitipiication of hybricis can ais0 ~adiiybe seen in the extensive "transiation" practices thnt otcurred in the formative yem of the Qin and Han dynasties, whose brand of imperiaiimi had two main geopolitical concems: (1) to demarcate md defend the inner from the outer (for example, the buiiding of the Great Wd), and (2) unifyuig the multipliaty with (standardization of measures, cturency, saipt. road and canai budding, textual and phiIo5ophical synthesizïng). The edydpstic imperid ideologicai cmmoIogies of the Qin and Han not on'y created new entities (standardizatioi.6l. but more importantly transversaiiy correlated many and other late Wamng States and eariy imperial works, is less so. Nonetheless, coilectives composeci of humans and nonhumans especiaiiy populate the maitexts in which the assembIage cakd the "human body" suggests not only a body becoming-topography (fonna tions of land and water), but also implica tes a topography becoming-body (watemays disseminatùig vital fluids qithroughout the land). This double becoming has its corollaries and reiterations in Chinese cultural practices as varied as religious Daoist myth-making and rneditative techniques, geomancy, and calligraphy and art, over the last two miilennia or so. The topographie body forcefdly resmerges after the second century CE in the techniques, theories, and myths assaciated withDaoist religious practices. Mary authors have pointed out bwayconvergence of the world and human body in Taoist writings (Schipper 1978,1993 113-129; Kohn 1991,1993 168-180; Lévi 1989). Kohn noks that there are three texts that present a vision of the body topcgraphicaily. The #hird century work Record of the 7heand Five (Sm wu hj~) and the fifth cenhiry ~a/esof,th~eis(,%uyi~)relate the cosmogonie tale of Pangu, while the anti-Daoist polemic of the sixth century, Laughuigat the Dao (Xaodao lm),redepioys this cosmogo~cmyth, describing how the deified body of becornes the cosrn~s.'~Preserved in the later Dixoutse on Primordial Qi (YmjY qiqian Yuanqi lm),Ko hn offers the foliowing translation:

Pangu died and transformed his body ( 9). His breath became the wind and the clouds. Hk voice became the thunder. different kin& ofphenornena, inanintertomechi networkofbecomuigs thateffectiveIylunctioned to mmpare imperid unity and legitimation.

This text doseIy parallet the cosmogonicstory of Pangu: "bon changed hrs body (.rLng m.His left eye became the nrn and his right eye the Hir head was mount his h* the stars. Hir bones tumed into dragons, hir flesh Mto wild beasts, his intestmes into sde5. Hiç breast was the oceut, is Cùigers, the five sacred rnountnins. The hair on bis body was transformed into gnss and trees, his heart into the constellation Cassiopeia. FinaIly, his testides joined in embrace as the true parents of the universe" (in Kohn 1991240)). His left eye {vas the Sun. His right eye the moon. His four limbs changed to the four compas points. His €ive limbs became the sacred mountains. His biood and body fluids tumed mto streams and rivers. His muscles and sinews became solid earth. His flesh became arable land. His hair tumed into stars. His body hair turned into gras and trees. His teeth and bones were transformeci into gold and minerais. His marrow changed into pearis and jade. His sweat was the tain and moisture of the land. The germs in his body were carried off by the wind. They became the mass of the people. (in Kohn 1993:169)

in conhast to the above sporadic sources of the cosmos becoming-body, there is no shortage of Daois t sources that depict the bod!.

as a becoming-cosm ù =,

the Daoist maxim, "the human body is the image of a country" Cyi ren zizi shen, yi

Figure 3: The internai landxape of the human body as his description of the famous visualized by the Daoist aichemist; reproduced from the Ba

'Ihe body of an individual can be pictured as a state. The diaphragm may be compareci with the palace, the amis and legs, with the suburbs and frontiers. The bones and joints are Like the ofiaafs; the inner gods like the sovereign; the bload üke the ministers of &te; the breath like the population. (In Kohn 1991232)

Predating laber Daoist religiaus cosmogonies, the idea of a bodied world or topography can be seen as eiuly as the . Qin general Meng was recorded in the Shiji (chapter 88) as attributhg the earth with its own mai (see section 9.3). Furthemore the " Tianguarl' section of the Zhoulr'contains a passage (p yang mai Pf @) that the later cornmentatar Zheng Xuan # X clarifies Likening underground water flows to mai(shuizhiliuxrirgdizhongnmai & 2 f&fi & m. However, it is in the Iater practice of Chinese geomancy'o

Aithough in the Shiji (c. f O0 BCE) hts a clasç of divmea cded kanpjia # S & a term in later times s nonpuswith geornancer, or hgshuiu'anshengl % ff, the enrliest references to geomantic texts, asrording to Kuriyama (2%6B),are hmthe fourth century CE Litcrary &et& dfieNirtoty of the Han Crynasty(H=huyiwenthig d S 3)- This source wotk mmes two essays on geomancy ascribed to hanLo (a]9-2%) dnd Guo Pu (n& 324) rcspectively (Kuriydma fcia6:22h). These two works have been lost, so the earliest e~tiint (Hij& "land pattern1' or kngshui & "wind and wakF) where this mai watenvay metaphor re-emerges and the p hysiological expression of land reaches its apex Geomancy is the practice of choosing auspicious sites for building houses,

bridges, wds, and very importantly, for placing tombs. Heaven and Earth con tdir, forces, fiaws of qiexpi-essed in the configurations of "wind" and "water," which could be channelied to exerk favorable influences. In finding an auspicious burial sik that could also prokt one's ancestor fiom maievolent forces or spirits, south- facing hillsides are commoniy chosen, walîs buih ta the east and west ward off winds from these directions, and, ideaiiy, an underground watercourse under the grave adds further protection @berhard 125). In this description, two important features of téngshui stand out: mountains and water. Mountains and water configurations were said to have maim, and sites were twmed me $L "cavity," the same berm for the acu-poinis Iaçated on the skin. In the early seventeenth century text WtEvqone should fiowabout Gèomancy (hïiremRflxudÙ), the

Xu brathers explicate the use of physiological concepts Ïn fenghui Q: h geumancy, why do you use the word "arteqf' (ma)?

A: in the human body it is the arteries (mailuo)wiüch transport the pulçe throughout the bodüy system. tn the arteries of a human body, when the artenes are bright, then the person is noble. When they are duil, then the person is base. When the arteries are auspicious, then the person is at peace. When they are inauspicious, the the person is in danger. It is the same with the arteries of the earth. nie good doctor examines the arteries [that is, takes the pSe]of a person and thus knows whether the person is m good health or in danger, whether he wiit die young or iive to a ripe uld age. The good gwmancer examines the arteries of the mountains ands knows thereby whether they are auspicious or inauspicious, beautiful or ugiy ... As for the term "aperture" (xue) is concerned, ttiis takes its meaning €rom king just the same as the apertures m the human body. Master Yang says, "Take for exarnpIe the moxibustion and acupuncture points on the 'bronze man'

geomantic text ir Wang Wei's ïk Ydow Ei~paur'sffoureS~gManual(HuangLiir/la~ùi~ 6 hmthe fifth cenbaq CE. (tongren),each of these apertures must be fiwd in Iocation before they can be used." Zhu Xi says that "the method for determinhg apertures in geomancy is just like that in moxibustion and acupuncture. There is definitely a Cixed position of each aperture and there cannot be the slightest mistaking it" The examples are aii good expressions of the meaning of the tenn "aperture." (Xu, guan 1, book 2; in Seaman 86; romanization

An ihstration of a mountain and water configuration can be seen from a Korean edition of a Qing fengshuimanual (see Figure 4). The auspicious site, as mentioned above, typicaily faces south, so the chmel of qi pours into it from behind, i.e., from the north. Hay further daborates on the reIation ktween the roles of mountain ridges (wind) and watercounes (water) in the cnannelling of qi "The site ikelf always lies at the foot of the 'lord

Figure mountain and water tha t confiptiOn taken Irom the conhl the flow of energy [q].Ti* .%"erg!. edition of 9thquadu, a Qing dvn~siy- geomantic manui (in Hay 199&:16). [q~]nuining through artery of a moun tain is pulsed, one might Say, b; the articulations aIong the ridge, Any long ridge system, however, will intersect with other rid~5 as itcrosses througheachof these other boundaries, the phreceives another burst of energy [q~r(1994a:lg). If the human body was absentas a directobjedof Chinese artisticstudy, Hay has pointed out that it was hrfrom invisible; it was "dispersecl through metaphors locating it in the natural world" (1994k44). It seems that concern with non-fleshly textures dominate both painting and calligraphy. Perhaps the most enduring appreciation of textures can be seen in the most popular form of painting: landscape, or shmhui ~ &, paintings. Chinese painters traditionally exhibited much more interest in the textures of rocks and tree bark than flesh. "Linearity" has been describeci as the "most persistentiy dominant concem in painting" and more obviously in "calligraphy," as the "process of linearity is therequite consciously embodied in the brush" (Hay 1994b:67). Even in pauitings that include human figures, it is the hearity of the Figure 5: This section of a handsaoii folds and creases of clothes that draw the artisfs by Zhao Mengfu (12541322), entitled "Record of the Miaoyan si attention. The LineariSf that finds its expression in temple in Hangzhou," is written in kilicbrt (The Art Museum, Rmceton the drapery that clothes human bodies in Qiinese University; in Hay 1994b:79). paintings paraliels the physiological function attributed to mai in Chinese medical physiology, i.e., "embodying the kind of structures that gave the body both its existence and its lifel' (Hay 1994b:67). Even in erotic Literature, where the body and its denuded desires are spotlighted, like the Ming Gblden Lotrts (lülpuig mei),"[dlesaiptions frequentiy speafy functions of the body and specific details of anatomy" but "[tlhere is no image of a body as a whole subjectr (Hay 1994b:51). Most of the EIeshIy qualities of this novers characters can be further said to be "redistributed, even dissolved into various categories: kingfishers, silver bowls, and onions, for instance" (Hay 1994x56). Hay has remarked tha t aesthetic remarks/commentary on the cursive styles (Figure 6) of Chinese calligraphy employ more physiological metaphon that to the "seemingly more somatic shvïtures of regular script"' (Figure 5) (198375-78). This further demonstrates the body was conceived in dynamic, Functional terms, as

LI kip~~edto static parts. Ninth cenhuy Zhang Huaiguan describes the 'Ibo J) "of characters written weil in the cursive style cded cao shu in dynamic physioIogicaI terms, The body and force-form (tistu' 9)of a character is complete with a single stroke. There may happen [a passage] where [the bntsh linel is not continuous but the blood artery (memai be @) is unintempted. Where there is conünuity, then the energy (qihou & @) communicates through from one iine to the next. MyWang [Xianzhi] understood this profound principle, thus the charader at the top of a line in his caliigraphy often continues [the energy] from the character at the bottom of the preceding line. What is caUed the "one-stroke writing" whi& originated with Zhang [au] [Eastern Han] is this. (in Hay 198387-8;romanization modified)

The ski11 of a caiiigrapher, at least according to Zhao Yi of the Eastern Han, depends on the cuitivation of the heart-mind (xh J~)and the hand (shou +).In Fei caoshu, an attack on draft script, he wrote, The nature of cao is easy and quick, but nowadays it has contrarily become difficuit and slow. What a loss of p~ciple.AU men differ in their qi and me, and Vary in their sinews and bones; the heart-mind (xui) may be dispersed or dense; the hand may be skilied or clumsy. The beauty or ugiiness of calligraphy is in the heart-cnind and the hand. Can it be forced? (In Hay 198387; rornanization modified)

Although theconstitution of people's bodies differ, the heart-mind can becultivated to be open and "dispersed," while the hand can be trained to be "skiüed." Once the heart-mind and hands are properly dtivated, the writing of the characters wiil be "easy and quick" and not"forced." The "beauty or ugliness" of caiiigraphy, in this appraisal, is the manifestation or representation of the cdligraphefs bodiiy state. The role of writing in Daoist religious practices fttrther resonates with the above quoted aesthetic Figure &This section of a scmii by Huaisu entitIed "Autobiography," and dated mCE. is theories of caiiigraphy. Daoist rituai written in cursive caoshu (Nntional PaIace and talismans have been employed as Museum in Taipei, Taiwan; in Hay 1994b:78). protective measures against the malevolent influences of demons and other evil spiritual forces since the beginning of the religion in the second century CE. Of specific interest hem is the production, by Daoist masters or pries& (dacasfi% @), of talismans, or h8.These writtensigns are seen as the "immediate representation of celestial script"" possessing the power to "ward off evil, unmaskdemons, convey control over forces of this world, and provide access to the realms of the othenvorld" (Kohn 1993:106-7). IlInesses of otherworldly cause demand more than the healing capabilities that Chinese medicai docton can provide. in modern Limes, a Iayperson suffering from misfortunes or iiinesses tells the Daoist priest his or her problems. After listening in a "kindly, reserved way,"the Daoist priest dips a calligraphy bmhin red ink and wrik an "incomprehensible signon a Little yeiiow piece of papef' (Schipper 199373). Recalling aesthetic theones of caiiigraphy, Schipper explains the rationale and power behind the talisman's efficacy: Thrs , îabmanic symboit is the divine name of a particular energy drawn €rom the master's body. It is either carrieci by the patient as long as the compiaint Iasts; or it is bumed, the ashes then dissolved in waterand dnuik; or else it is roiid into a littie bail, dipped in honey, and swaUowed whok The rU is a speciaiiy selectsd energy distilleci from the master's vitai powers to alleviate the lack of the same energy in the patient This is caiied "distributingthe energies," bu qi[# m.The master takes from his own life force to nourish others. (Schipper 199373; romanization modifieci)

Although theearly maitexts predate the medical participation in the imperial

This refw to what SdUpper has caIIed the "Tme Writs" an on@ cosmic writing. Later canonicaitex& in Dao- were considered to be "spontaneous cosmic creations" repmducing a form of the original cosmic writing (199367). Here* writing is seen as not merely designating, nor even representatiod (pictographic), but rither points to a transcendent fundion. According to religious Daoists, writing can potentiaiiy assume the form of the "perfect sign" that "cmeven be changed into the being it designates" (1993:90). ïhe fut incomprehensibIc to hunan understanding constitnks "an emblem and a token of universal power." Each fualso corresponds to a sound. "a vocaiization of one of the body's energies, the true and secret meof a cosmic force. The knowledge of these names and the ability to write correspondingiü aiiowed one to master the energtes of the universe" (1 'iM3:62). cosmaIogical web of the Qin and Han, they are aIso noteworthy for anather reason: they not only provide the basic ideas and terminology that the later maimedical traditions, Like those represented in khe Nuangdine~ig5uwenandLingshu, would adopt and transfonn, but also supply the basic physiological terms that would pervade many Chinese artistic and technical fields.

1.6 The "symbiotic field" of water in early China

Prior to al1 of the above mentioned culhvaI practices, prior to the imperial cosmology that faditated their systematic becomings, water played an important part in early Chinese thinking. Marty studies in sinology" have recognized that the idea or theme of water and iîs pro~esinfluenced many dixourses ranging from the political to the mord, economic to thecosmofogical. However, to cal1 water and ib nahiral manifestations, such as lakes, rivers and wakrways, simply "ideas" or "themes" in early Chinese thinking perhaps fails to capture their full epistemic significance. Instead, in keeping with theaforementioned ideasconcerning hybrids and becomings, 1 tknk "symbiotic field" more acamtely renders the epistemic €undion of water in pre-imperial Chinese thinking. Pre-im perial textual traditions by in large pdatecorreIativecosmoLogy and ifs attendant groupings of fives (wuxhs)and twos (pk yang). Tehfiom pre-Qin Confucïan (Mencius), Daoist (Laop),and medical (ZJSand MWD niaimanuscripts) traditions empIoy the prevalent ordering concepts of water and wakrways instead. "Water" in these traditions ad as epistemological "involutive biocks," to again borrow Deleuze and Guattari's terminology, to "run ib own he'between' the tenns in play" (1987:239), such as naturaI waterways and mai in the human body,

Foc emmp te, Wittfogei's (1959)controversial "Onental Despotism" theory is bdsed on thecontmlolwiiters; for more tecent and pcrhaps more crediblestudies,see Aaan(I997), Kuriyamd (1986), and La 0998). or the proper flow of qipartaking in the same downward directional fiow of water. The latter description of qifiow defines an optimal and normative directionai flow. Qiflowing counter to this direction (fie=@fi)resuits in illness, a phenornena matched in nature's waterways where reversal of flows (ni &g) goes agaht the "way of watef' (shui zhi dao & 2 g)(see section 5.3). By extension, if a ruler interferes with the kflowing pa thof rivers by damming or re-routing, calamitous results may ensue, as both Mencius (VIB.11; Lau 1970:179) and Prince Jin of the Guo Yu (19956248;see Hart)wam. "WaW and "watenvays" (rivers, canals, etc.) are thus symbiotic fields that establish biocks of becoming. Pertaining to medical etiology, a relevant example wodd be the rhizomatic relation behveen mai becoming-watenvay and waterway becoming-maithathybridizes human body and land body.'j However, the becoming does not allow the "terms in play (in contexts as diverse as dixourses on governance, military strategy, and inner body baiance of volume and flows of qi) to '"ly kome." The komings are limitecl, constrained by the popufar conception of water, watenvays and their pmperties, such as directional flow, constant and Mmpeded movement, and malleability. That is, certain des of contiguity and similarity determine the possible correlations, constraining how fiee the becomings can kome. The Qin and Han prevdent use of the emergïng cosmological paradigm of predictabIe change and cyclical tirne, apparent in the HuangdinajZng but virtualIy absent in the MWD and ZJS mai te&, reveal major conceptual differences concerning, generally, the body, cosmos, and their relationship, and spedficaliy, time, qi, its movement and th& inkrrelations. The "like aff- like" (ganvliig @ epistemology of wu agand yin ygcorrelative cosmology resulted in a resonance of qiand time cycles (seasons, times of day). This new conception of time

'3 ïhis doubh becoming fürther reinforces the notion htontologicaidiwions between nature, cuIture, and cosmos wwere ahsent in early Chinese thinking. and qiresulted in medical maithearies of qicirculation in the body- in chapter 39 of the Huangdi nerjing Su wen, the interlocutor Qibo describes the vessels (lingrna* E)as interconnecteci and the @as continuousIy circulating: "Fthe] jhgmai there is an unceasing flow coursing throughout; it revolves without rest in a ~ircle."~The fiow of qi here is circuiar or cyclical. It appears that qi was temporalized with the new conception of tirne. The older ZJç and WDmaitexk show almost no affinity with the concepts of yhyangand the four seasons3 (see chapters Et and N). Furthemore, these texts speak of qimovement more in linear, not cinnilar, terms. In this way, qiand ik movement in the earktexts are more spatial, resembling the wah of a river or watenvay with an economy of unidirectionai flows.

1have already intimated that the mai body, and the mai in particular are hybrids, even Deleuzian beco~nings,but the rnedical practitioner's body itseif aiso participates in a becorning. The education of the early Chinese rnedical dodor is adually a pedagogical "involution" and challenges the theory-practice dichotomy that has pervaded Euro-North American schoIarship for so long. Early sources, Iike the Chunyu Yi account in juan 105 (Takigawa 1147-57) of the first standard dynastic histocy work Sfij 9 $2 (c. 100 BCE) and the Huangdi nerj?ng (Lmgshu and Suwen),gives us a picture of the training, ritualism, and secrecy surrounding early medical study. This information aiso challenges some assumptions of traditionai Euro-North American scholarship, in particular, the

2S nie maitext entitied Yinyangmaisüioudoes seem to suggest foiiowing the seasors of spring and autumn to drain the mai, but does not desaibe the flow of qias arcdaras meof the texts in the Huangdineijingdo. dichotomy of theory and practice and its avatar of thought and action, and the privileging of the former over the latter.% We mut not lorget that the early Chinese medical doctor was first and foremost a pra~titioner,~employing medical ideas and correlative thinking to achieve specific ends. Even correlative thinking must not, therefore, be treated as "pure" theory or "idle speculation." Farquhafs remarks about contemporary Chinese medical practice and ib symbiotic approach to authoritative te& and experientia1 praçtice is ais0 applicable here. She warns thatl'[t]ocal1 the rclationship between knowledge and practice a diaIectic ... is an understatement; rather it bep to appear the height of arbitrariness to separate them as two dimensions" (1994a226). Early Chinese correlative thinking had a pragmatic function, especialiy in medicai kxts that are essentiaiiy "consequentiai discourses" (Le., discowes emphasizing consequences) concerned with "concrete action with the simple goal of dieving suffering" (Farquhar 1994a:170). In a ment reconstruction of early Chinese medical learning and Master- disciple relations, Sivin has similarly challenged the theory-practice distinction, especiaiiy in the sense that "texts" are strictly "theory." The formai and ritualistic transmission of texts from rnaster to disciple enhil an apprenticeship where there is a period of kaching, a ceremony wherein texts are transmitted oraiiy, and only after the texts are memorized is the student allowed to write and record them, and

'' See Be& chapter 1. Beiïs investigation into the history ofritualstudies reveals that ntual dixourses have traditionalIy been stnxctured around a fundamental duaiity in the Earo-North Americaninte11echid~ditionconce~gthe two categories ofhumanexpenence:THOUG~and ACiïON. Bel1 traces the history of the category "ritudmin the disciphes of mligious studies, sociology and culture studies and shows that rituai as a heuristic or category impiicitiy contains the division of thought and ddion

27 Bgsed on textuai evidence, Graham has argued that in the dassical period (before 250 BCE),te&calspeaa[ists mcluding court historiographers,astronomes, diviners, physicims and mwïî(311n2ten[sic] were the first to indulge m cmmo1ogicaIspeculation, the phdosophicaischoals did not (1989325). finaIIy the student is read y to practice, or in Sivin's colloquial translation, "get a feel" (Iïe yan & @, literaiiy " untie and test") for the teachings (Sivin 199Sb:182; Takigawa 1147). The Shi ji contains a Iong memorial in the biography of Han physicianC1unyu Yi and discusses his relationship with his master and the written transmission of medical texts. After describing his early interest in medicine and his eventual meeting with his first forma1 teacher Gongsheng Yangqing in 180 BCE, Chunyu Yi goes on to relate which tevts were transmitted to him, and how he practiced hem: Receiving them, reading them, and getting a feel (/Xeyan) for them must have taken a year or so. The year after that 1 tried them out with some success. StilI 1 had not yet mastered them. But by the time 1 had served him for three years or 50, I Kas applying them to treat people's ibesses. (in Sivin 1995b:179; Takigawa 1147)

Chunyu Yi speaks of his second master, Gongsun, and not oniy repeats the process of receiving and writing out kansmittecl texts, but also of the necessity of a fonnal introduction and willingness on the part of the teacher b accept the discipIe. In his prime, Gongsun himself was apparentiy refused tutelage by a renowned physician who said that Gongsun "did not seem to be the right personn (in Sivin 1995b:181; Takigawa 1156). The transmission of medical texts was not only ritualized but a very solemn undertaking. Chunyu Yi humbly thanked and formally reassured his rnaster accordingly: "It has been my great good fortune to meet you and serve in your presence, and to obtain alI [your] secret formulas. 1 would die sooner than wrongl transmit them to anyone" (in Sivin 1995b:180; Ta kigawa 1156). The Huangdi ne.fxng Lingshu (pian 28; Lingshu 107) elaborates on the ceremonial aspects of text transmissions, describing the ritualistic "cutting of the am and srnearing bIood to seal the oath of the transmission of texts (Sivin 1995b:185). The Huangdi najing Suwen (pian 20) likewise attests to th;. solemn rituaIization of text transmission and textual embodiment 1 wish to Ieam the essential Way [of reaaing the pulse] in order to instruct my sons and grandsons and transmit it to later generations. 1wi/linscnüe if in my bones and mamw store h UI my Iungs and /iveEWhat 1 receive aFter the smearing of blood t will not dare to betray (in Sivin 1995bA86; Suwen 133; my italics)

The initiate aspires to Literally embody the texts on two physiological levels: his personal body ("inscribe it in my bones and marrow") and genetic body ("1wish to leam ... to instruct my sons and grandsonsn). The transmission process involving an oath in blood, whether real or symboiic, eshbiishes a familial relation between master and disciple, and the texts form the genetic substance that gives rise to medical heages. By memorizing and "getting a feeI" for the texts (pradices), the initiate not only internaiizes but forms a rhizome with the text in a DeleuPan becoming. As with aii becomings, the movement is two ways: the text also undergoes a transformation from one praditioner to the next, a becoming-body that suggests that bodies are not so much textualized as te* king bodied (by both teachurgs of practice and by pracütioners whose bodily practicè of medicine fonns

;symbiotic corpus with the text). In the context of earIy Chinese medicine, the modem segregation of theory frorn practice is misleading. Sivin demonstrates that thecanonical works in Chinese medicine were reverentiy seen authoritative works compiling sagely experiences. They were held as "doctrines" rather than as theory resources, they were not studied a part from "therapeutic work" (Sivin 1995b:197). "Mastering"the te% b\.as thus "essential on the way to becoming a good doctor" (ibid., 183). Practitionen of Chinese medicine, espsïaliy those involved in treating the mai, had to use their own bodies as instruments to dektthe normal and abnormal pulses. As a consequence, they necessarily had to cultivate their physiological sense of touch to accord with the standards of pulse. They had to learn to be abh to sensually differentiate normal from abnormal pulses. The earliest extant text describing puisequalities is the Maifa, from a tomb at Mawangdui (burial 168 BCE), which mentions a "slippery," "dry," and "fast" pulse. tg @ (b. 1518 CE) wrote a hmous treatise on puise diagnosis called the Bi.umatvue aJi #j & 4$! 4$! that distinguished hventy-seven pulse states (see Li 61-101;see also Porkert 186- 90). If the pulse is determineci to be abnormal, then the practitioner must be able to distinguish the puise type in order to determine where the physioIogicd problem is and what can be done to cure it The body of the physician and body of patient are drawn together on the plane of textual-practice. The kxtually rarefied experience of sages is brought to life in the process of the texfs oral teaching, memorization, rewriting, practice, and cituai transmission. The physician practices and literally embodies texts, incorporating them to the point of becoming part of his sensorid apparatus. The guided process of learning from and serving tfie master and the ceremonid transmission of texts express the activation of the experience of the sages dormant and distiiIed in the texts. Chapter II Pre-mai Bodies: Sacnficial Vessel-bodies

This section will investigate the historical backdrop from which a new view of the body, the maibody, emerged. Like many other peoples of differentdtures, the Zhou dynasty Chinese envisaged the body as a kind of vesse1 or container. Examination of archeologicai and textuai sources concerning Zhou bronzesacrificiai vessels, their rituai function, and early shamanic and Daoist bodily practices will reveai a historical and thematic contiguity with and setting for the novel descriptions of the medical mai body as describeci in the unearthed third century BCE medical manuscripts of Mawangdui and Zhangjiashan. In a becoming- saaificial-vessei, bextuai evidence of shamanic and early Daoist body practices suggests an image of the body with an undifferentiated interior, a repository for vitai substances iike spirits and gads (shen @), and more physioIogically personal vitai substances, üke qi andjhg m.The matrbody, in contrast, SUfunetions like a vesse1 to contain vital substances, yet has a more dynamicaliy differentiated, literaiiy cfianndk?,interior.

21 Zhou bronze vesseIs and inscriptions

h Zhou China, bronze vessehi were perhaps the higheçt prîzed possessions of the elite. Their significance was not ody as a sign of materiai wealth and prestige, but, more profoundIy, wasalso associated with lineage histol. Wealth represented in excavateci Zhou burial sites are "mostly bronze ritual vesseis" and judging from studies on these bronze vesse[ inscriptions, such wealth was "accumulated over more than one generation, suggesting that these caches represent lineage weahh of one family or cian" (Cook 1997:258). Although recentxholarly opinion has challenged claims that the Liji zz is an authoritative Zhou ritual manual (KC. Chang 1976:116; Riegel 293-5), it is in al1 likelihood accurate when it says: "Even when a supenor man Qunzi $!J F)is poor, he will not sel1 sacrificiaI vesseis" ("Qul. section; in Cook 1992256, n.16). Cook emphasizes the importance of ritual vessels when she argues that it was the exchange of these vessels, semgas inaiienable goods, that "facilitated the political and geographic expansion for the Zhou" (Cook 1997:256). The Zuo zhuan similady affirms the importance of ritual vessels when it claims that the two principaI functions of the state are war and ritual (enîry 579 BCE). The same work further makes the rituai and war cornedion and the casting of rituai vessels to legitimate victory in battie: When the pawethtl have conquered the weak, they use their bounty ta make ritual vessels and to cast inscriptions to record the deed, to show their descendants, to pubücize the bright and virtuous, and to penalize those without rituals. (enky 557 BCE; KC Chang 1983100)

In the tateShang (c.1523-1059 BCE) and early Zhou, the ~Ieroccupied a duai position analogous to family and State priest, embodying the religious, political, and familial center. Early Zhou royd famiiy rdations and inheritance practices have long been supposed to be basai on a system caiied zong fa S. This has been described as a "segmentary lineage system" (S. Yan 162) established by the earIy Zhou founders to maintain order among themselves and the subjeds they lorded over, stipulating that the son of his €aWsprincipai wife receives inherifance and the responsibility for the religious dutia of ancestor worship. As KC Chang explains, "[tJhe tsung-fi [zongh]system of the Chou [Zhou] is charaderized by the fact that the eldest son of each generation formed the main line of descent and political authority, whereas the vounger brothers were moved out to estabhsh new Iineages of lesser authority. The farther removed, the lesser was the politicai authority" (1976:187), The aIIotting of fiefsto rnembers of the royal Iineages ensured the cohesion of state and family, with the Zhou king at the center. However, these traditional accounk of zongfa feudalism dexribe a systern that underestimates the role played by bronze vessels in the legitimizing project of the Western Zhou, and the role of women aksted in later Western Zhou bronze inscriptions involved in the gift-giving of bronze vessels that accompany the marriage ofa daughter (Cook 1997:îB). CooKs studies of Western Zhou (ï059-771 BCE) bronze inscriptions show that they "document the wealth giving and exchanged as part of gift-giving and exchangecycles thatsuggestanearly autocratie redistributive economy disinttlgrating by the eighth century B.C. into autonomous units" (199'7253). Cook's notions that royal bronze gifts and charges were Wenable goods"" and a means to assert Zhou political and ritual authority and legitimation is evident from bronze inscriptions from early Zhou times that make it clear that "the right to cast, inscribe and use a bronze vesse1 was a gift from the Zhou derto those he wished to incorporate into his power. While the king never gave away his own vesseis, his gift giving included the power to reproduce copies of his treasure for use in sirnilar sacrifices" (Cook 199725257). Casting bronze vessels and issuing charges were thus a fundamental means of maintaining and protecting political and ritual power and legitimation of the early Zhou. nemyth of the nine cauldrons viu &gfia) emerges from this very ethos. As recounted in the entry of the third year of Duke Xuanrs reign (606 BCEJ in the Zuo zhuan (756; Watson 1989:82), the cauldrons have tremendous ritual and political significance, conferring magicai powers of protection and safety on their owners and their state. Possession and continued use of the cauldrons depended on the Wtue or de of the possessors, and thus served to symbolicalIy legitimate

Cook focusses on records that show changes in the ~iena&le("itemstied to socirl membership and imbued mth a seme of saued history of the owner: relics found or crafted specifidy to be treksurcd and saved" [199E2531)oc alkmaMe("items not tied to social membeahip and pmduced for giving. tradingi or sellingw [1997:Z3]) nature of ptestigc goods du~gthe Western Zhou (1997:2S). political succession. Furthemore, the ninecauldrons, the alleged exclusive property of Shang and Zhou rulers, "represent not only theskilis thatwent into their making, but also the power over both ritual and bronze making" (Ching 199223; also see KC Chang 1983:97-106; Cook 1995a, 1997). Both Cook and Kryukov investigate bronze inscriptions as they are the most reliable medium for understanding ntuaIs and their significance in early Zhou times. Although the Book of henb(su jhga @) and Book of Mres (Shijïng @ have early sections arguably dating from the early Zhou," they lack the details on rituai found in the inscriptions, and are devoid of reference to the "binary ritual formulas mùlgxinzhede &,..ej @ ("to enlighten the heart, tu comprehend grace"), bingyuan mritgde ?G: ("tu possess primordiality, to extiighten the grace") (see Kryokov 315-lS), etc, and nothing is said about the "imitationof d8 of ancestors. The importance of titis notion of de (virtue, power) in the Western Zhou rivais that of dao 3 in the Waning States period, and is arguably "the principal novelty of Zhou ritualism in which uuier and outer levels were first differentiatedn (Ksrukov 317). According to Cook (1997:257), de and the giving of bronze vesseIs were conneded to ascendency of the Zhou over Shang and to the idea of TiaRllzing **,or ItHeavenIyCharge." BI conhast, Shang rites and sacrifices to Shang Di and ancestors had the purpose of securing favor and beneficiai responses such as rain, crops, success in social activities. Shang ritual "excessiveness" has been explained as "directif' corresponding tc the "exberiority of exchange ...-the more abundant the material offerings, the more generous the counter gifts" (Kryukov 317). The early Zhou ritualists transformeci the Shang "ad of outward mediation ... into the inward medium ofcommunication" (lGyukov331), perhaps as a reactionagainst the ritual violence (human sacrifices) and bacchanalia of the Shang (see Kryukov 317). Krpkov argues that Shang exceses were consequentiy "subiimated" into a

29 SeShaughnessy 376-89 md Loewe t993:41524, respectively. "symbolic surplus of signification" where decan be seen as a "benevolent gift" (or inalienable gift) that "belongs to the clan and can be transmitted to posterity" (315). He thus opts to trandate deas "grace" or "gracious giftof Heaven," it is anprivileged possession" of dead kings and other ancestors as weU as living members of the lineage. De is a thread that links living to dead by the glory achieved not only by the individual but also the collective heage. Early bronze vessel inscriptions can be seen as material instantiations ofaccumulated deand merit The bronze wssels and their inscriptions are "records of weaith and prestige made by lineage representatives for display and use during mortuary feasts. Feast partiapants included members of the Iineiige - past, present and future: the ancestral spirits who began the accumulation, the living representative who accumulates new merit and the future generations who must be impressed and pressed into service of maintahhg the wealth and prestige accumulated thus faf (Cook 1997:254-5). An example of a bronze inscription aimed at glorifying and notifying an ancestor of present meritorious deeds or accompiishments is an early bronze ritual vessel was made by Zuo ce Ze Ling. Ling was given the charge of moce 6 ffR a position of ritualist and recorder of the king's charge, and his specific fundion was to administer a rihiil called the Three Srvices and Four DirectionsNThe inscribeci bronze vessel recorded the sequence of five ritualevents over two months detailing the transfer of hrnctions from Ming Bao to Ling, "The entire sequence of events and awards was recorded," according to Cook, and "was recorded for the greater glo- of Ling's ancestor, Father Ding8' (1997:269). The ritual nature of the transfer of power can be seen in the "rituid performances to powerfui Zhou lineage ancestors" that were "necessary More Ling could receive his charge or gifts Crom Ming Bao.

la Cook specuiates that this is a ritual dedicated to the deitiesof the four directions (2992269). . That Ling's authority and power were recorded to bnng glory to his ancestor suggests that during the mernorial feast, the message of the bronze inscription is bansrnittecl into the wodd of the dead where i t boosts the status of Father Ding as weii as tha t of his descendad' (ibid.).

22 Ritual dynamics: vessels and vesse[ bodies

Western Zhou ritual dynamics involved the interplay of timeliness (rituai calendar), food and dnnk preparation, ritual vesseIs, and their berinscriptions. These inner surface inscriptions served to infonn the ancestor spirits of meritonous deeds whidi were activated by the ritual offerings whose contact with the inscriptions enabled their meaning to waft up to the ancestrai spirits via the o€ferings' aroma. The Shi juig "Daya shengmin" ft & section, for example?describes the deity Shang Di's imbibing (xin w) the rising aroma of the rituai offerhg (bang SI." Cook exptains the dynamics in the context of the gift- giving society mode1 she espouses:

Via musical hannonies?the srnelis of sacrifice, and the inxription itself, the hosts announceci their 'goveming powet' (cheng&[Aengd@ and 'martial merit' (wu-kung [wu gond) to theu 'Brilliant Ancestors [and] Accompiïshed (or King Wen-like) Fathers' (huang-tni wen-k'ao [hua@ weRka4)and their fine gu& (dua- pi^ &abuiI}. The bronze text huictioned as a cmtract between ancestral or spiritual authorikies, the host or gift-giver, and the guest or gift rtxjpient The contract was sealeci or consummated through the process of feasting. (19954x149)

On the spiritual level, then, the ritua1 vessel-kcription-offering dynamic was the means of communication between the lower realm (living humans) and the higher spintual one (dead ancestors). One of its goals was to inforxn ancators of meritorious deeds performed and to take part in thecoilective accumulation of the lineage (pastand present) de(virtue, power) and thus activate this repository of de which exisk immanently in tineage, and by extension, in its members. Early Western Zhou bronze vesse1 inscriptions attest that this activation occw by means of imitating the anceston' actions or qualities. Inscriptions reveal that "accumulation of prestige and wealth was an ongoing process down through the generations. Bronze sacrificial vessek were the medium through which one displayed one's own accomplishmenk or de ta lineage members of the past (throughsacrificiaivessels), present (through mortuary rituais), and future (through presemtion of the vesseis as iineage treasures and the* use by descendanb in future memorial feastr)" (Cook 1997278). Both participating bodies and veseis were of paramount importance in ceremonid rituais. It is this contiguity of importance that underscores the meaning of the relational term metonjny. This is further witnessed by the provocative etymoiogical relationship between li a "rituai action" and ti a "body." Boodberg points out that these are the only two common characters that share the IÎS phonetic "ritual vasen (326). He further points out that both ti and 1. connote "organic form" because "early Chinese xholiasts ... repeatedly used Pi[g to define Iiin their glosses" (326-7). The shi 5 component of Ir; meaning "to show," "sign," or "indicate," is found in characters that deaL with ceremonies or reiigious events; it denotes the spirituai and sadceto the spirits. The linritualvase-vessel" element in linritualaction" underIines the intimate relationship between ritual and rituai vesseis. The "body" ti a is composeci of the gu .CP meaning "skeleton" and "flesh" and Ii "ritual vase." The etymological image of the body is of a skeletal vessel.

What these etymologies suggest is that ritual vessels and the body i\re:e of paramount importance in ritual activity. This is one reason why 1have likeried the body, in this historïcal context, as a vessel-body. 23 Shamanic vessel-body

In ancientchina, people sacrih'ced notonly to ancestors but also to gods shen #and ghosts gui S. It was the shen that descended into the bodies of the shamans (wu @) and spirit mediums as described by the collection of poetic folk hymns calied the Cliu a s?'By the time of the Gudscompilation, dated by Roth (1991:609) between the 4"' and 2* centuries BCE, the shen had become personalized, a component of the bodiiy apparatus. Yet, shen was a component that had to be achieved through rneditative and selfadtivation practices. Its capture and employment in the body conferreci esoteric knowledge and heightened sensorial

Although controversy stiii remains over the role that shamans played in ancient China,% there are, however, numerous references to wu as spiritual communicaton in Zhou and Warrhg States texts such as the Shijhg g,Guo

" ïhe Chu ais a 3"' to 2= century BCE compilation of song or Iyrics hmthe state of Chu in the south of China. nie centra1 charaders in the Iyrics are priests visited by spirits, and entering into "hierogamouç rdatioions of an undenidbly amorous nature" (Robinet 36).

It is in ùiis way that Craham understands shas a stative verb, tradating it ns "daimonic," used to denote a "mysterious power and intelligence radiatirtg hma person or thingn (i989101).

" Withcurrent textuai and ardieologidevidence, the practices of the wuand the role they played in Shang and early Zhou times and befare on only be specalated upon. this specalation has fueiied a longstanding debate between K.C. Chang and Keightiey. Chang (1983) argues that myths, oracle bones, and bronze vessels provide evidence that "shamans" (cm)acted as mtermed*ules between the spirituai and human wodds in ancestral and divination rites. This vie^ posits d shamanic-bodythatactsas a hast for the entertainmentofspirib. Keightiey (1983,1989),on theother hand, has studied Shang orade bone iriscnptionsand deteruûned thtno sharnan, spirituid qpher, trance or eatasy techniques were reqaired in early divination, nrguing that prrnctiiïous performance of rituals done was necessary. Chkg hds ~entiyentered the debate siding with Chang. She hds examinedshangorade bone inscriptionsthat desuibe the king rnakingmprognosticationsprtatnuig to weather, the border regions, or misfortunes and diseases. in addition, there are inscriptions desuibing the kmg dancing in his prayers for raih and prognostication about a dream. k a11 of these were dctivitics common to boih king and shunan, we mal tdke it to mem th& the !\mg was also a sh~iman"(Ching t99E12). pH Z, Zhou Ii B, Zuozhuan& m, Shanhaijing @, Chu ci and a silk painted funeral bamer found at Changsha similady depicts the spiritual joumey of the deceased's sou1 (see Chang2994b:16-21). It would be interesting to merthe above etymological speculation, envisaging a shamanistic vessel-bodv, taking the linritualvesseln component of ti "body" to signify a teceptacle for the housing of spirits, personal or non-personai. The dassical texts mentioned above dexribe both out of body shamanic travel (ttù @) to encounter spirik as weU as b~guigdom spirits Fang #) into the ds body.* One of the spintual purposes of ancestral ceremonies and rihials, in at least the middle and late Eastern Zhou was to "cd down" spirits and ancestors. The Guo yu stipulates that the wu supervise "the positions of the spirits at the ceremonies, sacrificed to them, and othe~*sehandled reiigiour mattersn(Bodde 1961; Chang 1983:44). The Zhou /i (" aungud chapter, "Si d section) Merremarks that "during funerary rites, [the si wuj are in charge of the rite of wu dUang(Iïang)El5 (Chang 1994b:16). Chans tfius conchdes that "[tjhe project of al1 the ceremonies is to b~gdown the spirits from above, even their anceston" (198344). Although it is not always ciear that the wu bring the spirits down into their bodies, the ds body W nonetheless instrumental in the adof "bringing down" the spirits. The "Zhao huri' (424-6) and "Da zhad' (426-8) songs of the Cnu àdepict the efforts to entice and Iure back a Iost soul using deiicious drinks and food offerings; both sections repeat the imploring phrase "O soul, come back" (Hawkes 106-7). The Chu a further portrays the relationship of the wu to the spirit as one of "divine

Chang has studied both oracle bone and Inter Zhou uses of these two graphs. He has ntggested the etymology of the jimgm contains ùre eIement on the left referring to mountam or hiil, and a second element on the right depicting loot prints with toes pointing downwards (19!Nb:18). Concerning the pphdi @, the component on the left is the same as for jiurg a hill or mountain, and on the left, and foatprïnts pointing upwards on the right (1994bS). Chang has ako written on the signihcance of aountains in wuiconography (1994b22-k). 51 courtship" (Hawkes 35). But the wu in these cases remains stationary, not journeying out of body to meet the spirit The wu's voice of the " Yun dongjm" song maintains that it is the "god" who "has halted, swaying above us," who "is going to rest in the House of Life" (the wu's body?), who "had just descended in bright majesty." The absence or parting of this god brings on a "heavy sighnfrom the wu, whereupon "sad thoughts trouble [the wu's] heart" (Hawkes 37). The Guo yu further discusses the "mediating" role of the cm Anciently, men and spirits did not intecmingie. At that tirne there were certain persons who were so perspicacious, singlemindeci, and reverential that their understanding enabied them to make meaningfui collation of what lies above and below, and their insight to iiiumine what is distant and profound. 7hereforethesphls worrlddescendhtothem. The possesçors of such powen were, if men, calIed Iisi [xl] (sharnans), and, if women, wu (shamanesses)... (1976:18/1a/410; Bodde 1961; Chang 198344; my italics)

The Cnu t5also contains descriptions of wu practices that involve ecstatic

journeys to meet with celestial spirits. In " Trdnwerl' of the Gua; Qi is said to have been many times to Heaven, and had brought back the "Nine Changes" and "Nine Songs" (409; Hawkes 129). The Shanfraijing similarly describes Kai, the lord of Xia, as having "thrice ascended to the heaven, and brought down the Nine Aen [Biàn; "Nine Changesfl and the Nine Songs" (Hawkes 73). Relatedly, Chang points out that the Chu wu of the C3u aoften ride in chariots to journey around (1994:21). One such fantastic journey in found in a passage from the " Lisao."

1 yoked a team of jade dragons to a phoenix- figured car And awaibed for the wind to come, to soar up on Figure 7: Ldy Dai's Funerai banner korn LMWD my joumey. tomb no.1 (Wu H. By evening 1had arriveci at the Hanging Garden. 1992123) . wanted to stay a whiie in those fairy precincts, but the swift-moving sun was dipping to the wst. 1 ordered Hsi Ho (Xi He) to stay the sun-steeds' gallop, To stand over Yen-bu (l'ad) mountain and not go in; For the road was 50 far and so distant was my journey, And I wanted to go up and down, seeking my heart's desire (401-2;Hawkes 33) The funeraI banner found on Lady Dai's tomb at Mawangdui graphically evokes such spiritua1 journeys (seFigure 7). As Segraves reports, "t]he bannefs top section depicts the journey of Lady Dai's spuitsoul from euth to the afteriife, the middle section depicts Lady Dai's Life hereonearth; and thelowersection ~Uustrates the undemrld where unfortunate MysoSraidew (47). in an exhaustive study of the etymology of "wu," P. Chan remarb the importance of music and dancc in the ceremonies over which the wu presided. Wu mage/shaman and wu dance are homophones which are cognate. The Shuo wen says that the "wubring down spin& by meaw of dancingn (P. Chan 38). Wdey simiIarIy speaks of wu "in ancient China intermediaries used in the dtof Spirits were cafled wu. They figure in as experis in exorcisrn, prophecy, fortune- teIIing, rain-making and interpmtation of dreams. Some wu danced ... in order to bring down SpiRts"(1955:9). The above descriptions of wu pradice suggesb a body as vesse1 that facilitates a vertid plane of movement for descendhg spirits Vangshen)or the ascending (Air) spirit or sou1 of the wu.

24 Daoist/yang sheng vessel-body

This section will further examine the earLy Daoist vessel-body, revealing similarities between early Daoist and shamanic practices and physioIogica1 hnctionaiity. Others have already noted these affinities. Robinet, for example, maintains that çhuaand shamanism predak and thus influence Daoisrn, =@a& religious Daoist practices commencing in the 2d century CE- KroU (1996), on the other hand, in his examination of the "Far Roaming" " Yuanyod' B B Song of the Gua(418-20) suggests ifs possible composition in the 130's BCE at the court of Liu An and points out how it draws upon Daoist notions of self-cultivation (156). The lyric also incorporates themes like the desire to "attain unity" and to rehm to the original state of "formlessness," or tai chu which Kr011 translates as "Grand Antecedence." Other Daoist themes include '"doing nothing" and Dao 3.Graham has hirther remarked that both the Laoziand "Neiye"section of the Guam; two texb he classifies as Daoist, present themselves as the two sole extant "fuii-scaiephilosophical poems," and further surmises that they sharea genre "perhaps originating in shamanistic hymnsn(1989214). Roth foliows Graham (1981) in dividing early Daoism into the phases: "individuaiist," "primitivist," and "syncretist"Itis the firstphase, thenindividualist" one that reveals another early depiction of a vessel-body.% "Individualist phase," Roth explains, is defined by its "total absence of social and political thoughf' (1996:123). This phase Graham situates at about the middle of the 4& cenhuy BCE with the "herChapters" of the Zhuangziand the "Naye"section of the Gum; which are "[e]xclusively concemed with cosmoIogy and the inner transformation of the individual Ieading to "mysticalgnosis"' (l996:lB). This phase perhaps derives €rom or was infiuenced by Yang Zhu @ and his foliowers and/or "esoteric rnasten" (fingshi 3*) from the coastal areas of Qi and Yan and the shamans of

The "primitivist" phase advocates "a vision of a simple soàety and politic," cepd by Laoziand what Graham (1981200-23)has designated the primitivist chaptes of the ZhumgU These texts treat matters of comiclogy and self-transformation and put fonvard an agrarian conunnnity- style social and political phiiosophy (Roth 1996:123). My,the "syncretist" phase describes a similu cosmology and mode of self-transformation, but is commended to miers in a cosmoiogy that precisely coordinates politicai and cosmic orders while incorpomting ideas hm other traditions iïke legalism and Confucianism. Famous Han historian Sima Tm (d. 110 BCE) tbeb thisschool the "Daoist sdiooi" (dao* m),and some contemporary commentators idenhfy it as Huang-Lao Daoism. Representatives of this phase indude the Zhuangzi"syntl.etistW wriüng (Graham 29812%84), the MWD akged "Huang-ho" siIk manuscripts (Yates 2997), some Guam- essays dnd Huaimmi (Roth 19%:123). Southem Chu (ibid.). Only fragments remain of the doctrines of Yang Zhu (fl. c. 370-350 BCE) or the schooI Yangism named after him. Mencius (c. 371-289 BCE) was clearly unsettled by the influence of Yangism, seeing Yang Zhu and MoP as his primary philosophical antagonists, Iamenting that "[t]he words of Yang Chu [Zhu] and Mo Ti [Di] füi the Empire ... Yang advocates everyone for himself, which amounts to denial of one's prince" (lEB:9; bu1976:114). Emerson has dedYangism's prime innovation the "discovery of the bodyn and the importance of preserving its physiologicd integrtty. Aloysius Chang lisk what he sees as the four most attesteci ideas attributed to Yangism: (1) "each for himself," wei wo jZ$ a (2) preserve life, maintain the rd,do not get tangled in things," (3) he would not sacrifice a haïr from his leg in order to profit (or gain) the whoIe empire, and (4) he would not serve in the army, nor would he reniain in a besieged city (lm, 1972; in Emerson 533). The "NeYP desa-ibes two entities that the seif-cultivating practitioners strive to welcome into their bodies, the ~adlm) .and shd (#). It is with the latter concept that the Zhuangzi and "NeiyP'share the strongest affinities with the practices of wu. Although the seifdtivated body of the "Neiyè' similarly experiences the "guest" of the shen, this process is understood in terms of qi The dsdancing "hhnique of ecstasy" has been transformed into meditative techniques whose goal is to obtain and embody a more personalized shen that can

37 Aithough the dao is imnianentiy aii-pervasive, people do not accord themseives with it The daomay fiiI man's body-form xing f&, "but men can't hold it in place;" it cornes and goes and cannot be detected by the senses (Ridcett 41, Ym 398). nie daob"no fixed place. Yet in a good mind [xin IG 1 it wdi peacefuiiy settle. ïhe mind @escent umg a and the vital force [qi weU managed, the Way [dao] can be made to stay" (Rickett 41, IV.1; Yan 399). The daonahualIy cornes to the quiexent mïnd (Rickett 3,XV.2 Yan 438). The Laozideclares that "quiescence"jhg is to "return" to one's mot (Le., dao), which aisa "meam to remto your fatew(ch.16). Self-cultivation in the "Ner@4is primarily a rem10 the Dao, a becoming-Daa

Aithough Rickett has pliusibly conjectured that sbmay be "a manifestation of the Dao, " the evidence does not support his second hypothesis ùiat shen is "pcrhaps just another dppeikition for the Dao itseif" (30). confer metaphysical knowledge and heightened sensory perception. ZhuangLi, in chap ter 4, argues for the necessity of body cultivation practices in order to attain a body s ta te that can adas a house she$ for the shen and guishen #. h this chapter, a seated meditation, or "sitting and Eorgetting" zuo mg & z,is prescribed so that one "abandons his body and ik paris, rejects percephal sharpness, leaves his form, drives away his knowledge, and becornes one with the Universal Greatness" (in Robinet 34). Zhuangzi, in characteristic fashion, paradoxicaiiy names this practice em ployed with success by mythicd heroes Like Çhun and Yu as "using ignorance to know." Among its bene& is the ability to "transform the myriad thùigs." The practice is cryptically dexribed thus: Look up to the easer of our toils. in the empty room the brightness grows. The blesseci, the auspicious, stills the stiiied. The about to be does not stay

This 1 cd"going at a gallop while you sit" [zuo qi* $j].If the channek inward through the eyes and ears are cleared, and you expel knowledge from the heart, the ghosdy and daemomk wiU corne to dwd M you [gui shen/iang/aishea #l$$*$] not to mention aII that is human! This is to transform the myriad thtngs, here Shun and Yu found the knot where di threads join, here Fu-hsi (Fum)and ChiCh'u wC7tu] finished their joumey, not to speak of Iesser men. (Graham 1981:69; my italics)

In the "Netye," the body portrayed in this text resembles a living vessel or container which, under proper conditions, admik qt; jing and sfien which bring with hem intensified perceptual abilities and metaphysical knowledge. in the "Negee,"qiis the medium of life and knowledge within organisms: "when the [qr] permeate~,~there is life, and with life comes thought" (Rickett 43, UY)Yan 400). Theessence of qiis jing. In the "Neiye,"jhgis the source of al1 living things fiom the

Rickett amends dao i& "to course," to tong a "to permeak" or "go through."

'O Crlc4s otherwise stated, di Guanu'references dre to Rickett's 2998 trandatiow only page ncmbcr. then sbnza numbcr r\.ill~$ven. star gods above to the €ive grains below and the ghosts and spirits (gui shen] floating in the space behveen (39, LI; Yan 396). This essay definesjingas the essence of qi (43, W.3; Yan 400), and says that the living body is a harmony of Heaven- produced jing and earth-produced body-form hg (52, XII; Yan 406). Understood as a heavenly manifestation (or refined version of) of qi,/üïgcan be described as an animative force or source of Me. By extension, jing is also a "w&pringn of qi, and guarantor of proper bodily functioning: "as long as the weilspring does not run dry" then the body is firm and heaithy, and the nine apertures are clear (47-8, VIIL4; Yan4û3). Composed of j~gandq& the human body is a functional plurality of continuous flows and transformations. Heaith depends on the proper functioning of hie body, on the regdation of the aperhws, and the flows and transformations of qiandjihg. Furthermore, it is the qi that must be concentratecl in order for one to "become Ue the Spirit [shen]" (50, XLI; Yan 405). The presence of shen entails metaphysicai knowledge, thus becoming like shen similarly suggesk heighkned sensory and cognitive powers. But this is not omniscience, as Graham stresses. It is rather a "supremely lucid awareness which exdes a shudder of numinous awe" (Graham 1989:lOl). "Internalization" of the shen bestows "knowledge of everything," but only if one "renews de [âaj" [i.e., the power from shenJ4'"daily" (48, iX.2; Yan 404) Reminiscent of the shen that the wu brings down, the shen of the "Neiye," as Rickett translates, "independently exists" such that "[il ts going and coming, [njo one is able to contemplate" (45, VTi.3; Yan 402). Further reinforcing the idea of a vessel-body, the practitionefs body is described using architectural irnagery. The "Ne.@?' speaks of the body as a house (she*) of shen. The later commentary on

'' AS with the idea sha the meaning of the concept of de had transformeci to become personalized, ie., a power that could be pmduced or used by #-ne'spersonal body, r.. ithin arly Daoist self-cultivation theory. this text in the Guanzientitled "Xiirshushanf lb k,while dixoursing on the inhibitory influence of desires on the attainment of esoteric knowledge, recommends one to sweep clean (saduR B) the abode (she $) (Statement V; Rickett 72), and further advises to cleame (jie the mansion (gong g)and open (kai&ll)the gabes (men pLj) (Statement XIII; Rickett 73) in order to Iet shenUtakeup its abode" (jiangru she Ifg A &). Dweiiings have "windows" and "gaiesnto the outside, and on the inside have "hallsn and "passageways" - aii of which need to be clean and clear, fit for the residence of an "honoured guest" (Xinshu shang; Explanation V; Rickett 76). The guest (iïkg shen) is what bhgs news and information, i.e., metaphysical knowledge, about the outside. The body, then, stiü vessel-like is also a boundary of mediation between internai (nei fi) and penetrating extemal ( wai fi)flows. However, the shen can stiii be said to descend in the practitionefs body. Conceived as heavenly investitures, both jhg and shen can be understood as coming from above. This seems to be how Graham understands it in his synopris of the body's interaction with qt jhgand shen in the "i1Veyd' [O]is the energetic fluid which wtaW the body, in particular the breath, and which circulates outside as the air. At the putest it is &~g[rinB],the 'quintessentiai,"which above is perfectly Iuminous as the heavenly bodies, circulates in the atrnosphere as the kuishen [guisha] ... and descendshto man as his shm "daimon," rendering hîm sheRLRiRg; "daimonic and cie~r- seeing,"so that he perceives the myriad things with perfectclarity. (Graham 1989:lOl; my itaiics)

25 Conclusions: hybrid bodies

Common to Zhou ritual and ritual use of vessels, shamanic and Daoist pradices4' is a dynamic view of vessels and bodies, or vessel-bodies. The ritual

'' 1have primaniy treated what Graham dexLibed as "mdividualist" Daoist practicw. but a simiiar ernphasis on vacuity and emptying the body of desires is found in "synaetist" Daoirt works direaed to der. vessel, the misbody, and the Daoist practitioner's body are only aotivated in their role when acting as host for independently existing, yet ontologically contiguous enti ties:

(1) In one sense, the sacrificial vessel is ritually activated when offerings of food or dink are put inside of it in the context of a ritual. The aroma of the offerings rises to the spiriîs or ancestors, carrying the message of the vessei's inner inscription, informing ancestors of deeds performed that add glory and de to the heage in order to secure spiritual favor and blessings.

(2) The wdsbody, perhaps conditioned by trance-likedancing, serves as host for the descending spirit (shen) whose presence activates the special function of the wu as spiritual communicators.

(3) The Daoist adept practicing tediniques such as those describeci in the ZhuangPand "Nè&é' employs breathing techniques to mate a suitable bodily condition amenable to housing that mystical stuff engendering esoteric knowledge (shen).

The latter two cases involve human bodies that are conditioned to be accommodatingly empty (of person for the wu and desires for the Daoist practitioner), just Like a sacrificial vessel, or house. Just as the etymology of tiB , body, suggests, the body is a skeletal vessel Even azhg BI often translated as form or "bodily form" similarly denotes shape or form, as opposed to content or flesh and blood entity. This, 1believe, is because the notion of body, in at least the texts described above, is Like a vessel or container, albeit of dynamic surfaces and not selfcontaineci. The animating powers or forces that engender Me and mystical powers or capabiiities derive from the oubide. in this way, the body is like a dynamic median, an i2-between of outer and imer necessary for su~val.

This üne of thought could be further extended to inciude the dation of the skin to the skeleton and the decorations on the surface of the veLDecorations almost aiways figure on the outside. not inside, surface of a vcsel. uniike inscriptions. 1 thank Robin Ycites for pointiq this out to me. It is a hybtid, wholly reIationa1 and contextual, achieving perfection or completion in the performance of activities (ceremonies, breathing techniques) that mediate the outer and inner vital flows and Auids and powen. The bodies of the wu and Daoist engaged in self-cultivation are d ynamic hosk fostering sym bio tic relationships, entering and continually remtering proceses of becoming. The physiology outlined in the above mentioned Daoist works are remarkable in that they areostensibLy the first, or among the first, Chinese attempts to understand the inner workings of the body, However, for reasons stated above, "inner working" is a misnomer, as the body or ideal body to be achieved by the sage, is a configuration of inner and outer flows of p; /iirg, and shen and their transformations. The sage readies his body to accornmodate shen, which in tum confen mystical knowledge and heightened sensorial powers, in a becoming-&en Unlike the becoming-shen of the wu, though, the capture of code or power of the shen is longer Ming and not dependent on the extemally exiting wuof a spiritua1 king. The Daoist sage is the host to shwhich becornes part of his bodily apparatus, an additional sense subject to his wiU, just as his other senses. Chap ter III Observations On the MaiTexts

3.1 Mai text descnp tions

This section will look at several early Chinese medical texts describing a medical body and etioIogicai understanding designed to aid in the pradice of cauterization and stone needle piercing - antecedents to acupuncture and ib metal needling practices. The tau& were found in two second cenhuy BCE tombs in southern China. Although the state of Qin conquered the other Chinese states in ib grand unification of the empire in 221 BCE, both tombs were located in the temtory of the state of Chu in the Wamng States ümes, prior to Qin's unification. The state of Chu, at its apex controlled one third of Warring States China, had distinctive religious beliefs and practices that can be discemed in the famous poetic work associateci with that state, the Chu a 58p # which describes thespiritual journeys and practices of shamans and spirit mediums. Chu's burial

Figure 8: A map of Warring States China, 403-221 BCE customs and religious beliefs (Graham 1989:ü). are aIso evident in Mh'D bmb 1, the innermost coffin of whose occupant, Lady Dai, was draped with a fherary bamer graphicaIIy showing how her body and spirit souls travel to their final destination." The texts under investigation deal with proto-acupuncture theory. I Say "proto" because the acupuncture we see today with its fine metal needIesG and compIex correspondence theories was a later development Correspondence theories employing concepts of yfn yangand wu hgare attested in the Slu'jie ~~accountof the Western Han physician Chunyu Yi $$ & yet he relies more on stone needle piercing techniques than on acupuncture, while the canonical medicd work Huangdinepg ss & ostensibly of Han origin (see note 6), applies correspondence theories and describes acupuncture practices in detaii. Yet acupuncture theories are based on an understanding of the body, in a sense schematicaiiy de-lineated with ünes or "channels"(mai~,that stem from the early Chinese medical imputation that these maikraversed the body dong fixed routes and were directiy associated with certain iiinesses. That is, if these lines were in some way affecteci, dislocating their normal position, or disrupting their normal throbbing (i.e., puIse), then iüness would folIow. For the texts in question, the maibexts, 1foilow Ma Jixing's appellations of the MWD texts and Harpeis Engiish tiffes: Zubishiyimaijru jmgaw f- -DE & ("Cauterization canon of the eleven vessels of the foot and forearm"), Yinyang sizifi mai/lll/ing Bf- - a (Cauterization canon of the e1even yin and

" Although there is debdte over the banner's interprebtion(see Loewe 1979, H. CVu1992), Segraves says: The bannef s top section depicts the journey of Lady Dai's spirisou1 from earth to the afteriife, the middle section depicts Lady Dai's life here onearth; and the Iowersection ilinstrates the underworld where unfortunate ûc@vsouIs reside" (47).

Perhaps the eartiest mention of metal needles is fiom the Yantie /un@ &;?&"Discaurss on Salt and Iron," a report on the 81 BCE debate conctming the Hm government's nationnlizntion policies. 'This debate, between ConFucian iiterati and government ministers, often made use of medical dogies, as this passage hart the iikmtispokesperson makes dear: "What is admired in a good doctor F;angi[liangyij)is hir; emnhing of the respiration (sirenhsiao hsi[sfienxtdo xtl) so as to (advise how to) ward off maiign chlii(rhuihsiahdrhi[tuixie QI]); what is not admired is his appiying the needles of metai and stonc (chdi& [rhenshi# a)so as to bore into the skm and flesh" (Needham and Lu, 114) . yang vesseis") Ma% E # ("Mode1 of the vesseis") and Yinyang maisihou ?Jjj ("Death signs of the yin and yang vesseis"). Gao (2992) divides the ZJSmai manuscript (commonly referred to as the mashu) into three sections, where his mmshu3 conflates the MWD Yhyangmais.ütouand Maifa essays with two others. Harper (1998a) has divided the ZJç maishumanuscript into six essays, the last four of which correspond to Gao's confiateci maishu 3. Co (lm)has followed Harper, designating the four essays in question mashu (3)' (4)' (5), and (6). The following chart compares these writers' designations for the various SJS essays and gives the correspondhg MWD versions*

Gao MI Mt M3.133 M3.4 M33 M3.53.7

Lo Mu1 M&hu2 Makhu3 hhkhu4 MairhuS Miilâhu6

Harpe "Ailment "Eieven "Five Signs "Càreof the "Su Car+ "Veseis List" VesseW of Death" Body" stihrents" and Vapoi' Ma (MWD YuIyan1: uri>m iMUi5 Mafi corres- shiyilnqïu m-siirou pondence) iag

The MWD mkitexk were written on sik sheets measuring 24 x 450 cm. In the same bundIe, nadbojia 8 "sük manuscript An by Ma (1992.2)' was another much longer medical text, the Wushier bin&ang Together, these medical texts comprise about 30 sheets, with the mai texts accounting for one sixth of the total manuscript The ZJS mai texts were written on sixty-five bamboo slips, and are much better preserved - especially the Maira text, originally conbining 400 graphs according to Ma, which has serveci to supplement the heavüy compteci silk

'' The ZJS and MWD correspondences are not dways exact; there are cases of ov~rlappmg texts and different phraseologies, Tite M&, for example, la& the ktId of Gao's designated M3.3, which discusses the six constituents of the body and yet overlaps with Gao's W.6 with comparabfecontent. manuscript copy, containing ody 188 graphs compared with the bamboo di-; version's 312 (Ma 19924,107). Unless specified otherwise, 1 wili be using Ma's (1992) or Zhou Yimo's transcriptions and commentariesfor the two blWD Shifima~uj/üigtexts,whiie my studies on the Ma22 and Yulyangmaisihouare based on the ZJç versions and rely on the transcriptions and commentaries from Wenwu(l989), Gao (1992), and even Ma (1992) whose analysis of the MWD texts often relies on cornparisons with and support from the ZJSones. Ma has completed an exhaustive comparative study on the iMWD medical texts with the ZJStexts as weU as iater medical classics. He has divided the MWD medical texts into four categories (Ma 1492.3-4),

1. Preventative medical thinkùrg.breathing and ewrcise techniques (Dao* tu 131 ["Drawings OC guiding and prtllorig"], Quegushiqi $#@@ & ["Eiiminating grain and eating vapofl), and prescriptions for strengthening the body and increasing qi (Yangsheng fang & $ ["Recipes for nurturing Me'?, Ta'dianshtl fis ["Book of the generation of the fetus"], Zalido hng # ff 3 ["Rwpes for various cures7 ).

2. Medicai theory: descriptions of the eleven mai(Zubisiuj4maiji~jzhg)~ diagnosing the mai( Yinyang maisihou),discussion on examining the ma4 cauterizing and body piércing (maifa)),embryo physiology and pregnant women's recuperation ( T~chanshul, nourishing and cuItivating life (Shiwen + YTen quetions"], Tiama thrciao tan * 7; % % ["Discussion of the cuirninant way under heaven"]).

3. Medical treatment medicina1 healing ( Wwtu'erhg hg 5 f- 1 % ["Recipes for fïfty-two ailmentq), cauterizing tfieory (Zubishj4maijiu jkg Yinyng shifi mai jiu jhg Md)and body piercing using stone lancets (Maifa).

4. Assorteci other texts: sexual cultivation, magical prescriptions, etc.

Even a cursory perusal of the above mentioned texts reveals a diverse range of techniques and ideas concerning the body and its proper functions as weii as their maintenance and restoration in the case of illness. Medicaliy, a11 these texts have proper physiological functioning as their fundamentd end, but their means to this end vary from sexual practices to medicinal herbs, magical chants to physical exercises, dietary restrictions to breathing techniques. And then there are the mai texts. Even these texts show a diversity in physiologicaI understanding and theoreticd complexity. As such, it is prudent not to assume that these maitexk fonn a logically consistent corpus, even if they were found together collated into one manuscript bundle at MWD. It is highly likely that these early texts are examples of deve1opmental stages within a maitradition, or traditions. There is no reason to suppose that there were notsevmd contemporaneously different or evencompeting mai traditions. Conceptual overlaps are evident, but differences stilI exist It is aIso highly likely that these "traditions" were not as well defined or pure as this word suggests: different traditions undoubtedly converged creating "impure" hybrids.

3.2 Text as open system

The above descriptions of the material form and content of these texk not onIy raise questions of interpretation, but also challenge traditional Western academic notions of what a text is. The physical fonn and collations of the exhumed texk oftenoffer little indication, either grammatical or spatid, aboutwhere one text starts and another ends. In fact, the threads binding the original bamboo slips found in the ZJS tomb had decomposed, leaving a scattered mass of slips that collators had to reassemble, with the only material guide being the Warring States and Western Han textuaL convention of black dot markings that signify the beginnings and endings of texts (Lo 34-42). These kinds of fragmented pdes, or continuous essays, in the style of the ZJS Yhyang mai sihou confIation dscribed above, are divided by Chinese and Weslern sinologisk into sub-texts based on content and gramma tical considerations. Such considerations of textual integrity, however, seem to differ from early Chinse approaches to writing and text-production. Two interrelated considerations should be kept in mind when reading these "tee," one derives from early Chinese practices of text-production which can be profitably inforneci by post-structuralist theory in ik criticisms of traditional notions of text and meaning. The renowned sinologist Angus Graham poink to a possibIe cultural misperception we may have about text production in ancient China, when he remarks that "ancient Chinese thinkers did not write books, they jotted down sayings, verses, stocks, thoughk and by the third century BC composed essays, on bamboo strips which were tied together in sheets and rolled up in scrolls ... Collections of scrolls ascribed on good and bad authority to one author or school grew up gradually and did not assume a standard form until Liu Hsiang [Xiang] (77-6BC) edited them for the Imperia1 Library of the Han dynastyn 27). Early Chinese bexk represent what might be caiied "opensystems." Even Liu Xiang a fi, when compiling the material in a work entitled Zhanguo ce & desaibed how he took various "confused fragments" of records and eight incompIete pim faund in the Imperia1 Library and produced a work of thirty-three pi= He had taicen the original material concerned with various states and "arrangeci such material in rough chronological order for those states, and supplemented it with otherwritings that had not been set out in any sequence; and after eliminating material that was found to be duplicatedn (Tsien 2). Although Liu Xiang attempted to standardize texts, the integrity he imposed on them may stiii have been open to future editors and commentators whose faith in the wisdom of past sages may have cornpelleci them to edit, excise, and rearrange to achieve the putative "original" interna1 consistency that had become Iost in the history of textual transmission An example, though not related to Liu Xiang's undertaking, concerns the Chinese medical classic Huangdi na~ingikelf. Contemporary medicai historians like Ma (2990:70-85) generaiiy agree with third century !&Eswhose preface to another acupuncture classic, the K~angdiiia~jingT@ 2 identifies a Suwen and a am jing @in nine juaneach with the lost HLIï?Ig&~ffj%g~feighteen juan üsted in Harrshu 30 (Sivin 1993:297,202). Sivin has remarked that the history of Chinese medicine has been marMby a fundamental "tension between the 'visions of cornpIeteness and perfection' that gave force to ik classicism, and the need to resoIve obtrusive contradictions in the canons" (2995b:191-2). Relatedly, Keegan has analyzed the structure of various Hiangdine@gtextr inorderio demonstrate "how theirauthors created theoretical coherence from often disparate materials and how the materials sei~tedreveal the history of the these texW (xi& ahsee his chapter 3). The Huangdner~hgsorigins have been obscure from at leaçt the time of Huangh Mi, whose Il~angdijia~jing can be seen as part of the restaration-like project during the ktfew centuries CE. At this time, there was "a succession of new writings meant to reassert the integrity of the amient ones, while explaining how to understand what seerns conhdictory as actudy consistenP1(Sivin 1995h192). This kind of reverence towards and faith in the "anaentciassicsn inspired not only new writings but also the manipufation of the classics themseives. En the seventh century CE, Wang Bing X Zif( admitted that he "added and excised text is his judgement dictated, and supplemented the incomplete Ch'üan [Qum] version [his original version] from other sources" in his reconstruction of and commentary on the Suwen (Sivin 1995k202). From post-struciuraiism we have Iearned to question the "transparency" of the text, and to be suspicious about the notion of the "kxt" and the "work of interpretation" recognizing the dynamic complexities of reading and writing. Belief in "authonal intenr and a "single attainable meaning" fails to recognize the openness of the kxt, its polysemic nature, and ib multiple uses and interpreta lions withinsocial discourses and power formations (Foucault 1%9). The importance that post-s#ructurdist thinken accord to conbext and how meaning is constructed in textual production shouId not be ignored. The concept of the text as a "work" with a historical made of production seeks to understand how the text worb. To do this is to open the text and recognize it as a multiplicity whose understanding is not located within the text, but rather in space outside, the space behveen the text and those entities with which it forms symbioses, alliances, and antagonisms. Tuniing away from traditional questions of meaning tied up with sigiufier-signified relations, Deleuze and Guattari "askwhat it [the text] fundions with, in connection with what other things it does or does not transmit intensities, in which other multiplicities ik own are inserted and metamorphosed" (1987:4). One of the purpases of this section is to "opennthese maitexts so as to let flow th& multiple natures as witnessed in their various inter-textual affiliations with traditions ranging from Western Zhou ritual to shamanistic practices, and milibuy strategy to early Daois t seifdtivation techniques.

3.3 Contents of the te&

After a very general ovewiew of the mai texts under investigation, this section wiii further examine in depth these essays and the terms and concepts that shed Light on the philosophical themes of space, tirne and rnovement The first text in the MWD silk manuscript is the Zubi shiyi mai jiu jing; containing 703 graphs out of a possible onginai of 760 graphs (Ma 19924). Theoreticaiiy the Ieast complex of the mai texts, this text suggestr it precedes the others in terms of composition. It is also significant that it mentions neither qY nor blood (mea)," and uses the more archaic, Warring States usage of wen for

" The physicai manuscript iacks th%graph, but it In& many graphs. Ma (1992A95-6)has argtted that there is an occurrence of the graph qiin thtext (in a syrnptom description shgqi L of an hessrelated to the zushc@zma) on the basis of cornparisons with the Yinyangw ma@ jhg and the Lingshu 3-20(96).

This may, however, be due its designated audience. Practitioners of the text mdy not nccesdy have been expericnced Joctors. Given the xant mfomtation we hdve about these texts, it seems plausible chat the redcr/pnctitioner may have been a physiaan, educated Liypon, or mai (See Han 39). It primarity describes leg (rhree yzh, three ymgma) and five ammai(two yin, three yang ma) (see Ta ble 2 below). The paths of the maiare said to lead from the body's exbemities (feet and hands) towards the head, or at least towards the center of the body. Mer each mals path has been mapped out, there are descriptions of &esses associated with that mai Finally, cauterization (moxibustion) treatment is alwavs recommended, yet where to cauterize is ~ns~ecified.~The Greakr Yin Channel of the Foot ru wen S -i, for exarnple, emerges at the inner edge of the big toe alongside thebone and emerges at the upper edge of the inner rnalle~lus.It foUows along the inner edge of the shin ... the inner edge of the knee, and emerges at the inner edge of the thigh. ïhe ailments: ailing froin the loss of function in the big toe; pain in the inner edge of the shin: pain in the thigh; abdomen pain; bioated abdomen; fu ...; no craving to eah a tendency to belch; ... In al1 cases aiiing from these things, cauterize the foot Great Yin vesse[. (Harper 1998:198-99; see also Keegan 293-95; Ma 299;-297-200)

The second bfiVD mai text is the Yinyangshiyimai~iujih~and occurs twice in hvo separate WVD siIk manuscript bundles and once in the ZJS maishu. Cornpared with Ma's estimateci 950 graph countin the original essay, the hvo !vICVD essays consis t of 333 and 793 grip hs and the ZJÇ copy 915 respectively (19924).This essay does not use the term mai prevaient in the Qin onward due to Qin's standardization of script, but another Warring States usage: mo (again, see Han 39). Blood (.rue)is mentioned adv once as is qifor the (zu) shaoyzn ma if the mai

perhaps even an adrmrustrator or der.

" The origuid pphis, in set, a and ~tspmnunaation is uncertain. For converuence, though shdl use tne modem graph wen in its piace.

Perhaps the text presumes thhowIedge, or if the text s used as a manual for disaples. then it wodd requue dccompany;; orai expianation. is moved then among various conditions listed one is that the qiis insufficienf' (qi bu zu & ;l; g; Ma 2992256), and one of the generated illnesses is the appearance of blood when coughing (kezeyou xue @ WIJ dh; Ma 1992256). Similar to the above essay, the paths of six Ieg and five arm maiare describeci (see Table 2 below), followed by a List of illneses related ta each mai However, path and illness descriptions are ohn more detaiIed and between path and illness entries, the Yinyangshiyimai~iujinggivesthe cause for the iilness: the maiis moved (&dong ze bing gm WiJm.Movement of the ma;at least in this text, is thus pathologica~.~ The maidescribed in this essay, once rnoved or perhaps agitahi, is ofkn foliowed by a List of ilinesses that are generated (srro chan bing fi 6)(see Ma lm95 101). Treatment is prescribed only for the Lesser Yin Channel of the Leg (a) shaoyin mo O&)&@f& and like the Zubishi* maijiujulg; it is cauterization jiu &. Even though the other ten maiare not amibeci with treatments, onecan assume that their treatment wodd foliow the pattern described in the Lesser Yin Channel of the Leg and in the Zubishzjimaijiujhg. That is, the mai"controiiingrt (dua the iilness must be treated or cured (zhi B).The "Greater Yin Channel of the Legn (m)hifi mo a);ik & for exampie,

Great Yin vessei. This is the stomach vesseL It goes alongride the stomach, emerges from the tower edge of the Yin part of the fish-thigh and at the upper edge of the calf, and emerges at the upper edge of the inner rnaiieoius.

When this (vessel) is moved, one ahhom: (vapor) ascending and racing to the heart; bIoabed abdomen; a tendency to belch; wanting to vomit after eating - whable to defecate and pass vapor there is welcome relief. For these (ahents), the Great Yin vesse[ controls the treatment

1 have dehberately Ieft the transhtion mbiguous, but Keegan has mterpreted qihere as breath, thus transiating the "breath is hutfiaentn(290).

Harper sees dong a ds connotirtg a "Mscular disturbance arising from a contrary movement of vipor [qd in the vesseis [ma&a condition known as jueE (reversal)" (1998i203 n.1). The dilments that it produces are: feverishness of the heart by itself - death occurs; heart pain and bloated abdomen - death occurs; inability to eat, inability to sleep, and strained yawning -when the three are cornbined, death occws; muck and leaking slop -death occurs; water and blockage - when combined, death occurs - making ten ailments. (Harper 1998a:208; Keegan 293-5; Ma 246-9)

Han has thus concluded that although both wen & and mo are Warrhg States usages whose exact dating cannot be determined (59), the Yhyangsh~mai jiu jingcontains more eiaborate differentiationsof iünesses (bui@engIeinlei jeCj& esthan the Z~bishi~maijiujing thus indicating a later authonhip (E Ian 64-5). Both of these sh~maiessaysenurnerate oniy eleven ma; as opposed to the twelve in the Yhyang maishihou, and later texts Like the HuangdimpgLingshu "]kgmai' (pian 10) which is often used as a standard to compare the routes of the maiin the MWD and ZJç shiH maiessays (Ma 199298; Gao 199235-88; Han 80-5; He and Lo 93-100). Table 2 iisb and names the corresponding mai in the two shiyi ma-essays as well as the Lrigshu text

BmtEAMZE N shaoyang wen (m)shaoyang mo Dan zu shaoyang Ai mai 11 Table 2: Corresponding makhamek from MW and sources ] I r LU tayh wen (zu) bi* mo pizu tuj& &mai ESBE 0 ABE m.iLkBt% - gan mjuey& zhi mai IRERB2l - fishou &jkn &mai w~~~ 'CTPéBS Brfr*k@2E bishaoylii wen bishoyin mo xUi shou shaoyin Aimai 1b99B2l bi t;ujmg wen I fian mo ~~'aiKharIgshou&ijr;urgthi mai ~j\B+kl9bt& bishaoyang wen er mo qüio&ou hoyang thi w!.wa q[iT mai =*+&m2& biyanpnhtg wen dachangsiiouyangoiing zhi g mai , JrB+FJbsBtl@

I total: Il wen talai. 11 mo 1 totak 12 jing mai Based an information hmMa lm.

With the MaiFa, a morecornplex understanding of the maiand the inner body emerges. Mai pathways are not discussed, but methods for palpation or pulse- taking along the maiare given, as are qualities of pulse and their significance. An understanding of qiand its movement is detaiied, as is a relation between qiand ma;for if the 'is moving in a wrong fashion, then specified pIaces along the mai are to be either cauterized or pierced with a stone Iancet Yet thir qi-mairelationship does not necessarily imply thai the qiflows inside the mat; as most commentators assume based on much Iater acupuncture theories. Fdy,the Yinynng nrmsihrr reveds anwengreater theoretical diversity. As mentioned above, the ZJS copy is a[so longer than the MWD one, and arguabty more comptete. Ma maintains that the ori@ essay contained 110 charactesr whereas the MWD and ZJç contai1189and 166 respectively (l!RZ4).aThethree ymg mni are associated with heaveniy qi (tian qi* E),said to conmi extdaffairs and Me, explaining why ody one of the üskd ïilrtess of the yang mai is fatai. The three yin mai are associated with earthly qi (diqi th g),and converseiy are said to control internai (bodily) &airs and death, hence their ilInesses are ofien hthai. These fatal internai illnesses do manifest outward sip, and this text describes them. Accordvlg to the text, the mi also need to be med and emptied - suggesting either renewai of their contents, or a continual hertlthy state of flwc The latter seems iike a valid interpretation insofar as "moving" or "exe& (dong m) is prescribed in order to £iiithe four hbs, which sirndtaneousIy serve to empty the five viscera, benefitting the body. This text reveais affinities to "nourishing life" (ynng sheng 9)traditions in threspect, emphasipng the value of not ody "exercise" but ais0 quiexence (jing @) - a concept found in eady Daoist works iike the hP,"Neiye" fi tl section of the GL- 6:3; and the MWD silk manuscript Jin@ E & ("Canon: Law"). As wiI1 be shown, blood and qi seem to have an intimate relationship in this text, as well as suggesting an association, aibeit inconcIusive, with the mai. This text is of high theoretical import for another reason, it offers the eariiest studv of mai.

53 Here Ma has inciuded the additionai sections that Harperand Lo distinguish as separate tex& (see above). 3.4 Spatializing yin and yang

Whatthese texts indubitably show is their transitional nature in theevolution of acupuncture Uieory. The Iater Huangodinexjiig maitextr reveal an incorporation of more philosophical ideas fiom fields as varied as nourishing Me (yiingsheng) to astronomy, ashlogy, and the integra tion of cosmological theories of yin and yang and wu xing 5 E, effectively adding a temporal dimension to medical theories and altering the field of space, opening the possibility for modes and qualities of movemenb previously unimaginable. The yin and ymgtenns in these early mai texts exclusively designate mai names and differ substantially from the yin and yang used in later mai theories, where they not oniy designate mai niunes but also represent divisions of tirne or phases. In the MWD and ZJSmaitexts,yin and yang are terms that spatialize. This explains the Iadc of concern shown for etiologically relateci problems of time and disease development "EarIy therapy associateci with the maiwas concerned with where, rather than when, pathobgy manifested" (Lo 122-23)- More or less contemporaneous with the buried mai texts under present consideration was the practice of the second century BCEHan court doctor, Chunyu Yi, twenty five of whose case studies are dexribed in the StÜ'j(seeBridgman 17-50; Raphals 1998a: 7-28 and 1998b: 176-181). These valuabie casestudies show a similar preoccupation with disease location, emphasizing the importanceof locating the site and depth of illness. Chunyu Yi further correlateci the mai to the internai vixera, and thus stresseci the importance of determinhg whether the ilines had penehted the inside (nei fi) or, more gravely, to the center (Aung +), or developed in a mai or vixera. As with Iater yhyangcosmology, the Yinyangmaisihoutext correIaks yang with heaven tian and yin with earth di itb. but this correlation applies to the yin and yang mai, and not to general cosmological terms. Yin and yang are used haprimarily spatial sense, wwhere yincomponds to Earthand thus the inner, and yang to Heaven and thus the outer. Sirnilarly, the yin and yangused 74 to name the mai in the Zubr'sIripylmaijïu~gYrirpngshzj6 rnaipujing; and &O, significantly, in the nourishing Life bexts like the ZJS Yù! shu, refer ta the location on the body, closer to their original, spatial sense of shady and sunny sides of a mountain. Considering body topography, then, phand yangchart the following domains (Lo 122):

Yin softer, duk, inner, lower aspects of body (anterior, under m.under legs)

yang Mer,Light, apper, outer parts of body (posteriar, superior, visible)

This early use of yin and yang categories is further reflected in a Lacquer figurine dated second cenhuy BCE, unearthed in 1993 at Mianyang, Sichuan, near the foothills of Tibet (se Figure 9). This 28.1 cm ta11 figurine's most remarka bIe aspect is a series of ten rdlacquer hes that run up and down its body resembling mai However, ttiere are reasons to resist Figure 9: Lacquered Ggurine from tamb 110.2at Yonping; front, ba& and side views (He md Lo 92%)- hase identifications with mai First the figurine has only ten lines, as opposed to the eleven listed in the Zubi shipY'm;ujïujliigand Yinyangship.mai/i'ujing;and the tweive of the Ymyangmi sihou,. Further, when the textual maidescriptions and lacquer lines are compared, only three correspond closely with eariy -text descriptions of maipathways, five are simiiar and two are cornpleteiy without resemblance. Ma has el4ta downplay these variations as dimepancies and considers the lines to represent mai in the evolution of mai understanding (Ma 19%). He and Lo, on the other hand, have put forward a more provocative and compelling argument. Like Ma, they similarly identify the lacquer figurine's Lines that makh textual pathway descriptions as mai, but suggest attributhg the iines without such (at least, presently known) textual analog to theyangshengtradition of preventative medical care- More speciiicaiiy, they take the ZJS Yin shu 3 1 $ and MWD Dao* tu @ 91 88 as guiding texts for describing the figurine lines as delineating both mai and anatomical planes dong which one can "puil"or "stretch" (ph 31) by means of exercise or massage. In this light, channei theory cmbe seen as comprising mdtiple discourses, curing ihessking oneand preservuig proper physiological hctioning another. This is just one example of the contact and mutual influence of medical discourses operaüng during the second century BCE.

3.5 Movement and spatialized the

But even though the eariy maitexts are Iess concemed with time in terms of etiology, a conception of thecan still be observed in these texb, albeit indirectly. Perhaps the key philosophical problematic in the latter three MWD mai texts is "movement" (dong a),and the key probIernatic is its perception. Although both are closely linked, and equally important, my thesis deals with the former. In the following parapphs, 1will show the varied quatities of movement in the four mai texts ZubÏ sh@i rnaijiujing Yinyang shiyi maipu jing Mah, and Yi~zynngnini siJtori. The Eirst two texts enumerate eleven rirai, their descriptions from the extrernities toward the center of the body or to the head cead like a conlinuous movement dong a path, a linear trajectory. The Iatter of these two works not oniy lists these lines of trajectory but further says that when the ma "moves" (is agitated?), it wiü Iead to illness. The Mmfi articulates a pathological condition, a (causal) double-rnovernent where (1) the qi moves against its natural tendency causing the mi (2) to "over-extend" or "dis-pIace" (po B) itseir; these displacements are hirther expressecl through various detectable qualities of mai rnovement (pulse)and reveai illness type and location Lo (122)poignantly remarks aberrant phare akin to speed, or rather excessive @O) speed. The finai text does not delve into the Merent mm' and pathotogical speeds of the pulse but describes a pathology of excessive volume and an UnhealthfuI reversai of blood and qi flows. The emphasis in this text is not the mechanics of illness, but rather the signs and pains of illness and an etiologid study with an outiine for therapy. The therapy, however, does invoIve a discourse on movement, which is a beneficial (paraiiel) double-movement of fiiling (the hbs] and emptying (the five viscera). 'Ihe implicitly prescribed periodic movement of the body, or physical exercise, is the remedy to a condition of mi bIodcage. As in the yang sheng manuscripts iike the Yin shu and Daoyin lu, outer (body) movement restoring inner (body) movement, unblocking nu-& restoring flows of suitabIe volumes of qiand blood. Whether it is the mi that move in agitation, or mi conceived as channeIs faciiitatingqi and/or blood movement manifest in tadesigns denoting heaithy or unheaithy puises, or anatomid lines that guide stretchingexercises and pain relief massage, anatomical iines are indissoaably ünked to movement, and thus to tirne. Lines, trajectories, movement, speed, flows - al1 indkectly speak of time: a body that moves does so in both space and tune. The conjunctive "and is not additive, however, it is divisive. Movement of different quaiities and intensities cm be likened to speed broadly defined (even frequency can be desaibed as a kind of speed). hilathematically, pathology, as a kind of speed, cansirnilarly be defineci as a distance moved over time. With the exception of the Ykyang mai sihou, the other earIy mai kxts are bereft of any mention of time, seasonal or etiological. As such, focussing on movement, and ik formulation as speed, suggests a predominantly spatiai nature of time. Without any description of time in these early pathdogy of mai te&, it must be assumeci to be undifferentiated. That the body and ib mai illnesses are conceiveci as spatial, and non-temporal, is further affirmed by the means by which the physician of these texts understands the body, whidi is predoaiinantiy via his senses. The physician's te& and own body are his diagnostic bols. His vision is necessary for understanding textua1 descriptions, diagrams, and figurine representations of the maibody in the formation ofa cartography, a rnap diarthg an invisible bodily topography. But more importantiy, it is his sense of touch which becornes his real diagnostic eyes, as senson of irregular movement. The sense of touch is immediate, unmediateci by distance (and thus time); it is perhaps the most spatiaiized/spatialinng sense. Given the theoreticaiIy bare nature of the Zubr'siuyimax~iuju7gand Yinyng shiyi rnaijiu jkg, 1 shall no% concentrate on the Maita and Yinyang mai sihou, whose rich and divergent contents warrant separate treatment. Chapter IV Movement in the Ma& and Hnymg mai &u

As 1mentioned in section 3.1, my shidy of the the Maifa and the Yinyangmai sihou is based on the ZJS versions.% I have decided to examine these two te& because of their dexriptions of movement with respect to pathology. In fact, to clah that the MAand Yinyangmaisihau are two integral texts is misleading. Harper and Lo have aiready divided what I have callecl the Yhyangmaisihou into three textual units (see section 3.1). My rationale for lumping together these te& is neither philological nor due to any sophisticated theory of interpretive integrity. My reason is simply thematic, but in a very broad sense. The te& inquestionevince notions of movement with respect to pathology and therapy. This philosuphical theme is what 1 take to be the thread that binds the Enyang mai sihou and the M&h. For complete translations of these texts, see the Appendix.

4.1 Maih a Pathology and (up/down) movement General content

The Mafi is a text, or a possible coUation of texts, since it can be separated by theme into three sections (see appendix). The first discusses beneficid and harmfui movements of qi, offerhg location appropriate for unhealthy movements of qi where cauterizing and piercing treatments should be applied. The second section describes suitable conditions for use of cauhrization and piercing, sornetimes in conjunction. in the treatment of abscesses, and hrther prescribes

'' For these texk [ have printarily relied upon Gao's tranxriptions and commentaries (299289-107) of theZJS~Wchu. f have also benefitted tremendousIy from Lo's transiations(339-41). different methods and stone lancets for piercing abscesses according to different abscess types. The final section delves into pulse-taking methods and distinguishes different pulse types associateci with illness, suggesting the Lesser Yin of the shin (ganzhishaoylir 2 9 @), and the Great Yin of the Forearm (bizhifiyin 9 2 f&) and krYin of the Forearm (bizhi shaoyr'n af 2 9 B) are the mai where movement, and by extension, where ilhess raides. The M& manuscript discusses the rnovement of qi, and attributes to it a beneficial unidirectional fi ow: "Qiis that which benefits (when) descending and harms (when) (it) foliows heat and leaves cold, thus the sages cool the head and warm the feet" Qi benefits when it descends, so the sage warms the feet in order to reap the benefits. The sage Likewise keeps the head cool to keep the qi below and away from the head. The MairCa proceeds to give hvo examples of unheaithy qi rnovements and their treatment

Those who cure ilinesses take surplus and augment dehnency. Accordingly, when qirLces and dws nat descend, one sees the maioverextended @O) and should cautaize the [affected] mai to reverse [the qiflow] ... If the qiisat one momentdhgand then MhgFone should hdthe mai at the back of the knee and elbow and pietce it with a stone lancet

55 Here, the MWD and Z]S text markedly differ in their use of grapk. nie former rvrites dao xla 3J7; ("goes dom" or "goes to the Iower part") whte the latter kxia jlrj 7; ("ùenefits (when) dexending" oc hefitsthe Iower"). Clearly the meairing is rrncerkh, dthough Harper 0998xZ3 n.2) mggests daomay be the eariier usage that was emended to Kat a iater the. -

s6 60th Ma (199232-3)and Gao (19921ûi) both amend huan a of the jia (A) and yi 2 (B) copies of the MWD MAto huan s,further glossllrg it as & or huiican EI if&to "retum," nnd by extension, to "rwerse." Lo (101, UO) translates hum as "articulation," an unspded site to appIy acupuncture. Hqertranslats it as "ring" desigmting the waist ana, rejecting Ma's interpretation as "pmmatically implatisible" (l998dl-L n.2)-

57 The ZJScopy reads qiyishangyi.ria -L - 7; ("qiat one moment Ning adthcn faIlingr*).The MWD A copy of the text Licks the four graphr yishangy'xia (MI, 199-), while th- MWD B copy reads qichux ("q~emergcs"). Hqersuspects the ZJSvemon is r pmphrase , O' the MW0 B copy ('1998a:215 n4). These passages are somewhat ambiguous. There are at Ieast hw ways to interpret them. Lo, invoking the popular Warring States motif of water and its flows, offers a topographic reading of theearly maitexts in which she kensyin body regions to valleys and yang body regions to mountains.' The flow of qithus corresponds ta water flowing down mountains and along valleys. She concludes that the above passages affirm that qi, like water, has a natural inclination to move downward. From this perspective, both the above cited conditions are deerned irregular and unhealthy because they begin by stating that qi moves upward. Downward moving qiis thus normal and upward moving qiunconditionaiiy pathological. A coroiiary to this beiief, or because of it, is her premise is that circulation had not yet been worked into mai theory. Cidation as a qi or blood flow description developed oniy when yùi yang cosmology, replete with wu &g and yin yang correspondences with cydes of tirne, was Myintegrated into Chinese medical thinking. Circulation irnplies circuiar and cydical movement But what about a regular altemation up and down? The Maiica also grammaticaily allows this other interpretation. if "qi rises and does not descend," the problem may be that it does not descend. if it "at one moment Nes and then falls," the problem may be that there is a rising and Chen (abmptly) a €aliing - an erratic or sudden aiternation, ds opposeci to a more healthftiily stable, alternahg motion. It aii depends where you place the stress in the sentence: un the verb (rising) or the adverbs (not, then)? One of the oldest pieces of evidence of early meditative and breathing ptdctices horn China is an inscription on a twelve-sided jade knob that Guo Moruo (9) has dated

Although cautious about not daimuig thdt qirun through the mai she also sees these texts as transitional, and argues that the wateranalogy would first (and for early Chin1 e thiders, naturaiiy) "t& root" inorder for the idea th& qicodd be Jomesticated to flow dong xth oute es. Here she quotes Sarah Ailan, ",. it & this tendency of water to move downward h.11 -LACS it possible to channe1 water and it is the reason that it wdi flow dong a pre-cstabiished u :;rse or riverbed" (AIIan-LZ; in Lo TM)- around 380 BCE due to ib seal script style. The inscription contains a total of forty- five characters and describes a breathing technique. Notice the italicized passages which describe the double movement of khe qi, first downward, then upward:

To activate the breath (xing qi 5 Sik), breathe deepty so there is great volume. When the volume is great, the breath will expand. men it expands, it dmovedownward. When it has reached the lower Ievel, fix it in pIace. When it is in place, hold it steady. Once it is steady, it will become like a sprouting plant. Once it sprouts, it will grow. Asitgrows it willreh-ace ibpath. When rekacing its path, it wili reach the Heaven area. me Heaven hp&e fans its way upward; the Earth impulse forres its way downward Whoever acts accordingly will live; whoever acts contrariwise wili die. (in fiickett 18; my itaiics)

There is further support for this double-movement alternate reading in the Pludnp? in chapter 19, for example, there is the story of Duke Huan, who, upon returnùig from hunting in the fowIands, feil ili for several days. He believed it was due to his sighting of a spirit, but Huane Gaoao, a knight of Qi, disagreed and offered a physiologicai explmation: "It is yaur Grace who is wounding himself ... If energies [qd which have consesteci blow away and do notreturn to the body, one is enfeebled; if they rise and won? corne down, it makes one irrïtabie; if they sink low and won? go up, it makes one forgetfui; if they settle midway, at the heart, one Ealls ill" (Graham 1981:191-2). The movemenk of qidescrîbed here suggest healthy qimovement in the body is either of an alkrnating motion or a form of chdation. Regardless of whether Lo's compelling and attractive water analogy or alternating movement interpcetation is right, the text does make explicit the beneficial nature of downward flowing qi

59 nie Ykpngmaisihorrantl various yangshgwork Iike the MWD Ymshualso discuss dternating movements üke filIinp; and emptying; see section 4.7. 4.2 Vertical Planes of Movement

Downward movement evokes not only the "water imaginationnof the late WdgStates, which 1will discuss Iater in more detail, but also themes dixussed in Chapkr iI associated with Western Zhou (ilLb -8* cenhiry BCE) rituals and early Chinese shamanism, or spirit mediumship, as well as early Daoist and yangsheng selfdtivation texts. Just as the maitexts and the iacquer figurinedescribe iines that cun up and down the body, these other traditions are similarly informed by the binary cakgocies of shang k and ma 7;, translateci respectively as either designations of space (upper/lower), status (superior/inferior) or as movement (rising/descending). Western Zhou ritual dynamics involved the interplay of timeliness (ritual calendar), food and drink preparation, ritual vessels, and their inner inscriptions. These inner surface inscriptions served to inform the ancestor spirik of meritorioris deeds which was activated by the ntual offerings whose contact with the inscriptions enabled their meaning to waft up to theancestral spirits ostensibly with the offerings' aroma (see section 22). On the spirituai level, then, the ritual vessei- inscription-offeringdynamic was the means of communication between the lower human realm and the higher spiritual one. Early shamanism, or spirit mediumship, similarly resonates with Western Zhou ritual dynamics and if we consider the theme of upwarddownward positionalities and movement As in the former, spirit medium involve communication with spirits, but it is their body that is used Iike a vesse1 to contain the spirit (shen #) which is "brought down" (jiang @) by means of dance, rituaL movements or trance techniques6"However, spiritua1 travel or ascension (zhi @)

6a Aithough spiritual communication desaibed in the texts predominantIy dexribe a downward movement of the spirits mto the body, the CnuciaIso describes a dredjourney of d spirit medium seardung for a spirit (see section 23). was also detaüed in the au6as a mode of the wu to communicate with gods and spirits. The early Daoist text 'Neiy#' (4' century BCE) describes methods of self- cultivation that arguably stem from or have a closea€finity to shamanistic practices. The link to thk connection involvk the word shm, which, in wu practices denobis divinities or (ancestral) spirits, and was transformeci into an externally captured "substance" or "flow" that faciiitated various cognitive fadties, especially of the mystical variety. This latter shm had become personalized, yet still retainç the extemal nature and metaphysical powers ascribed to divinitie and spirits. In both cases the shen had to be brought into the body and at least temporarily became one with the host's body. The Waye" text kaches various bteathing and meditative techniques and attributes to them the benefitç of metaphysical knowledge, butyangshengtexts like the MWD Shi wen describe breathing techniques that echo the Maifa in stating that qiflows "downward" and toward the body extremities: "as for the way to suck in the qd it must be made to reach theextremities, so that the quintessence is generated and not lacking" (He and Lo 1%; Ma 1992905; Harper 1998a:394). And the Yin shu writes of an ailment linked to liquor and ends saying, "when the qiof the head flows downwards," the symptoms of "immobile and nurnb" feet, swelling head, and "stuffed up nosen wilI disdppear (He and Lo 115; Gao 1995122).

4.3 Pathological speed - affected over-extending (guo)

As in the case with the above condition of the qithat "rises but does nat descend," the consequence is a mai that is "over-extending" (guo). Diverging somewhat from Lo, who Ieavrs "gud' untransIated, butclearly attributes to it the grammatical function of a noun in rendenng affected maias "having gud' and of the physician's role in obsenring "the pu," 1 prefer to leave ik verbal sense that preserves a connotation of movement Lo points out the affhities of the mai text usage of guo and earlier non-medical usages when she maintains guo refers to "excessive speed" which suggesk a "movementaway €rom ifs designated route, as if in some way it 'overstepped' ik boundaries" (122). Wamng States and early imperial works sometimes empioyed the term ,wo to denote moral or legal transgressions. In the LmYu $ Analece, Confucius is reported to have said, "When you have faults (guo a,do nat fear to abandon them" (bki, &.a;Legge 197t:141), "The faults (guo of men are characteristic of the class to which they belong" (bkiv, ch-vii; Legge 1971:167) and to have lamenieci that "1 have not yet seen one who could perceive his faults (guo a,and inwardly accuse himself" (bkv, ch.xxvi; Legge 1971:183). The legaiists and their legal systems, on the other hand, punished officials who "overstep" (kro aoryue a) official jurisdiction or responsibüities. The 3d century BCE legalist work HanficIearIy demarcaks the responsibilities of government officials: "hence an enlightened der, in handbng his ministers, does not permit them to gain ment by overstepping their offices ... Those who overstep their offices (yzreguan @ g)are condemned to die" (94; Watson 19M32-33). The MWD jkgh @ j& "Canon: Law" text similarly points out: "The constant Dao for ca~gfor ministers is: to employ the capable such that they do not exceed their duties (ren neng tr~guo qi su0 chmg f&EB a # fi g)(Yak 1997523). Nthough the senses of gr10 as "to overstep" (legalist) and "fault" or "transgression" (Conhian) share much with poasa pathological condition of the mai there are some subüe differences. The excw of the former senses denotes a transgression, a moving over a "fixed" boundary. It is an act whose significance starts and finishes with the moment of transgression. The pathology of "overextendingn on the other hand, is a continuous movement, a persistent condition. Words like "overextended" or "excessive" describe states and dre thus static, so 1 have chosen the trarisIation "over-extending" in the present continuous tense, or nominalIy as a gerund, to cmphasis the non-static nahm of the condition which is a persistent moving, or throbbing deteded as pulsation. The Maila later expounds on different types of "over-extendingr' mai movements, or pulses, which suggest an economy of flows. If a mai is felt to be overflowing, dry, slippery, moving, or fast in comparison to the other ma;this indicates aberrant movement and the maiis said to be "over-extending" (guo).'The way to examine the charnel," the text relates,

is to press it with the left OUID' place the right hand directiy on the ankle bone and palpate there. If the other channel is overflowing and thk one alone is depIeted then it lodges the iiiness. If the other channeis flow evenly and this one aione is dry. then it Iodges iiiness. If the other channeis are quiet and this one aione moves, then it gentxates iüness. Now as for the certain movement in the channeis the Lesser Yin of the Shin, the Great Yin and Lesser Yin of the Foreann are where the movement resides. If it becomes fast then there wüi be iiiness. These provide the bais for deciding when the channeis are overextending. For the remahder, carefuiiy discern the corresponding overextending channel. (Lo 120-21, 341 and Harper 1998a:216-7; modified)

IUness location is thus deterrnined by comparing movemenb of the and the one with the compaiably deviant movement thus contains the illness. Although it is still unclear as to what the maiare, or what is inside them, if in fad there is anything inside, it is clear that they can affecteach other. There is an implicit economy of flows that suggests an interconneciion. "If the other channel is overfiowing and this one alone is depleted then it Iodges the Uness" - this situation gives the impression that the "depleted" maiis blocked (by the "lodged

The MWD manuscriptpz(A) hcks the first eleven pphsof this sentence, wIule the yi (B) one Ma estimates is rnissing Eivr or six graphs, which he supplements with a similar passage from the ffuangdim~hgTa~u, hipter 14, which instructs the left %and to be phcd five nrn above the adde'' (+1 & 811 3ï $1 (1992292-3).

62 It is not clear what is ffowing: it could bc qi inside or dong the mai or the mai themselves. illness), forcing its flows into another mal; which is now "overflowing." From this and the other examples above, we can infer that illness is coextensive with a blockage in the ma4 which Ieads to re-routing of its natural flows or movernent to other mai Conservation of fiow-like movement is the rule. Affected velocity is the detectable pathology.

4.4 Yinyang mai sihou @ Healing (Emptying-Filling) Movement General content

The Yinyang mai sihou correlates the three yang mai with Heaven and the three yin maiwith Earth, the latter king the mairesponsible for mortal conditions of iii health. Here, the M& and Yhyang mai sihou te& are in agreement. Differing from the Maifa, this text stresses the importance of vision in diagnosis, listing five outwardly visible signs corresponding to the impending death of five fùnctionaily vital body componenk. Treaûnent for the conditions relating to these signs ostensibly involves a fom of bodily exercise associated with draining and filhg the mai The text procesds to Est six body componenk, their functions, and an account of what it feels Like when they are in pain. These pains, when associated with an unhealthy iïfestyle, are said to result in the undesirable physiologicak conditions of an overabundance of blood and q~;blockage of maiat the extremities and the reversa1 of blood and qiflow. The body in this text is thus divided into componenk. Perhaps the article "the" is deceptive when speaking of "the body." The physiology containeci in this manuscript is more suggestive of a muItipIe body, a configuration of functional components with theù own responsibiiities. The section of this text which outiines the five signs of impending body-component death enurnerates vital body componenk that can in some sense die; these parts are flesh rou Pf, bones OU @, blood xueh qi and sinewsjin B.Later, the discourse on the six pains liu bng fi JiQj describes the hnctiow and pains of six body components, which comprise the previously mentioned five with the additionof ma: "The bones," the textwrites, "are the pillars, sinews the ties (that bind), blood the moisture, maithe watercourses, flesh that which adheres, qi that which bend~."'~This passage not oniy represents a certain bodily configuration as understood by the practitioner of the tefi but Merreveals a concern with the fimctionality as opposed to anabmical representation of the body that would remain central to Chinese medical body theorizing until the popularization of Western medicine in the twentieth century. QUnese medical theories were more inbmski in bodily capacities than anatomic representations, and asked relational questions more dong the lines of "what cm the body do?"as opposed to "what isthe body?"

4.5 Visioning the body: signs

Whereas the M& was d maitext tha t describes maiirregularities and to pical (tade) diagnostic methods, i.e., palpation, the finyang mai sihou text with its emphasis on observable signs (den8 @) is more vision-centered. Whde the Iatter text is still grounded in a theory of mai, it offen a theory of the body, therapeutic remedies and diagnostic techniques that diverge kom the Marfa, perhaps representing another Iineage of mai theory influenced more by yang sheng texts. The Yinyangmaisihoulists five signs of fatal ilInes, each king a problern relateci to either one or a combination of the three yin mai Furthemore, the three yin rnaiare assocïated with interna1 viscera zang Bfii and chang @, conccived as storage vessels as in Iater medical works that correlate each maiwith a specific

The meaning of this tern, qu @iJij uncertain. Gao (199299)glosses it as either qü &

"I rooked" or xu û6J "brerith on." Lo lranslates as "curvcs amund." interna1 viscera which has a specific bodily function. This vixeral association is not that elaborate, and perhaps represenk depth of iIlness penetration more akin to the concem ofphysicianChunyuYi in thesecondcentury BCE,whocategorized illness that penetrated to the center zhong Efr (of the body) as the most critical (Takigawa 1147-57: Bridgman 17-50). In the Yùlyangmaisihou(Gao 199291; Ma 1m307-12), there is a visible sign that a body component (muscles, bones, blood, sinews, q~)is in jeopardy of dying (si m. The five signs of death are:

1. (If) a person is fidi and the lips turn out~ards,~then the ilesh wïii die ht. 2. (if ) the gums get soft and shrinkm and teeth get longer, hen the bones willdiefùst. 3. (If) the face huns a dark, inky color, the eyes are large and wide (as if in surprise), and vision is ~lanted,~the blood is the first to die.Q 4. (If) meat cornes out iike Eine sük threads, beading (on the sh)and not flowing, then qiwiii die finta 5. (If) the tongue (feels) tied up and testicles shrivei, then the sinews will die first,

This anthropomorphic description of a body component dying can be better

" ïhe text readse A a glggests that when the person is Ml the lips turn-over or perhapsdoutwardly.The 2-Pdifficuity listed in the third cenhiry medical text, UassicoiD~riiuit Caser, Nan julg R a (145-6) sheds Light on this passage: "tVhen the muscles and fle5ii ar: ni:t smooth and slippery, then the person's inside is overflowing; then whÙie person's mi~:vis ovedowing the@ tum-over;when the Iips hun over then the flesh is the ktto die" $1 3 5 fR 16 $!JA+iiT*AQPWlJBE* WEIIIJE195kE.

65 Gao (199293)ma& qi as man suo !# "soft" and "shrink"

66 Ma, commenting on the MWD copy, points out that the MWD copy uses xie # and the ZJSone uses diao both which had the rneaning of xie jifS "evil, heterodos deilected" and by extension, "slanted" (1992310).

'' The MWD text ays qiinstead of blood, yet the A,B,CCiassicofAcupuracturel Zlienjiu jZadwjKng 2 %juan 2 dso associrites blood with the darkening of the face: em&@IllSf-. 8 * &Ex (in Gio 149292).

6a The WDtcxt sùys blood instedd of qi. See note 67. understood whencornpared to the lakr medical text Lingshu. The chapter entitled "fin0ji,"demonstrateci by Keegan (11346) to be in thesame textual Lineage as the Yinyang maisihou, for instance, interprek the phrase "the fiesh will die fi& to mean that "the qiof the Greater Yin (Channel) of the Foot has bencut off, thus the mai doesn't nourish (rong s)the musclen (Ma 1992:308). Death of a body component, then, is the resuit of a Iack of qi This resonates with the "Neiy8which States, "If the qico~rses,~~then there is lifeTmAnother precedent for dying body parts can be seen in the prologue of the MWD sexological text 7ïanrta zhidao tan, in which Huang Shen # # asks Zuo Shen #, "The pais is born together with the 'nine orificesr and 'twelve segments,' but why does it die first?" Zuo Shen answers by derence to overexertion, overindulgence in food, drinkr excessive emotions, Iack of propriety or improper use in semal activity (Wile 79; Ma 1992A012). Of the Iast warning, he says, "If it [the pis]is em ployed abruptly and violent& without waiting for it to be strong or for both parties to be fully arowed, there wiII be immediate injury." Zuo Shen then explicates the "three levels of arousal" - the final one of which involves the arousai of gin Although this work, as weii its technical vocabuiary, can be situateci in tradition of yangsheng, the reference to qiand its "arousal" or movement into the piscan ais0 perhaps be interpteted in light of the €ive deaths Listeci above. Lack of nourishing qiresults in death.

The Chinese graph is dao ig which is mal$ hctionally used as a noun, has the rneanings of way, path, or rnethod. Here dao acts as a verb and [ have chnsen the verb "tocourse" so as to preserve its nominai seme of directed movement dong a path. Thuç 1 diverge hmHart (13) who translates it as "àrculntes' and Rickett (47) ar be "presentn

'O The Etdi passage describes a series of causai relationships that findiy ends up with knowledge: * i&fi 7f * & fi B * E R * B fi k #$(Rickett VIIL4,G; Yan 40).

'I 'I The thrw levels of aromI: 0)"if [the penis] is enmged but not kuge, the nesh h~ not been aroused,"(2) "ff it is large but not stiff, the sinews have not been aroused," (3) "if it i-. ~!::i but not hot, the qihas not been aroused" (Wile 80; Ma 19923ll-L). This general principle of inhibited circulation simdarly finds a padelin the militiry shteg~stSurui's typoIogy of terrains. Sunzi's BuIgf3 contains a chapter called "SineTerrainsn jiu di j& which describes nine Merent types of terrain with respect to their militam implications. The last terrain, and most perilous for battle, he called "deathly terrainn (sidi Es).II battle cannot be avoided on this type of terrain, then "youwili survive only if you fightwith al1 your rnight, but wiil perish if you faii to do so" (hes155). This is because you have entered a territory with "nowhereto tum";? (Ames 160). ProbabIy based on the phrase "nowhere to turn," heselects to transfate si di as terrain "with no way out; both phrases capturing the seme of king enclosed, cutsff €rom the outside, a condition analogous to the dying body-parts cut-off from the dowof qi" The list of the five signs of dea th is also significant in revealing yet another aspect in the early development of diagnostic techniques. In hct, thechinese graph zheng@ meam something closer to "subtle sign" and was a tem o€ten used in contem porary texb concemed with omens and prognostica tions. The Qin syncretic projed Lüshi diunqiu contains an essay called "Grian biad' a @ ("Obse~ng indicatorsn) which asserts that al1 things have indicators or signs from which humans can gain essential knowiedge about the mg.The text applies this notion to hones in a discussion of hocse p hysiognomy, but continues:

[t is not just with physiognouu~ghorses (mhgma @ .g)that this ~s50. Hurnans also have signs (&mg @); affairç and states ai! have signs (rheng).The sage iuiows the thousand years ascending and knows the thousand years dexending. It is not a case of guessing. Rather, three ~ç doubtleçs somethmg ihat manilests ibelf verbaily. Regsters (lu &), diagrams (h a),banners (h#), and tokens (hir$ ) anse from his. ('138; in Harpk IS98b:S)

Omens were often seen as manifestations in the form of signs. fie Mh'D manuscript Tianwen hl * jl: a("Diagram of Keaven's Pattern") consists of

"Tite Chinese reads: 5 g * (.hes 154). drawings of ceIestid phenomena and accompanying explanations, correlating, for exampIe, meteoroIogica1 and asbonornid signs with social phenomena under the entry entitIed "sotar halo:" "There is a cloud Like a carnage canopy that emerges from inside the solar halo. A besieged Qty falb" (in Harper 1998W). This type of sign prognostication closely resernbIes another prognostication technique LiteraUy caiied "watching qi' (wangqi m. En this phrase, qi has often been trandateci as vapor, capturing an early meaning of the terrn associabed with stem, and by meteorological extension, with cloudsyun S. The first century CE dictionary Shuo wen gloses ik semantic radical qi 9, the original graph for qi as cloud or cloud-like vapor Cyun qi q.Originally employed in the military context of assessirtg the enemfs strategic and morde situation to debennine whether or not it was favorable to attack, vapor watchers couid gain foreknowledge by watching for climatic aberrations in the farm of cloud-like formations above and about enemy encampments, amies, cities, ek. Shapes, colors, and direction of the movements of these cloud-Like formations revealed knowledge about the "movernent in an enemy's camp, whether fortune wouid favor the offensive or the defensive the propitious moment to advance or retreat, and so onn(Ho 3). Vapor watchers also became important members of thecourt in Late Warring States and early impenai tim~and advised the deron matters on the basis of dimatic manifestations that were believed to be responses to the der's king and moral behavior. According to theZitozhuan,ln the sixth year of Duke Ai, the ailing King Zhao of Chu's Grand Historian, aha vapor watcher, was consulteci on the meaning of the exisknce of a "cloud lika a fkkof red birds that pressed on either side of the sun and fIew in the slcj for three daysn to which he responded, "[ijt concem the king's own person" and prescribed the performance of a propitiatory sacrifice" (2121; Watson 1989213). Omens and portmis were often seen as outward manifestations of interna1 states, usually of the abnormal kind. In repIy to Duke Zhuang of Lu who asked if portents existed, Shen Xu explains, "[wlhen people have something they are deepl y distresseci about, their vital energy [@ flarnes up and takes such shapes. Portents arise because of people. If people have no dissensions, they will not arise of themselves. When men abandon their ways, then portents arise" (Zrio Zhrrm 1996:204; Watson 19892Ci8). Reiatedly, a third century BCE ktof inauspiaous omens pertaining to demons and uncanny phenornena with conesponding protective simpIe rituai formuiae was found in a local Qinofficiai's tomb, sealeci in 217 BCE, at Shuihudi. The non-formai and non-technical nahue of these beIiefs and practices differ from the highiy formalized rituais and rationales listed in royal or imperid historical accounts suggesting a dissemination and practice more on the Ievel of popdar cuItureen These bamboo slips, entitled by Harper Spellbinding"74 jie s,show cloud-like vapors were &O sometimes viewed as a manifestation of something inauspicious. Entry number 61 represenk one sudi popular vapor watdiing belief: "Whm a cloud vapor (qi) entes a person's home. Oppose it with man-made fue. Then it wiII stop" (Harper 1996:249). Sdarto the royal practice describeci above in the Zuo zhuan passage conceming King Zhao of Chu, this popdar religious beiief sees the entry of doud vapor into one's house as dangerous and has its own simpIe ritual to rid the unwanted presence. Vapor watching shows a kinship with the Yinymg mm* sihou text on two interreIated IeveIs: (1) the emphasis on vision, or more accurately, skilied seeing, to obtain (2) foreknowledge about an interna1 state, in this case, the impending death of a \ .tal body part. This connection, however, is not just limited to early mai texts. Later medical texts extol the perceptive abilities of great physicians, and even

There is no reason to ùiink that the influence of popuIar culture and its practices did not reach the elite memben of society, as the findings in the tomb of this iocal, riterate Quiofficia1 =''t%est

" This têxt comprismg of45 barnboo siips was found in Tomb no. 11 at Shuihudi. Hubei in 197576. 'rhe buriai has been dated ca. 217 BCE (Harper 1996242). denigrak physicians relying on tactile knowledge (presumably palpati~n).~The same chapter of the Shiji that recounts the case studies and medical history of Chunyu Yi also relates the story of super physician fi a, who waç originaiiy nota physician, and oniy became one when he was given a special elixir that enabled him to see through people's bodies." Although second century physiaan Chunyu Yi's diagnostic maxim was "(one) must first take the pulse (and oniy) then cure it" (Bridgman50; Takigawa 1156), the penetrating insight accordai to Bian Que is Likewise a power that Chunyu Yi similarly possesses. In the oniy recorded case where he diagnoses without palpation, he determines from a distance a semanYs illness by noticing IUs facial color or complexion (se $). Again the verb "watching" ( wangm is used when he describeci this casestory, saying, "Owatched the qiot his complexion and (it) had the qiof illnes~.'~He thereupon expounded on the color of the observed complexion, its significance, and accurately predicted the servanfs death which occurred in the foiiowing spring. This diagnostic procedure was hedwithin the Five Phases wuxhg correlative cosmology that would incontrovertibly influence Chinese mai acupuncture theory from the second centq BCE onwards. The servant in question was unaware of his fata1 condition and denied any ili feelings, suggesting perhaps only the nascent

in the Nan jmg it is written that to gaze and know illness is divine (shen #); to Iuten/smd (wen a) and know is "sagely" (sheng m;to questionand know is "cray'(gong&); to touch and howis ''skiuhill. (qjdo Z5). Chapter 4 of the Lingshu (88) simiiarly gives priority to the "enlightened" (dg gaze, and the Shmghan lun says the pfiysicw who gazes and knows belongs to the higher dass (shanggongk 1)whiie the physiàan who questions and knows is middle ck(zhonggong and finaiiy the one who knows by puise-taking is the lowest dass (xia -7; I)(Juan 1,317; in Kuriyama 1995209)).

Before pmcticing medicine, Bian Que was nuinuig a boarding hotue. It was there that a guest named Chmgsang % old and wanting to share his specid seaet eluur, instructed Bian Que thus: "Drink this with khdew for thVty days, and you mll know things." After the comphing the process, he was abIe to see through vvPIlr and inside bodies (in Kuriyama 1995m Tdktgawa 114î).

The Chinese reads: $ G @ Bn (Takigawa 1132). beginnings of a serious iltness. Later textual sources similarly glorify medical powers of perception, but to the point of even detecüng minor ilinesses. According to the "Xéqi me& binegl chaplr of the Luigshu, less serious ilinesses can emanate subtle signs that require near mys tical perceptive abilities to be seen, reminiscent of portent perception and recognition: "The illness can ktbe seen in the face (se e), even though it may not appear in the body. It seerns to be there, but not there; it seerns to exist, yet not exist; it seems to be visible, and yet invisible. No one can describe if' (in Kuriyama 1995219; Lingshu 88). The five signs of death of the Yinymg mai shu reveal a different mode of diagnosis and perhaps even a different tradition of maitheory than the M&. The weighty role accorded to vision and perceptive abiiities in laber medical texts (see note 75) was likely influencecl by the early imperial court diviners whose discourse on omenology and portents and use of wuxhgttieory added substantial significance to visual phenornena. This cm be especially seen in the compIexion (& diagnostic detaiied in the Chunyu Yi case study mentioned above.

4.6 Movernent vs stagnation

The ZJSYfnyang maisihou text discusses outwardly visible signs of iilness, foreboding the imminent death of a body component However, ody ifall five signs manifest is the condition fatal. The text says that, "[olf al1 five signs, if one is evident, (then) first treat (the problem) and enliven the person." In other words, if one sign appears, then it can be treated, and the treatment 'eniivenn (huo s)suggesb activity, rnovement, perhaps even a regime of bodiIy exercise. This interpretation is supported by the section which didyfoilows praising the benefik of moving the body in what seems to be exercise. AIthough the iink between treatingone of the five signs of death and the therapy of movernent-exercise is not explicit, the integrity of the text and the logical ordering of the contents point to this reading. Therapy is fkst introduced with an idiom about water that acts as a philosophical principle underlying the therapy:

Now, flowïng water does not despoii," "a door-pivot does not get wonn-eaten,%is is due to their movement Moving (the body) fillç [siu'lRj the four iimbs and empties [xu the five viscera, the five viscera empty thereby benefits the jade body."

The meaning of the idiom is a warning against stagnation. The physiological devance involves moving the body in a beneficial emptying-Ming pmess. This process is elucidated in the ildenuus, which says that "[di is what fiUs the four Limbsn m.2)and in the "Neiyd'which urges vigorous body movement or exercise after eating a lot in order to send qito the "four extremitiesnsimo W (Yan 407). That it is qithat fiils the four hbsis further supporteci by the Liishichunqiu which ais0 employs the same idiom, ody changing the interpretation: "Fiowing water and the door-pivot do not despoii kauseof their constant movement The relationship between form (body xinge) and qiis the same. if the form does not move, thefig # does not flow, if thejhgdoes not flow, the qiwill stagnate" (13; Gao 199%). if the body does not move, then yiwiii not be abIe to permeate the bodys extremities. Mer the description of six body parts, the account of the experience of having these body componenc; in pain is foilowed by a discourse on the unhealthy lifestyle ostensibly marked by poor diet and lack of physical movement, which has apparently led to the blocking of the ma: The next sections of the ZJStext (Gao

Although in English we do not say that water putrefies or rots, as h fi suggests, a pdelcan be drnwn with the proc2eding idiorn insofiu as algae tend to gmw in stagnant water, probably understood at the tïme as an infestation not dissimilar to the decomp

'' " Jùdc body" is a respectful tem used to desaibe the whoIc body (Gao 199294). 1992946) need to be read with the above prescription for body movement and its rationale in mind:

Noiv, those who ride carriages and eat meat mutin the spnng and autumn dram" (the ma), not drainhg will thereby dose-off the maiand (make) the fiesh die. Men the maiare iüii wga,empty [xie $fit]'' them; when empty [xu @J till [shi Jn them. Be quiescent in order to treat theaJ' ... [description of the six body components (bones, sinews, blood, ma;fiesh, q~)and theu associated pins] ...

... Moreover, if aii six pains e.Wt in the body, then there is nothing known that cm cure (this condition), therefore when a gentleman ÿunn'SgF] has fattened, he has exceeded his limitations, (making) the stomach [wei RI, sinews, and muscles unat le to maintain th& responsibdities/ hctions. His qi is then excessive, his bload then over-abundant - qi and blood (thus) becorne conupt/putrid and the 100 joints aii perish3 - blockeds' (at) the 20 extremities, (the blood and q~)goes against (its normal inchation) and goes towards the heart Bf

This outiined regimen was Likely offered as a remedy to the unhealthy Mestyle of some of the elite and gentlemen (iun zi E ?) of sotie.. From tomb no.1, the corpse of Iadv Dai, wife of Li Cang, the first Marquis of Dai (reigned 193-186 BCE) was exhumed, almost immaculately preserved. Chinese doctors

'* The onpalgnph cd0 (199295) says ISanother form of si whch c73n be read

;is xie "to drain off." Ma, converseiy, argues that thgraph sdldwaib identhcahon (1992319. n.2).

a: The ILWD version has xtt ,$ (Ma 1992319).

"The passage to reads: gîj # ffi. Cao (299295; takes $ for @"quiescent" and @ for @ "kat."

'' Cao (199x9) giosses &en $ "su&" as chen dong a É "heaw." Combmirig bath senses and the context of the overly-abundant qiand blood, the hundred jouits are thus inundated mth qiand blood, causing them to Sguratwely "d."and, by extension, "persh."

Gao (ibid.) reads kuan a as sai stoblock" nie joints perish in the floodrng of qiand biood which blocks flow to the twenty extremities (ten hngers and ten toes).

" Agam. what is made ta tum badc [agamst its nahrral inchation, as h has the sense of rebehg or gomg aznimtj and go towards the heart rs the biood and oi. performed an autopsy and studied her cardiavascular, digestive and excretory systems. Her lungs were discovered to be scarred with tuberculosis, and her death determined to be caused by a heart attack. The examination of her body is noteworthy in that it further reveals that the early Han eiite had "a fatty diet rich in meat and seafood" (Westbrook). Lady Dai and other elite had the privilege of eating meat and riding in cam-aga, and thus were susceptible to ailments that accompany a sedentary lifestyle and unhealthy diet, namely, obesity and the breakdown of the proper funcîioning of the stomach, sinews, and muscles, and the overabundance of qi and blood that overwhelm the joints and perhaps blodc the extremities of the maicausing a harmful reversal of qiand blood flow. The role of diet control and physical movement in obtaining the condition of unimpeded flowhg qiare aiso concems of yangshengtexts. The author of Tirna zhidao tisays, "(tlhere are two things that human beings fail to study: the first is breath and the second is food" (Wiie 81; Ma 19921046). This work instruds men on how to follow "correct principles in the matter of sexual unionn because sex can "decrease life." The text, however, primarily expounds on something else that humans have failed to study the techniques and postures, in short ~hysical movements, that not only eliminate the dangers of sex but serve as a means to make the adept an "immortal" (man {fi)(Wiie 80; Ma 19921020). The "Ney8 chapter of the Gua~also emphasizes the importance of (regulated) eating, expounding on the "Way of eating," warning that "(eaüng to the point of) king overfull is harmful and the body will not be in good condition, ... being full (with food) without vigorously moving/exercising, the qiwüi not get through to the four e~tremities."~ The final part of juan 105 in the Shiji(Takigawa 1155-6) records the court tribunal to which Chunyu Yi was subjected. He was queried about King Wen's illness and premature demise, whereupon he provided a specdative account of the King's conditionstating that his condition was not one of ihess Cyl weif&bingye), as iilnesssuggests external causality, but was due to whatmight becaileci a problem of iifestyle that kd to the 20 year old King's obesity and over-accumulation of/iirg. "In becoming fat with an accumulation to (too much) pg # [essence, sperm]," Chunyu Yi specuiates, "(his) body was unable to do vigorous mowmentn(and) his flesh and bones were unable to support each other, resulting in breathlessne~s."~ The King's obesity and the reference to breathlessness and inabiiity to perform vigorous movements echoes the condition of the unhealthy nobte~mzidescribed in the Ymyang mai dou. Chunyu Yi proposes a regimen that would have re- established the harmony with the Heavenly Dao and Four Seasons that the King had lost This regimen, if foiiowed by a hventy year old (the King's age), Chunyu Yi calls "changing disposition" Cyi zhi s):

Qiis that which derives from the combining of drink and food? going out on a bright and dear day, (riding in a) camage and wa[king extends one's wiii (zhi s)in order to ma# the sinews, bones, flesh, blood and mai, m order to drain qi9'

The above prescription for khanging disposition" shows the importance of diet (the

ïhe phrase bu deyao 5 @ ##jIiteraiIy means "unableto obtain stiakllig" or "vigorous movementR

a9 The Chmese phrase diao yhshe a &niggests either combining food and dnnk or perhaps even assimilaLing food and drink with the body.

1 have trar~slated;B as "to reach," but it &O has the seme of "to establish NitabIe relations among." combining and/or ingestion of food and drink) and especially bodily movement (walking). This combination is at lest indirectly responsible for the healthy maintenance of the sinews, bones, flesh, blood and mai and also faciiitates the draining of qi, as the Yuiyang mai sihou also corroborates. This "indiredlyn is qualified because in the above passage it seems to activate this faculty-Iike will zhi $, which brings about the beneficial physiological results. This function of the will has parallels in theZhumgziand MeMiuswhichboth associate the wiii with qi The former uses the personage of Confucius to explain that the purification of the heart/ mind lan ib, which in Zhuangds mind enta& the ideal stite of knowing and existing in spontaneous responsivenesç, happens only "ben you unify your wüin such that your heart/mind, ancl not your ears do the hearing (understanding) (46-7; Graham 1981:68). This ultllnately means that you hem (understand) with qi, and since "qiisempty" it "awaib things;" hence one can respond spontaneously to these things. Mencius, on the other hand, & the will (A),"the governor of qf and the " qiis what fills the limbs. Wherein the wiii arrives is wherein the qilodges" (iIA.2). Mencius also touches on the two states of qi physiologicaiiy laid out above: movement and stagnation or blockage: When the wiii is stopped up, then it makes qi move; when qiis blocked up, it makes the WUmoven (IIA.2).

4.7 "Beiiows" badies: yang sheng resonances

The program outiined above bears certain affinities to that elaborated in various texts in the tradition of "nourishinglife" Cyangsheng). Traces of yangsheng influences are deepest on the Yinyangmaisihou - especially in its reference to therapeutic body movement (exercise) and its accornpanying rationale. The filling-depleting action points to a bi-directional, alternating flow from inner to outer and vice versa that can also be seen in nourishing Iife texts. The Ten Questions (Shi wen) similarly describes a regimen of "emptyùig and fillingninvolving, among other things, contracting the anus, closing the eyes and concentrating q6 keeping it inside and producing a refined qi called jhg (Ma 1992936)- Before proceeding, however, some comments need to be made on the similarities and ciifferences between these hvo traditions of health care. Although nourishing life texts and mai medical texts both have health as a common

Figure! 1O:The Dao* tu, the diagram of end, their perceptions of health and heaithcare guiding and hm~a&~drri (Chen and Fu 1992b:150). derive hmdifferent standpoints. The Ten Questions text is a good example, criticizing people's ignoranceand dependenceon wri~hamansand doctors when they getsiclc, because they should be practicing nourishing Me techniques as a means of preventative medicine (Ma 1992927). The maikxtr, conversely are manuals to help cure already manifest ilineses. It is ver-Iikely that the owner of these medical texts used both nourishing Me and maitheories in a practical philosophy encompassing both preventative and interventionist medicine. In Chapter III, the mai texts under investigation were said to be found in a bunde at Mawangdui and coiiectively called "silk manuscript A." But there was another bundle recovered, "siik manuscript B" 2, which contains not only hvo nourishing iife manuscripts (Queyu sheq~;Dao* tu), but also a mai text ( Yhyang shiyi mai /;iu /ï~g), sandwiched between them. Another divergence can be found in the terminology and esoteric philosophy of nourishing Iife texts, clearly infiuenced by eady Laozi and Znu@(of the "Inner Chapters") Daoism, including the earliest nourishing life text, the "~Vayé'section of the Guanzi But, it is the convergences that interest me at the moment. Not ody does the macrobiotic hygienic text from ZJS, called the "Pulling @A Book" (Enshu 51 3)by contemporary scholars, reiterate the connections behveen diet and heaith of the Yinyngmaisihau(Gao 1995:167), but Harper has Wed the Yin shu with a statement found in Laozi relevant to the double-movement of emptying and fiUing. This passage likens the body practice detailed in the Ybshu to a "bellows" (tuoyue - a bag with tube used for blowing the fire of a hace.= This passage of the Yin shu occurs in the final part of ik third section: When cuitivating the body you want to seek conformity with heaven and earth. It is like a beiiows bag and tube: when empty, not expendeci; when moved, emitting ever more. Ciose the dark cavity, open the winding gate; shut the five depok. penetrate (?) [sic] the nine apertures. Benefit peneficiai] opening and shutting in the skin's webbed pattern - this is the way to benefit the body. (Harper 1995382)

Aithough the Laozi does not use the beilows as a metaphor for human physiology or bodiiy ~ractice,~~the use of a passage from the Laozireveals one of several connections between the Laoziand nourishing iife texts. The nourishing life tex& mentioned above both describe a practice of emptying and filling, with the added emphasis on closing openings. This actualizes the bellows metaphor for both body (sack with an opening or openings through which *cari be taken in or lost), and bodiiy practice of emptying and filiing. Other more generic techniques of bodiiy

9a Gao (1995:172) describes the beiiows (tuope)as a sa& with a straight inner tube &uslates as foiiows: "To maintah your body teqrrires Sgning with the des of Heaven and earth's motion, Iike the beiiows, which, even empty is stinnot curved, (and when) moved faster and faster produces more air blown out" (173).

*' The Laozi the eariier of the two texts, has this to Say: "The space between heaven and earth - is it not iike a beiiows? It is empty and yet not depIeted; Move it and more [always] comes out Much learning means frrquentexhaatiofi That's not so good as holding on to the mean" (ch5 Henri& 203). This enigmaticpassage seems to use the beiiows metaphor, whov fullness dcpnds on nothing but a motion of expansion, asa means to ünù the empty spaœ between heaven ~nded-:h and the empty space of the mind devoid of knowledge with the Lacnn'theme of the "seemingly empty continudiy producing" in chapter skClearly, the metaphor is unreiated to physioIogy or bodiIy pncticcs. cultivation also use breathing exercises which depend on a moreobvious filling and emptying: inhalation and exhalation. Breathing exercises are an important part of early "Daoist" techniques of quiescence - yet another link to the nourishing life tradition that the above Yinyang maisihou reveals when it employs the technical termihg (quietude, quiescence), denoting a means to treat the maiand facilitate the repletion and depletion of the mai. The "Nayé' teaches a breathing method of "coilingtontractingt' and "uncoiling-expanding" so that one can "chase away the excessive [in çense perception]," "abandon the trivial [in thought]," and if fiïm and regular in practice, ultirnakly "retuni to the Way [dao s]and its inner powef' (in Roth 1996:132; SBCK 16/3b 6-7). The message of this passage involves three important and interrelated concepts in early Daoism: the ideal goal in Life is to become one with, or return to, thé Da4 and this can only be achieved via bodily practices iike breathing techniques that rid one's [sensonal] excessesPIand instill a state of nondiscriminating quiescence mg m. The importanceof the cosmoIogicai concept Daoand the bodiiy statepgcan be îraced back to the LaoP, whose teadllngs are more philosophical and les physiologicdy esokric than the Iater instruction manuais like the "Neryé'and the MWD and ZJS nourishing Iife te&. The Laozi does seem to draw on some earIy medical physiological notions reIating breath controt to nourishing the sou1 (dai yzhg gi @) in chapter 10," but this is perhaps the unique instance. This Daoist classic is more preoccupied with the notion of the Dao, that which created and maintains the fabric of the cosmos, and on the importance of emulating the Dads

94 Excesses are sensoridy rehted, as the themake us aware of the exterdworld, so the "NeryP' çays, "make yourawareness lyi SI üanqud, and the Way can thereby be grasped" (in Roth 19%:130; SBCK 16/lbl(FLi2).

95 Henri& (213) transiates Lhe opening Iines as: in nourishing the sou1 and embracing the One - can you do it without kingthem Ieave? in concentratine your breatti md making itsoft - anyou (make it idce that otl a chiid? apophatic characteris tics in order to embrace the Dao and becorne one with it The Laozi further declares that quiexence mg)is to retum to one's root (i.e., Dao) (ch.16). Quiescence here is counterposed to desires and compared with the Dao, as in chapter 37 where "Simplicity" is a name for the Dam "Simplicity, which has no name, is free of desires Cyum. Being fcee of desires, it is tranquil @kg @)" (Chan 166). The "Ney6 similady places the Dao as a central concept but provides more detailed and termino!ogically rich methods of "grasping" the Dao. Even though the Dao has "no fixed position" "the good mind, in its calmness mg m), gives it a Iocation When the mind is tranquiI and the vital energy [qz] is structureci, the Way can thereby be stopped" [Le., made to &y1 ( in Roth 1996:130; SBCK l6/lbl&%2). As in the Lao& the "Neryé' places desire and (strong) emotions in opposition to quiescence and apprehending the Daa "The vitality of aii people ineviîably cornes fiom their peace of mind. When anxious, one loses this guicihg thread; when angry, one loses this basic point When one is anxious or sad, pleased or angry, the Way has no place to settie. Love and desire: still them! Foiiy and disturbance: correct them!" (Roth 1996:134; SBCK t6/5a 4-9).

Unlike the M&, the Yinydng maisihou seems to be representative O! a separate medicd mai text tradition with dose affinities to yang sheng and early Daoist traditions, as ibemphis on preven tative medicine indicates. The prexribed regimen of physicai exercises and even meditative exercises (the allusion to jing) to empty and refill the maiin an effort to maintain unimpeded fiow of (31 dnd blood finds textual paralIels in the yang shmgtextual and practicai traditions. Tha t both the Maira and the yang shenpiiùe Yrnyang mai sihou shouId appear grouped together inonecorpus daes notnecessariiy imply a sort of maitheory inconsistency. It is in fact quite probable that early physicians were masters and adepts of a number of different whose texts couId be conceived of as king complementary. Just as in Iater Chinese medical practice, the availabiIity of a multiplicity of diagnostic and treahnent methods that could be utilized only enhanced the physicïan's power to determine and treata multipiicity of pathologies. Even amid thecommunist Party's post-1946 ohnironic and at times ideologicaIly contradictory support of Chinese medicine (zhongyi + m), its scientization and integration with "Western" medicine (xty Es),%the state's two-pronged efforts at overcoming the traditional master-disciplesecret(" bourgmislike")transmission of knowledge and developing a consistent body of "Traditional"Chinese medi& nonetheless preserved the os tensibly unscientific diagnostic methods of Chinese medicine with its emphasis on multiple perspectives? The various different diagnostic methods were relained in accordance with the Chinese medical perspective that relies "on classification of dynamic formsn not "on a reductive analysis of causes" (Farquhar 1%37). The important work of Judith Farquhar has pointed out the differences between Western (scientific) and Chinese (medical) views on theory and practice, showing thatûaditionaichinese medicai theones and diagr.ostic methods operate in an "arena of coexistencenrather than according to theoretical consistency, and this is seen by Chuiese physicians as better suited to the "concrete challenges" of vractice (1994a:74).

96 See Croizier 13-88.

97 State-sponsored meseinedicaicoUeges were opened in the 1950% and dednationai textbooks were pubiished (iia 23; Goïzier 180).

9s The Chinese medical employment of systerns of correspondence coupied with ils four basic modes of examination (skB @: iooking, listening/smeiüng, asking and puise-taking) can yield many varying diagnoses pending on mode of examination used and symptoms noticed. Utimately, it is the experienceof the medicalpditïoner that andyzes processes, notsubstance, and sees symptoms as "manifestations oi an m61eand conrtantiy shifting active saurce" (Fquhar 1994d1). This, in thecontett ofdinidpractice, &ts the reconstruction of"an overarchingsystem of disembodied and seIfiomstent traditionai knowIcrlg" (Farquhar1991ar39) that science extols. Chapter V Hydrological Resonances in the MaFa and Yinymg mai sihou

5.1 The hydrological "symbiotic field"

From reading the previous sections dexribing the mai, qqi, and blood and their movement, one cannot help but se the paralleIs between these physiological phenomena outlined in the mai texts and the natural phenomena of water. The Maifa definés the optimal flow of inner body qias downward, the same direction as water fiow. In this same work, the guo of the mai are described in ways consonant with a notion of an economy of flows, suggesting a comection analogous to hûX~0~ectedrivers or canals: "If the other charnel is overfiowing and this one done is depIeted then it lodges Ihe illnessn( Yhyangmaisihou). Just Iike a network of rivers or streams, îhe overfIowing maihas been affected by a blocked, and thus depleted, mai, the noma1 volume of flow into the blocked mairerouted to another, whose flow is augmenteci, The myang mai sihou similady draws on the water imagery ùi two ways. First, &te mai are described as the du "channels" or "watercoursesnof the body, and second, tfie text warns against the stagnating qi ar.d bIadred mai and proposes therapeutic strategies of re-establishing free and unimpeded flows, just as flowing water whi& moves both spontaneously and freel y. Many xholars have remarked on the hydro-philosophic nature of early Chinese thi*g, es peciaily eariv Chinese mai theoty . The Maifa and Yinyangmai sihouboth evince what Kuriyarna desaibed as the "aquatic imaginationn(1986213) in earIy Chinese medicine, and what Ailan has cded the "root metaphor" of water and its quaIities in Wamng States texb (10-18). Needham and Lu hrther speak of the "aancient hydraulic engineering metaphor" in eiucidating Chinese medical physiology and etiology (22-4). AIlan argues that a "root metaphor" does not mean the "figura1language" or "use of concrete imagery to restructure absîract ideas," but rather denotes the "concrete roots of the earliest abstractions" (13), that is, the "primary philosophical conceptsn (14) which are an aspect of what some andytic philosophers cal1 "conceptuai schemes," i.e., a culturally or historicaily relative hmework of propositions thatestabiish the truthconditions of lang~age.~These "concreteroots" can also be thought of, to continue the vertical Iinearity of the arboreal metaphor, as the basis or grounding of conceptual schemes, or the related Foucauldian concept of epkteme a histoncaily and culturaiiy defined configuration wifhul knowledge such that it defines the conditions of possibk knowkdge and yet resists consdous introspection of those immedin ik historical or cultural context (FoucauIt xxii), However, this arboreal meta phor and ik use in the approach to understanding early Chinese epistemology is strongly foundationaiist. AIthough 1 do wish to take seriously Ailan's observation of the importance of the concept of water in early Chinese philosophy and medicine, I also wish to reframe her insighk wikhin the context of the non-foundatiomlist Ianguage of becomings and rhizomes. In contrast to the epistmnic structure îraditionaiiy based on the image of a tree with its definitive origins (rook) and a core body (trunk) from which various branches grow out, the rhizome has no discernibIe point of origin, and whose outgrowths regularly attach ta other parts of the organism in an organic lattice work that resembles a sprawling m~dtidimensionalsurface without a privileged center. In Chapter i, 1already describeci water as a "symbiotic field" in the imagination of pmimperial Chinese phiIosophical and medical writers. This field dlowed for the

'' 5eNorris (382-9û)for an tnfonn~tiveriiscusston on ontologicai relntivity in continenta.i, analytic, and past-andytic phdosophical traditions- crea lion of epistemological rhizomes connecting disparatedixourses. Allan's study has shown that the concept of water and its properties pervaded discourses including mlership, human nature, and cosmologica1speculation. However, using the km "concepf' or even "metaphor" to describe the role of water in early Chinese thinking fails short of its epistemoIogica1significance. Hence 1have used the designation "svmbiotic field," in order to suggest watefs epistemic function as a medium and comector, not a root/base, of discourses. in contrast to the description of water as "concephial mots'' giving rise to different dixourses, the notion of the hydrological symbiotic field suggests immanence. The symbiotic fieid in-formed the major political, phiiosophical, and medical discourses of the tirne, and thereby createcî rhizomatic connections between them. Man primarily examines the extensive use of water "metaphors' in bo th the Mencius and Laozt; thris showing how both "representatives"0f "Daoist" and "Confucian" philosophy - tmditionally and generically understood as the hvo dominant and diametricahy opposed philosophies in early Chinese thinking - relied heavily on tiie "water imagination." She points out that "the innate kndency of water to flow downward is one of its most important attributes in early Chinese philcsophical thinking" (41). This instantiationofspontaneous movement facilitated analogies with both human nature and dership, or a defs potency. Of the former, Mencius replies to Gaozi's remark that human nature is without direction by saying, "[hluman nature is good just as water seeks Iow ground. There is no man who is not good; there is no water thatdoes not flow downwards" (VIA2 Lau 161). Elsewhere, Mencius similariy daims, "[tlhe people tuntWto the benevolent as water flows downwards" (iVA9; Lau 122). Conceming the defspotency, Mencius laments that ali rulers enjoy kibg pcapIe, saying that if they did not, "then the peopIe

IG0 Man shows one of the usages of gui refers to rivers, meaning "the movement of a tnbutary Stream toward a farger cfimnel or thar of a river toward thrt sw*(42-3)+ would turn to (gzr~)him tike wakr flowing downwards"(iA.6; Lau 54). In line with the deconstructive reversal typical in the Laozi ("And it mut be the case that the high has the low for its foundation," ch.39), it is written that the potency of the der derives from his ability to assume a position iower, or more humbIe than his subjecb: The reason why rivers and oceans are able to be the kings of the one hundred vaiIeys is that they are good at king below them. For this reason they are able to be the kings of the one hundred vaiieys" (ch66;Henri& 160). The writer of the "Shui di' chapter in the Gu- (juan 14, pian 39; Yan 347-53) echoes this "unpopular"sentiment clairnhig that "Epjeopïednnk water, but 1alone take it as my model" (Needham 44) and "[pjeopleal1 Like to go up higher, but water nins to the lowest passibie place. This principleofgoing down to the bottom is the Palace of the Dao, the instrument of the (true) rulets. The bohm is where water goes and Iives" (Needham 42). In î3e Structure of Sienl55k Revolutiom, phiIosopher of science Thomas Kuhn showed that xientific technologies and thought derive fiom and participate in the construction of epistemic "paradigms,"which Uifluence the way people perceive the workings of the world. For example, the mechanistic view of the universe coincided with the innovation and evolution of machinery and not only idiuenced many early European renaissance xientific theories like Harvefs likening the heart to a pump, but also theology too, envisaging God as watch- maker.Im As mentioned above, Needham and Lu stress the importance of the "hydraulicengineering" metaphor in the putative relationship between technology as a mode of tedureand its influenceon early Chinese physiologkal and etiological

'OL Historian of medieval teihology, Lynn White. Jr..hns noted how the use of the dock, commanpiace by the ihuteenth cenlury, came to epitomite nature &Il: "It is in the work of the great deskitic and mathematidan Nicholas Oresmes, who died in 1382s Bishop of Lisieux, that we first lind the metaphor of the universe as a wtmechanical dock created and set nrnningto Gad so tht 'di the wheeb move as harmoniousIy as possibte.' Et was the notation with a fatare: cventudy the metaphor kamea tnetaphysics" (1î33. undersb ndings, which are, esentially, discourses of flows. In different civilizations

and his torical periods, peopIe rely on what is famüiar to explain the unfamiliar, In early China, Allan alludes b the fact that, "[e]arly settlements were bdtby rivers and the Fiwe Il :According to Chen and Fu, the eariiest extant water from these civers was topopphic rnap m the world, unearthed hm Mawangdui tomb no 3 (1992b:ISl). channeled into irrigation ditches. This was the basis of an agricultural societyn (39). It is thus not surprising, then, that among the documents unearthed at Mawangdui was what has been dehbed as "the oIdest extant map in the world"(Chen and Fu 1992b:151) prominently featuring a river system. This scaled topographic map charts an area located at the converginy borders of presentday Hunan, Guangdong, and Guansi, and specit'icaiiy represmb eightcïties and fifty townships, while the geographic featuresof tt:e Xiao River and its vaiieys is "comparatively accurate" in that "it resembles the modern map of this area" (Chen and Fu 1992a:20). Reiterating the importance of the "water imagination," Lo (974)justifiably asks, without a comprehensive history of water and water technology in China, can we even begin to understand the changing metaphors which, at different times, in different ways infonn the medicai concept of the human body? 5.2 Hurnan/Non-hurnan Becomings

In eariy Chinese thinking the patterns and principles of nature were taken to be normative for humans. The boundaries between natureculture and human- nonhuman were contiguous and blurry. Nature, or the cosmos, evinced patterns tha t should serve as models to be emulated, In the Anale, Confucius is recordeci as praising the mythic sage-king Yao, saying, "[ilt is Heaven that is great and it was Yao who modeled (ze BIJ) himself upon it" (WI.19; Lau94-5). The Laoziimpiies that humans should model themselves on the Dao when it is written that, "Man models (h&) himself on the Earth; The Earth models itseif on Heaven; Heaven models itself on the Wayn (dr.25; Henricks 245). The later Qin Ltishi chunqiu states that "manis similar to heaven and earth. ...Thus the ancients in ordering themselves and the realm necessarily modeled themselves on heaven and earth [ X a]" (15; Hendenon 4). hother 3dcentury BCE text, the Conhician classic Zhongyong; also praises Yao, claiming that "[albove, he harmonized with the times of heaven, and below, he was conformed to the water and land" (ch.30; Legge 1971:427). The "Xd'commentary on the Yijigattribubeç the inventions of civilization (plough, boats, double gates) to the sage kings whose innovations were ultirnately based on the patterns of nature. Isay "ultimately," because thechaptercommencesrecounting how Bao Xi, an ancient der, deliberated on both the images of the heavens above md earth below, and thereafter "contemplated the markings of the birds and beasts and the adaptations to the cegions" and finally "inventeci the eight ûigrams"(ma juan 21; WiIhelm 328-9) and it was from the trigrams that the sage kings drew inspiration for the innovation of the previously mentioned inventions. Thus, from the words of Confucius to those of the Laozi, from the state ideology of the Liishichunqiu to the divinatory text Yijing, there is anemphasis on the imitation of Heaven and Earth and their principies, affirming the networkof nature-culhire. Positing thecosmos as a standard or model to emulate contributed to the development in the Qin and Han dynasties of an episteme whose mode of organizing and ordering knowledge was "correiative" (see Henderson 1-2228-46). This "correlative thinking" set up an epistemological space or what FoucauIt calleci tabula or "table"'" upon which were inscribeci the epoch's dominant ordering principles of yin yangand wu mhg. However, although the maitexts in this study and many Late Warring States texts in general are devoid of this mode of correlative thinking which (not so innocently) coincided with the unification of China in the Qin and Han dynasties and their subsquent widespread standardizations and efforts at devising ideologies of imperial iegitimation, they still rely heaviiy on correlations or imitations of another kind: waterway-becomings. Late Warring States thinking can stüi be describeci as "codative" if we understand correlative to mean generaiiy the coordinathg of phenomena deemed metaphorically or metonyrnicaiiy related. In this way, not only were the quaiities of water (spontaneous and downward fi ow, reflective abiiity, levelness) pertinent and instructive to the human condition, but watefs many manifestations (rivers, marshes, oceans, min) were abo profound images upon which humans could mode1 themselves.

5.3 Hydrocosmology: river networking

Correlative thinking from the Iate Warring States on often made the human body the site of and inspiration for many other correiations. The "Shuidi"chapter of the Guanu'formulates a hydrocosmology reminiscent of pre-Socratic Thales of Miletus (6& century BCE) who mitintainecl that water was the original substance of aU thîngs and the basis of change. In this chapter the earth is describeci in what may

'O2 This "table." for Foucault. "enablesthought to operate on the entities of the wodd, to put them in order, to divide them into classes, to pupthem according to names that designate their sinuiarities and ditferences" (xvii). be understood as a becoming-body when its flowing waters (rivers, streams) are compareci to qiand blood and even maicharnels (juan 14, prdn 39; Yan 347): "The earth is the source of the myriad things ... Now water is the blood and qiof the earth, Iike that which goes and fIows through sinews and mainIn Shijichapte~-88, there is also the story of Meng Tian, a Qin generaI who presided over the building of the Great Wall on Qin's northern border to keep out the nomadic Xiongnu people and was charged with high treason following the First Emperor's death (in a coup d&@. The general refuted this accusation yet acknowledged a crime of a different nature: hdeed I have a crime to die for. Beginning at Lintao and extending to Liaodong, 1 have made ramparts and ditches over more than ten thousand II,'= and in that distance it is impossible that 1 have not cut through the venis of the earth (dimai & &).(in Dean and Massumi 24. Takigawa 1048)

The concept of the earth having a system of qichannels is also evident in the Late Waning States coiledion of speeches ostensibly attributed to ministers from various states spanning a the frame of five centuries cded the Dialogues of the State, Guoyu h the nZhouyd' 16J don(Guo Yu 1995:62-8), there is a speech, dated 549 BCE, by Prince Jin admonishing his father King Ling not to block the overflowingnvers threatening to destroy the royal palace. Prince Jin offers both cosmologicai and historicai reasons in support of his remonstration. He reminds the King that when ho's descendant Yu reformed niles and standards (a

%O3 One bis roughly epuivaIent to one third of a mile.

'O' The historical verity of the dates of the speeches is challenged by Hart's and others' observations that at ieast the "Zhuuyu" section reveais a "striku.ig uniformity and style" and a "remarkable consîstency in the id- presented" indiciting that "di of the speeches are probably in large part the work of the edrtor (or auîhor) who put them in their final fom" (37). Karlgren says the workresembles the gmmmaticalstyIeempIoyedin the Zuorhuar~withstylisticdiffen?nces that indicate different authorship even if the authors codd have been hmthe same school using a late Warring States dialect (60-3; in Hart 62). Hart condudes UMt "we can reasonably assume that the speech of Prince Jin was written during the Wuring States penod, although exactiy when and by whom is unknown" (Hart 38). necessary corrective to atone for Yao's kiUing the licentious Earl of Chong), he "observeci the pattern of heaven and noted the distinguishing characberistics of earth"(63; Hart41). The Prince wam his fathet that to pursue his intent is to foUow the way of the faUen kings of the Xia and Shang dynasties. He attributes the downfall of theShang and Xia to their disregad for the five principles: "Above they did not foiiow the patterns of heaven; below they did not take a5 mode1 earth; En the midde they did not harmonize with the people; on ail sides they did not accord with the seasow, and they did not provide for the spirits'' (67; Hart 42). These "historicalnmoral stories tacitiy draw on a coslnology that maintains a continuum between ate cosmic or "naW"artdthe realm of social or political. PIacing special emphasis on the importance of free fiowing rivers, the Prince ciaims that the ancient rulers did not disturb mountains, marshes, rivers, nor swamps. They did not "obshd the riven ... for ... rivers are channels (dao a) for energy [qia]." He merelahrates:

When heaven andeartfi became compIete ... they had cut through rivers and deys, to channe1 their energy [d, ... and had dammed and dyked stagnant and low-lying water, to concenirate their fertifiây [swamps] ... For this reason ... energy is not sunken and congeaied, nor is it scattered and dissipated (Guo Yu 199562; Hart 63)

Hart elucidates the above passage, commenting that qindoesnot becorne sunk and congealed because there are rivers, and it does not becorne xathered and dissipated because there am mamps" (63). The implication seems to be that natural phenomena like rÎvers and sivamps have their own (complementary) nature to accord with. Free flowing wakr is not taken to be the normative siate for aii waber phenomena. Rivers have a nature or hinction of king unobstnrcbed and k flowing so as not to congeal or sink the qiof (ptesumabIy) the land, whiie swamps gather stagnant water so that qi is not scattered or dissipated. FinaIiy, the moralking argumentof the Prince went unheeded and the kingstiI1 blocked up the rivers. The Guo yu writes that the Prince was in the right for the later reigns of Kings Jing and Ding paid for it, where in the last instance, the "royal house was consequently humbled" (199568; Hart 43). This theme of maintaining free and spontaneous flows appears in another "Znou Yd' speech, wherein the Duke of Shao admonishes King Li of the deleterious effects of his policy preventing public criticisms of his govemment, warning To block up the people's mouths is even more extreme than blocking up rivers. If a river is obstmcted and breaks through, then the injury to people will necessariiy be great The people are &O iike this. Therefore, those who control rivers dredge theni ouf causing ttiem to flow. Those who control the peopleopen channeis o€cammunicationcausing them to speak. (in Hart 44)

The above message to maintain or laditate "natural" and spontaneous flows, whether it is water, qi, or communication, derives from taking the principles of natural phenomena as modeh for human adion. Just as early mai medicine concems for health sought to open mai biockages in order to ce-establish spontaneous fiows, late Warring States political concems for social "control" similarly imitateci the qualities of natural phenomena like river conditions of flooding or blockage. Bothof these river conditions show a divergence from regdar, "natural" river conditions of unimpeded flow. Another Late Warring States work, probably of third century BCE authorship (Yates 1997:195-202), meThree Prohibitions" ("Snjs ,s) in the MWD manuscrîpt Canon (/hg@ similarly places importance of river fiows on the same continuum with more expIicitly smOCIalconcenu, like maintaining hierarchical distinctions, agricultural practices, and people's intelligence:

Earth prohibits those who fail in theirduties..- According to the prohibitions of Earth, one is not [to ta.?]hm !he high, nor add to the low. Do not block the rivers; do not oppose agicultural tasks; do not oppose the people's bright intelligence. nates 1997139) 115

The image of the river and its flows can be not only interpreted for inspiring principles for human nature, rdership, medical katment, and human nature, but can be also interpreted as a source of civiluation and social order. There are hvo documents, the "Luo River Writing" Luo shu B and the "River Chart" He tu a a, attacheci to the legend of Yu, the legendary descendant of Yao, and his successful efforts to control the floods that threatened to submerge the lands of the earth. In the Book of Dacume~a Shu /ülg P chapter entitled " Yu gangnYu is said to have tamed these floods and then divided China - the "Middle Kingdom" (zhongguo Efi - into nine provinces

(jfu &OU N)in which the central one contained Pipe 12 :Depictions of the Tu&, emerging hmthe tuo River, and the Horse, from the Yeilow River, carrying their the capital where the distinctive, cosmic rnarkingi on their bah, te., the Luo &umd He tu, respectively (in Lee 120). supreme ruler resided (Camman 41). The mythic tradition surrounding Yu, He tu, Luo shandhis flood taming feats bloomed in the Han dynasty,Iffiyet there are eariier textual references to the above mentioned documents, suggesting acontinuationofthe "water imagination" of the late Warring States period. In the Lun yu, for example, Confucius is quoted as saying, "the phoenix has not amved, The River (he has not given ik chart (& a). Alas!" (ch9:9; Lau 1979:97). Confunus is Iamenting his lack of politicai success, metaphoricaiiy attributing it to the fact that he was not blesseci with "River Chart" which previous sage mlers mysteriously obtained and whose use guaranteed their success and greatness. The "Li- chapter of the Lijiand "Xd'commentary on the Yijing both give the same account of the ongins and significance of the He tu and Lu0 shu.

The River sent forth a chart on a horse, The phoenix and the unicorn (were present), The heavens gave birth to a spirituai mature; The sageiy man knows its pattern. Heaven and earth change and transform; The sageiy man foiiows it The heavens send down a symbolic chart; On it one can see good and bad fortune. The sagely man carves out the chart (xiang). From the (Yeiiow) river cames forth the chart (He tu). And form the Lo river comes forth writings (Lo shui The sagely man carves out the chart (mimg, diagrams).lh Thus one has the four dialjrams of the Yipg.'"'(Saso 405; romanization modifieci)

los 'Ihere is not much mention of He tuor Luo shuin eatly Han times, but by later Han &y had become weii established: the Houhan shureveal they had become accepted branches of study, and both Wang Mang (6-23 CE) and Guang Wu Di (2558 CE) ualized a legitimating ideology derived from these texts to heIp their ascendency to the throne, according to the pop& Han apoaypha Gan wei(Scisoa). The Han shumentions that Guang Wu Di's edicts even cpoted the He N Chan wen and the He tu hui chang fu (Saso a).

'O6 The "Aïdltter says "carvinfiout its shape, one ca1.s it qi # (instrument)" (m Saso *%

In7The "Xid' iurther esplains that yicomes from the Taijiwhich givvs buth t~ -:;.lrmd -mn&which further give rise to the four dngwhich huther produce the eight ûil;r~msthat "decide good dnd bad fortune" (in Saso N5). From the Zhong hou commentary on the Shujing, attributed to the cryptic Gu wei shu "Old Apocrypha" of the Han, another early description exisk of the He fu and Luo shu, both explicitly associated with Yu:

1. When Fu Xi ruied over the earth, a dragon bearing a chart appeared out of the veiiow) River. Fu Xi used the chart to draw the eight trigrams.

2 TheYeiiow Emperor carved out the trigrams, using them to match the etemal changes, according to the revolving dipper. Heaven and earth moved in beiiutiful union, the five elements changeci according to the seasons. The (ueiiow) River brought forth a chart; the Luo (River) brought forth writings delicately (carved) on a turtie's back They were the tcigrams in red (on a green background). They were accompanied by phoenixes under the eves of the A Ce pavition. The dragon horse and Megave the Luo Suand He Tu to (Yao, Shun, the Yeliow Emperor), to Yu the Great, (Wen Wang, and to Zhou Gang). (Saso 407; romanization modified)

From these quotations we can see that the Luo Shu was supposedly reveded to Yu on the sheU of a sacred turtle from the Luo river at the lime he was striving to tame the floods that deluged China. So the document came to be caiied the Luo shu meaning the "LuoRiver Writingn or sometimes referred to as the "rude Writingn Gui shu 4 and even the "River Chart" (He tu), but this designation was generally reserved for that other text which emerged from the waters, on the back of a horse (Camman 39). The Luo shu, in the popuiar extant venionslMa chart of 45

'Oa Camman says that the ktpubiic viewing of the Luo shuwas in the tenth century CE. "after some thùteen hundred yem of hiddw, private or cultic use, it emerged as a diagram representing dots" (49.He furthersupposes the dedine in use of Luoçhuto be in part due to (1)the superimposition of He tut0 obtain the centrai rmneroIogy of ten, which instead of five nrillified the 3 x 3 rnagic square numerology, and (2) its increased use in divination in the cuit of Taifi .jT - (about 1" century BCE) showed a repiacement of pmcticai concems for symboiicones (70);Plthough Emperor Wu (r. 1.10-87BCE) raised the level of Tarj+to the level of supreme celesaai deity, Li Ling (1995) has used recent atdieoIogicaievidence to dispmveQian's (1932) long uncontestedcondusion that ~gweresupposeci to represent the patterns of diange in the cosmos, Han metaphysicians, according to Henderson, similarlysaw the Luoshuand He kasthe "pcixnarysources of order

the senses of astral body, spirit and uithnate thing" (25). The highiy symbolic numerid Luo Su died out More 900 CE and was replzced with a dotted one apparently ktpubhhed by the Daoist sage (ca. 906-989) (76). Camman interprets the chart with dots comected with lines as a stylistic representation of the botsand cor& used in ancient caicuiation, revealing the pervasive nastalgic reverence for the past that developed as the vigor of the Tang (6ts-907 CE) subsided in the middle Tang and continued mto the Song (%(FZZ%O CE). It was also during the Sang that the "5- symbol" ("Creat üitima~e")emerged replacing the remaining symbolic sipihance of the Luoshuas representing the working of the DaothraPgh the action ofyUiandyang(Gunman 77-

Next to five, nine seems to have become the "most important nnmber in Chinese cosmologicai theory and numeroiogicai specnlation" (Henderson 63). The earliest sigm of what Henderson cak "nonary cosmognphyndate no eariier than the Ihcentury BCE(62) with the deged specniation by Zou Yan about the mne continents of the wodd, in which China is one ninth of the red continent, which itseif makes up one ninth of the world's continents. Menaus daimed to be imitatirtg past sage derswhen he ~roposedthe 3 x 3 configuration of land sharing calîed the jing &n # or weii-Fieid system, The Shujingchapter "Yu gongntek of how Yu divided China into nine provinces. The Zhou Ii jBj #I iiesaibes the layout of the ideai city as nine latitude streets by nine longitude ones. The Da Dai I$ï A fl discusses the layout of an inrperial residence or rihaai ternpte dedthe auhgtang efj which is based on a 3 x 3 square. Medical theory was aiso affected by nonary correspondences. The HuangdineijUlgdescnbes the nine orifices, visera, and divisions of the body. in the wortd" insofar as "bathembodied the underlying patterns of the universe"

(84). The deluge that Yu had to contend with, according to the Mencius, happened in the time of Yao when "water reversed its naturai course (~&g@Ti), flooding the central states or regions (zhong po Efi @) (IIIB.9; Lau 1970:113). Yu accomplished the task of controlling the floods enûusted to him by leading the "flood water into the seas by cutting channels (Au @) for it in the ground" and the "water, flowing through the channeis, formeci the Yangzi, the Huai, the Yeliow River and the Han" (ibid.). Elsewhere, Mencius (VIB.11) aiticizes a derwho was overly proud of his irrigation projeds and hubristically thought himself beüer than Yu. Mencius corrected the der, saying, "In deaiing with water, Yü foiiowed the natural tendency of water (shuizhi dao &zm.Hence heemptied the water into the Four Seas. Now you empty the water into the neighboring states. When water goes counter to its course it is described as a 'deluge,' in other words, a 'flood,' and floods are detesteci by the benevolent man" (VIB.ll; Lau 1970:179). When Mencius claimed Yu controlled the floods by following the "naturd tendency of water," or more literally, "the way of water," he is referring to water's "natural tendency" to flow downwards. It is significant that the Laoziuses the term "watercourseWu # and not river to describe the Dao, recalling the synonymous term du # used to describe the maiin Yhpgmaidou. Both zhu and du have the meaning of "watercoune" or "imgation channel." In this way the Laoapsaysthat the Dao is the "water course of the myriad living things" (ch.62; Henricks 152). This usage of zhu has hvo related meanings: to draw water and to make a channel for water (Allan 41). In the context of the Laoziquotation, the Dao can be seen as nourishing or sustaining the myriad living things, and as a direction or guide for Living. The beneficial-sustaining nature of the Dao again is compareci to water: "The highest good is like water; Water is good at benefitüng the ten thousand things and yet it [does not] compete [with theml ... Therefore it is close to the Way (ch.8; HenRcks 209). This concrete cornparison to "water" and "watercoursesnhrther challenges that interpretation of the Laozi's Dao as a transcendent principle.

5.4 Orde~gdisorder: conclusions

The abovmted passages from Daoist (Laoa), Confucian (Confuau.5; Mencius), prognostication ( YijU1&, and various historiographic traditions (Sliujüg Guo yu, Han shu) reiating to floods and irrigation channeb and th& symbolisms reveal a common interest The mutuaüy supporting mode of correlative thinking and "water imaginationnof the Warring States, Qinand Handynasties faciiitated the modeling of human behavior on the conceptionof water and its associated qualities and forms. Or, put differentiy, this conception of water showed a dao or "way" to condud human affairs. The most rudimentary and perhaps eariiest extant maitexk, the MWD Zubi shiyi mai/ïu j~gand Yinyang sh&i maipu jing, sixniiarIy evince relations to the water imagination. AIthough there is no mention of blood or @in the former, and oniy scant mention in the latter, bath bexts describe the maias channel-W, courshg over the body's topography dong fixed routes. However, the "symbiotic field of watef manifesk ihlf most ciearly in the Maifa and Yaayang maisihou. Both texts daborate a mai physiology and etiology of beneficial and harmful mai and qi movements. They describe an medical economv of flows that parallel closely the hydraulic economy of fiows in canal and imgation systems. The Maifa esta biishes an intimate, yet vague, reiationship between qi, mai and their rnovements. The beneficial movement of qi is similar to that of water. downward. The text reveais that qi moving downward is benefiaal, so "the sages cooled the head and wamed the feet" Ifqirnoves upward, or in the wrong fashion, the main4 to be cauterized or pie~edwith a stone lancet As with the cnntroller of imgationchannels and networkç, the physician can regulate the flows of the mai (or their contents) by intervention. The ZJS YùI#yang mai sihou shows the wakrtanal-mai relation most cleady. The mai are no t only describeci as watercourses (du @), but the proverb "flowing water does not despoil" is used to desaibe the philosophy behind a method to maintain a healthy balance of flows within or associated with the mai Physical movement, exercise, is prescribed as a means to empty and fiIl the mai, recalling the periodic need to dredge canais or watercourses to maintain optimal volume and flow of coursing water. The quality of unimpeded, spontaneous downward flow was primarily coupled with its technological form of the irrigationchannel, glossed as du sinthe Yinyangmaisihou,and zhu #in the hfenausaccount of the flood-tamer Yu. In bothcases, the goai was to re-establish nahual and spontaneous flows that resulted from a reversai of the natural flow. Early Chinese thinkers were influenced by and attracted to the idea of flowing water and its technological control. Manifest in the myths surrounding the signs of the Luo shu, He tu, and Yijing;controlling water in accordance with its "way" is a "becomingnor "mediating" mode of patterning the human on the non-human. The Luo shu and He tu are interesting hybrids of the nahrreculture netsvork: they como from the river and were ingenuously employed by Yu, a human, to control the floocis. From the disorder of the flood emerged the means to establish order, which not only drained the flood, but also geographicaliy established the Nine Provinces of China. Perhaps this is why the image of the "irrigation charnel" was preferred over the that of the river. The former not ody exhibits an understanding of the "way of the water" but the control over it, too. Sluice gates afford a means to control irrigation channels from flooding that rivers do not possess. Aithough the maiare not ascribed with sluice gates, the designation du suggests the implicitsense of control, thecontroi of the physician over the workings and manipulation of the mai. In conclusion, we retm to a point made in the introduction conceming a Chinese graph that draws togetherd of the above themes. Recall the Ctiinese word &BI a rhizomatic kmwhose semantic content and graphic form weave together these themes of healùrg, ruiership and water. Semantically, ztu'is employed both in medical and political discourses, meaning both "heal"and "govem." EtymologicaUy, the graph contains the three-dot water radical, reinforcing not oniy the comection between (ruiing) water and ruiing people in ancient Chinese statecraft, but ais0 perhaps between reguiating improper flows of the fluid-üke qiand healing people in ancient Chinese medicine. Allan, Sarah. 1997. me Way of Wa& and Sprouk of Virfue. New York: State University of New York Press.

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BeIow are translations of the SIç Ma5hu texts M& and Yinyangma'shu. The former has been divided into three sections according to theme. 1 have translakd the firs t section as my interpretation differs somewhat from Lo's, and ais0 hmHarpfs, which is based on the MWD version. Thereafter f have given Lo's fuii translation ofthe tiiree sections she entitles "Makhu (6)"(Lo 340-1). The Yinyang maisrhou is my translation based on the ZJS version.

Translation key:

My translation of the first section: The maiare heId as precious by the sages. Qiis that which benefits (when) descending, and harms (when) Mng (it) foiiows heat and leaves cold, thus the sages cooled the head and warmed the leet. Those who cure illnesses take surpIus and augment defiamcy. Accordingiy, when qir&esanddwsnotdesmd, one sees îhe maioverextended boland si~ould'~~caum the [affectedl maito reverse [hudn]"' [the qiflow]... If the @&atone

If' 60th Ma (2992982-3) and Cao (l492:lDl) both amend hwn fa the jia (A) and yi(8) versions of the MW.mi& to hana. further gIossing it as frn of h&n EI & to "cetuni." and by extennon. tn "reverse* ta CIOZ. 3U3) transiam hmas "atticuiation." an urtspecified site to apply acupuncture. Harper transiats itas"rin6"designating the waistareb rqecting Ma's inte+tionas"grammatically impiausible" (1998~94n.2). moment rLnng and thcn hllin,gn' one should fihd the maiat the back of the knee and elbow and pierce it with a stone lancet.

Lo's full translation: The Channels are valued by the sag r.As for qt; it benefits the lower body and harrns the upper; foiiows heat and distances coolness. Ço, the sages cool the head and warm the feet Those who treat illness take the surp Ius and supplement the insufficiency. Ço if qigoes up, not down, then when you see the channel that has over-reached itseff, apply one cauterisation where it rneets the articdation. When iiiness is mtense then apply another cauterisation at a pIace &O rn above the arücuiation When the qirises at one moment and fa& in the next, pierce it with a stone hcet at the badc of the knee and eibow.

When using the stone iancet to open the channel it is necessary to foiiow these principles: where abscess sweiiing has pus then measure its size and make a Iancet for it There are four h& things: One states: if the pus goes deep and the stone lances to a shallow depth it is caiied not reaching it. Two states: where the pus is shallow and the stone lances deeply caU it overreaching. Time states: where there is a lot of pus and the stone lancet is dcal1 it seeping, when it is seeping, the poison won't corne out Four States when the pus is smaii and the stone Iancet big caU it floating, as for when it floats, the stone lancet harms the good flesh. When there is tao rnuch pus and it is deep, the surface is black and large; whw there is less pus and it is deep, the surface is black and small. when there is plenty of pus and it is shaiiow, the sutface is white and large; when there is little pus and it is shdow, the surface is white and smaU As for this it must be mvestigated. if there is pus it must not be cauterised. The way to examine the channel is to press it with the Ieft XXXXXXtU place the right hand

IL' IL' The MWD text reads qi du & ("qiemerges"), whiIe the ZJSversion reads qiyishangyixia Sh - k - 5; ("qiatone moment Ning and tIien faliing"). Harper suspects the latter is a paraphrase of the former (1998a25n4).

The MWD manuscript jia (A) I& the tVst eleven graphs of this sentence, while the -ri@)one Ma estmates ISmmng hve or sugraphs. whch he suppiements with a similar passage tmm the Huangdi neijlng TaLsu. chaptcr 14. which instntrts the lef? hand to be piaced five cunabove the ankie (*k a E directly on the ankle bone and palpate there. If the other channel is overfiowing and this one alone is depleted then it lodges the illness. if the other channels are slippery and this one alone is dry, then it Iodges hë5s. If the other channels are quiet and this one aione moves, then it generates iüness. Now as for the certain movement in the chamtek the Lesser Yin of the Shin, the Great Yin and Lesser Yin of the Foreann are where the movement resides. If it becornes fast then there wiU be iiiness. This is the reason for discourse on channels that have guo, - as for the rest - carefully observe the on the reievant channeL

Ail threepg(mar) are OP'' heavedy qi[tian qizz].Of its iunesçes, anly broken bones niptunng the skin are deathly.

.;V1 three yin (mal)of earthly qi [di qi % (and comprise) the mai of death. (Tneir assoaated hesses) can pu* the zattgs and viscera, bemg responsibIe [zhu Z]for death. (If) the yin (ma)&esses are mixedLt5then there wiii be death withui. ten davs.

In ail cases, (one is able)'" see the ~btlesigns [weiaof death. me bfwD version starts the next he: "The fïve (sip06 death are:']

"'The line A,,# Ezt& (where a has ben emended to @J can be belated xi ''A three -vangare heavertiy pi" Ths mean the three pngare deoiheavenly q~or chat they are~wmed as heavenl! cp 1 betievo it is the Latter in that there is no textud evrdence to support different hdsof qr. as yangsheng texa do, or even as tater rnedid mai texts da The kanslauon "all three yut(mni) are af :?eaveni:f qf E pceserves the orrgrd's ambgutty and suppors the two prevuausly utenhonecf ~adings-

"' lbternt weia soiten used tn the sense ai "amen" in pmgnosticakons. so as readutg ornem Pkes sML reading the "si@ ai iIlness lkswse requrres "abdity." 1. (10 a person is ful and the lips htm outwards,'" then the khwiii die Eirs~ 2. (If) the gums get soi3 and shrinktu and teeth get longer, then the bones wiU die fim. 3. (If) the face tunis a dark, uiky color, the eyes are large and wide (as if in surprise), and Wion is s~anted,"~the blood is the first to die.IP 4. (If) weat COULES out like fine siik threads, beadkig (on the skïn) and nat Eiawtng, then qi will che firstm 5. (Io the tongue (feelç) Lied up and testides shnvel, then the sinews wdi die first. me MWD text ends here with this: "(If) these five (signs of death) are aU manifest, then (the peson) d not iive-"1

Of au five signs, if one sign is evident, first enlivenl= [huug] the person.

Now, flo~ingwater does notde~~oil,'~"a daor-pivot does notget worm-saten," titis is due ta their mavernent Moving (the body) filis [slzis]the Four hbsand empties [xu the

"' The tett reads,s asuggests that when the pcson IS iuU the Lips turnover or prhps cur! auwardly. %* ci~iiüuitytnœd in the rhud century medimi mt Qwic of Di85dt 6s~Nanjing P (2456)sheds Iight on th^ pesage "5Vhen the muxfes and Resh are not smwthand ~C~pry.then the perwn's mdets overtlowng; then whem triepersan3inn'de~cverflowing~ek;prmovvrwhen the tip htrn ove? thentherleshrsthetVsttodie" Y.W;f;#A W!IA+S*A.~~jFffljW~*iw&iWi1W%z-

:" SIa. cornmentmg on the MWD apy. pints out that the MWD mpy w XI? # and the ZBane uses &O R 'brh whdt had the meaning of xie "eïtl. htemdox. Oerlected" and by extension. 'sianted" (T99=10).

'= Alrhough in Eagiish we do mt aythat --ter pueehes or mts, as hB nigg-ib. a pdercan k dm- ;rith the proceeding idiom imhr as al- tend to graw in stagnant walrzr. probabiy understwd at the &me as ait idesetmnnotdis~irn11atta the decornphon oimtbngciwoad by woad worm. TtiecharacaPr ,aka bmadermge oCappLiotion than the Enghh word'mf wfuchmptie~did. notaud deoomposi~an. &us [havechcsen "despod." five viscera, the €ive vlscen emp? thereby benefits the jade body.'"

Now, those who nds carriages and eat meat must in the spring and autumn (the mal), not draining wdl thereby close-off the maiand (make) the fiesh die. When the maiare fuii wga,ernpty [xiè than; when empty [xu Eili [shi then Be quiescent in order to treat thern.Iz

Now, bones are the pdars, miews the ties (that bind), blood the moisture, mai the watercourses, flesh that which adheres, qithat which bends/is breath.Ia

Therefore, when the bones are iri pain [tonga,it is Like (they are) king hacked [zhuo#]; when the sinews are in pain, it i.s like (they are) being tightened; when bload is in pain, it is iike (it is) being diluted;'"l when the maiare in pain, it is like (they are) flowing fast; when the flesh iç in pain, it is Like lit is) Boating if the qi moves"" then there wJ1 he disorder.'"

Moreover, d aii aU six pains exist in the body, then there is nothing known that cari cure (this condition), therefore when a lord vuna* =fl has fattened, he has exceeded b Lmitations, (makuig) the stomach [:vei@j, srnews, and muscles unable to maintain theu

.. "' " Jade body" o a.mpctiul :em usec :a dmkthe whole hdy (Gao 1992S4).

-.--' The ongnai graph Ga(1=5F) says o another iomof si $J, whch anbe read as xze 8 "ta drain oit" Ma. anvenebf. argxes that L!p~h saU awa& tden~hca~on(1992319. n.3

.., -'a The rneantng olthis iemifu # is uncertlrm Cao (1%gl- it as either qu I"moked" or xu 'breath on* Lo translates as "cmarounb'

''' Although lrsted as one oi the "NI paurs" fi a, qi rs said to "move" a not "be in pain" B.Eus codd be due m erther one of two reasom (1)q5.m semas ~mehawdlffenng hmthe other body parts. perhaps not wcepabie to pain nnce rt s unrn kmthe ouoide. 1ke breath hr exampIe (2) there was a cop?g mtake. as tong and dmg #J are phanehcally suruiar. I think the former mmare Likely, e~p~~allystnce qi was also the tast to be menhoned. hrther pouimg to itr different nature when cornpared wrth the other body "parts.' responsibilities/ functions. His qiis then excessive, his blood then over-abundant - qidnd btood (thus) become corrupt/puûïd and the 100 joints aii perish'3' - blockedm (at) the 20 exttemities, (the blood and qi) goes against (its normal inchation) and goes towards the heart. " If these cm not be treated in advance then the sound of crying w9be heard.'35

u2Cao (199299)gfosses dien 'sink" as dien zhong a f "heavy."Combining both sensa and the context of the overfy-abundant qiand bfdthe hundred joints are thus mundated wih +and blood. causing them to figuratively "si&" and by extemion. "perish" "' Cao (ibid) reads Luan Pt as sai autoblock" The joints perish in the flding of qiand bld which blocks flow to the twenty exheutities (ten fingetç and ten toes).

'" Again what is made tn him back [against its naturd indination. as Ltn a: has the sense oi rebding or going agaurst] and go towards the heart is the bfood and qi '" The sound of aying is LikeIy from the moumers af the sr& peson who dsed [am tndebted to Robtn Yates for efuadating this obscure psage.