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7 1 3 2 5 3 3 Hakan Yavuz Shahram Khosravi Lisa Wedeen Pedro Brieger Beinb Modern in the Nurcu Way www.iranian.com: An Online Diaspora Ambiguities after Asad Muslims in A r g e n t i n a

Copious studies on Islamic resurgence throughout the Muslim world deal with new veiling, a socio-reli- gious practice which has been explained as a form of both resistance and submission to patriarchy, an as- sertion of cultural authenticity, a reaction against D o w n v e i l i n g : Western imperialism and local secular regimes, a genuine desire by women to live more piously, and a practice born out of economic necessity. While there is a degree of plausibility in each of these theories, especially when taken in tandem, another Shifting Socio- dimension should be added to the debate on new veiling, and that is a subtle and seemingly growing tendency among many urban Egyptian women to- wards what can be called 'downveiling'. Religious Practices

Middle East LINDA HERRERA in Egypt

Downveiling refers to the shift by Muslim even necessarily the most commonplace rity forces were dispatched to schools first to downveil. Backed by the law, the women to less concealing and conservative arenas – of downveiling, they provide a throughout the country; guards stood out- overwhelming majority of girls immediately forms of Islamic dress – or to changing em- compelling social context in which to trace side school gates to inspect students' attire substituted their uniform k h i m a r for a sim- bodied religious practices – and is indicative this practice which is increasingly observ- and to prohibit anyone in defiance of the ple headscarf and, in an act of defiance A class of of the complexity and dynamism with able throughout urban Egyptian society. regulation from entering their school. Many against school policy, decided among first graders which socio-religious change occurs in con- school communities reacted to the state's themselves to replace the regulation grey at a private temporary societies. It points to a transfor- Schools as contested cultural actions with outrage and some unveiled smock uniform, which they described as Islamic school. mation in Egypt's Islamist trend. s p a c e s students even took on the veil in protest. 'ugly' and 'old-fashioned', for a more 'nor- The past two decades have witnessed the However, over the longer term, the new reg- mal' and attractive uniform of a tailored increased Islamization of public spaces and ulation served as a catalyst for many who long grey skirt and white blouse. Thereafter, social institutions, one manifestation of had been wanting to downveil, as will be il- members of the school staff also began which has been the Islamization of the na- lustrated in the case of a private Islamic downveiling. Two senior administrators – tion's schools. Numerous government and school in Cairo. school disciplinarians and tacit role models private schools have institutionalized Islam- – gradually substituted their dark ankle- ic practices, such as enforcing an Islamic The state as a catalyst for length skirts for shin-length cotton skirts, uniform (zayy Islammy). Schools often re- shifting socio-religious and, in gradations, replaced their thick quire female students, staff and sometimes practices nylon k h i m a rs that extended down to their even students' mothers to don a head cover. Since its establishment in 1981, the thighs, with shoulder-length scarves. They Veiling has multiple gradations and ranges school uniform for girls from first grade at a had both begun sporting the k h i m a r j u s t from a h i j a b, a scarf that covers the hair and 'private Islamic school' in Cairo, a fee-pay- prior to being employed at the school in the is pinned under the chin, to a k h i m a r, a sub- ing general school that incorporates Islamic early 1980s, in part to show their commit- stantially longer nylon scarf that drapes rituals and symbols into its daily life, con- ment to working in an Islamic environment, over the torso and arms, to a n i q a b, a face sisted of a long blue-grey smock, pants and but also because they could not justify veil with ankle-length dress. a mini-k h i m a r. The school's founder and di- wearing a lesser degree of clothing than the The Ministry of Education (MOE), in its at- rector, Sheikh Mohammed, selected this children under their authority. When the tempt to curb the Islamization of schools uniform so that the female child would get primary school children ceased wearing the and as part of a larger state strategy to con- used to comporting herself according to k h i m a r and the preparatory girls down- trol and monitor the Islamization of public the teachings of her religion because, as he veiled at their own initiative, the need to spaces, politicized the issue of Islamic uni- proclaims 'in Islam there is no grey, every- dress religiously on par with the students forms. In 1994, the MOE enacted a minister- thing is black or white. The h i j a b is a re- no longer existed. A number of their col- ial order prohibiting girls from wearing the quirement, not a choice.' leagues, over time, also modified their dress h i j a b to school at the primary stage (grades In 1994, the sheikh initially resisted imple- to less concealing and more functional 1-5), requiring that students at the prepara- menting the new uniform regulation, con- forms of Islamic dress. tory level (grades 6-8) provide written per- vinced that he, not the government, was re- The general tendency among the staff to- mission by their guardian if they wear the ligiously in the right. However, when faced wards downveiling has had the effect of h i j a b (thereby giving the parents rather with the possibility of the MOE taking over hindering others from upveiling or adapt- than the school authority over the girl's reli- his school's administration, he eventually ing 'higher', more concealing and virtuous gious attire), and forbidding teachers and eliminated the headscarf for girls at the pri- forms of Islamic dress. One senior teacher in The same class in A fourteen-year resident of Cairo, I first students from wearing the n i q a b on the mary level. Nevertheless, with the parents' her mid-40s has been expressing a desire to the third grade became aware of downveiling in the mid- grounds that it presents a security risk by cooperation, the veil remained mandatory upveil from her current k h i m a r to the n i q a b, following the 1990s when a number of acquaintances concealing the wearer's identity and pre- for girls at the preparatory stage. Despite a a form of dress which she believes to be a h i j a b ban by the from diverse social and professional back- vents teachers from effectively teaching pervasive sense among staff, parents and religious obligation. However, with her Ministry of grounds began shifting to lesser degrees of since it covers the face. students, that the government was unjustly peers substituting their k h i m a r s for simpler E d u c a t i o n . veiling, and even sometimes 'unveiled' or The new uniform regulation was strongly interfering in the school's internal policy and shorter headscarves, she is not encour- eliminated their head covers altogether. My contested in the press and courts, but was and in their private lives, an unexpected aged to upveil and is not only putting it off, understanding of this practice was anecdo- ultimately ruled constitutional in a case that shift occurred among a number of them: but is even practising her own downveiling. tal until I began conducting research in reached the Supreme Constitutional Court, they began modifying their own style of She recently began wearing loose-fitting schools on the Islamization of education. and was therefore enforceable. To ensure its dress by downveiling. pants instead of a skirt under her k h i m a r, While schools are by no means the only – or compliance, MOE inspectors and state secu- The older students (ages 11-14) were the Continued on page 32 2 ISIM I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

The question of whether political Islam should be interpreted as a One of the main effects of the emergence of political Islam is that, truly successful movement in the Muslim world has been matter of in effect, religion was reinstated as a key instrument of political debate for nearly a decade (See 'Vingt Ans Après…' conference in action. As an instrument, it also now serves groups which are not Paris p. 3). Those who speak of its failure tend to argue that Islamist considered 'Islamist' or 'fundamentalist', including the more groups have failed to realize their goal of Muslim unity through the heterodox Muslim groups, such as Alevism (Massicard, p. 29). revival of the u m m a as a political entity and, on the national level, The increased political participation of what have historically find great difficult in creating a workable alternative to nationalist been seen as traditional groups seems to have become a global or other political trajectories. Whatever ones' viewpoint on the phenomenon. It may be that these groups have finally adapted issue of failure or success, the impact of political Islam on politics in themselves to the general conditions of post-colonial rule and are Muslim countries and beyond is undeniable. This is partly due to regaining lost ground. Sufism has been part of the Muslim the perception of the phenomenon as a threat to dominant response to the challenges of modernity from the outset (Yavuz, p. ideologies and structures by its opponents. It is clear that political 7). The present developments may be partly explained by the Islam, both as a discourse and a practice, is renewed attraction that Sufism holds for the ISIM Newsletter 6 October 2000 established in an increasing number of Muslim emergent urban classes. This trend appears to be 40 pages countries, but the ways in which Islamic notions global, affecting national politics in countries as ISSN 1 388-9788 exert themselves and relate to local political E d i t o r i a l far-reaching as Senegal (Samson, p. 28) and infrastructures varies greatly. The political Indonesia (Howell, p. 17), albeit in variant Editorial Office DICK DOUWES E d i t o r Visiting Address discourses of many Muslim countries are manifestations according to established local Rapenburg 71, Leiden experiencing a shift towards a more religious- political cultures. Postal Address ISIM, P.O. Box 11089 oriented vocabulary. Opposition movements in some of the few A new academic debate about the use and function of the so- 2301 EB Leiden, The Netherlands truly Islamic states have also internalized Islamic motifs. In called new media is emerging. As a result, a fresh body of literature T e l e p h o n e +31-71-527 7905 countries such as Iran, where the state system is to a large degree on Islam is becoming available, including 'digital age' versions of T e l e f a x moulded by the clergy, opposition movements have as yet little time-honoured institutions like f a t w a-giving (Bunt, p. 12). The new +31-71-527 7906 alternative but to articulate their aspirations in terms of religion. media are limited in relevance, given that the vast majority of E - m a i l I S I M N e w s l @ r u l l e t . l e i d e n u n i v . n l This process may have facilitated one of the more dynamic Muslims have little or no access to them. Having said that, cyber WWW Homepage intellectual and societal discourses in the Muslim world, but its discourses and satellite images are affecting the lives of an h t t p : / / w w w . i s i m . n l / dynamism is limited in terms of political reform (Kian-Thiébaut, p. increasing number of Muslims, particularly the youth. For diasporic E d i t o r 23; Alamdari, p.22). In sharp constrast with Iran, nearby communities, the Internet may be used as an aid for the creation of Dick Douwes Desk and copy editors Afghanistan witnessed the demise of any kind of national debate a virtual homeland (Khosravi, p. 13). The increased relevance of Gabrielle Constant except that of contending militia organizations, such as the Taliban, both old and new media is becoming apparent in countries like Shelina Kassam Mareike Winkelmann in which tribal allegiances are inextricably intertwined with Mali, where women’s religious organizations have created their D e s i g n individualist loyalties (Shahrani p. 20-21). own niche in the broadcast media (Schulz, p. 27). De Kreeft, Amsterdam P r i n t i n g Their use of religious imagery as well as the seemingly cynical This N e w s l e t t e r offers a bird's-eye view on various other topics in Dijkman Offset, Diemen uses of Islamic symbol in some other states, indicates that the lives of Muslims over the globe, including matters of health Coming issues consistent reference to Islamic metaphors is part and parcel of (Hoffer, p. 8) and death in Western Europe (Andrews and Wolfe, p. ISIM Newsletter 7 current political parlance. However, political symbolism may 15). The complexities of carving out space in host societies for the Deadline: 1 December 2000 Published: February 2001 merely represent a mechanism for disciplining the populace by way identities of immigrants, whether in Switzerland (Haenni, p.31) or ISIM Newsletter 8 of rituals which are evidently devoid of meaning (Wedeen p. 25). Argentina (Brieger, p.) remain an important field of research, one Deadline: 1 March 2001 Muslim activists, for instance in the Comoros Islands, are on the on which the ISIM is currently designing a project entitled the Published: May 2001 ISIM Newsletter 9 alert for – what would be in their eyes – improper appeals to divine 'Production of Islamic Knowledge in Western Europe' (to be Deadline: 1 June 2001 principles by those in power (Chanfi, p.16). announced shortly on the ISIM website). ♦ Published: October 2001

The ISIM solicits your response to the ISIM Newsletter. If you wish to contribute to the A N N O U N C E M E N T S Newsletter, style sheets may be obtained upon request from the ISIM Secretariat or on the ISIM website. In order to offer update information on Summer Academy: 'The Local Production of Islamic Knowledge' activities concerning the study of Islam and Muslim societies, along with news on vacancies, grants, and fellowships, the ISIM relies on its readers. The The Working Group Modernity and taken root in many parts of the globe. ate (doctoral) and postdoctoral re- Tel: +31-71-527 79 05 information will be made available on the ISIM W e b s i t e . Islam and the ISIM, in cooperation with With this spread to a large variety of so- searchers in Islamic as well as relevant Fax: +31-71-527 79 06 Yildiz University, are organizing a joint cieties and cultures, Islam has under- area studies, history, anthropology, law E-mail: [email protected] The ISIM Newsletter is a tri-annual publication of the International Institute for the Study of Islam in Summer Academy on: 'The Production gone a dual process of universalization and social science. The researchers' work the Modern World (ISIM). Responsibility for the of Islamic Knowledge'. The Summer and localization, a process which is still should be clearly relevant to the theme The working group Modernity and facts and opinions expressed in this publication rests solely with the authors. Their views do not Academy will be held in Istanbul, from 3- ongoing. Its universal message was – as described above. A broader outline of Islam (Arbeitskreis Moderne und Islam) necessarily reflect those of the Institute or its 14 September 2001, under the direction and continues to be – adapted to local the theme, including sub-themes, can is a research network of Berlin universi- supporters. The ISIM Newsletter is free of charge. of Prof. Martin van Bruinessen and Dr needs. This also holds true for areas in be found on the websites of the ISIM ties and extra-university institutions Altan Gokalp. In a multidisciplinary ex- which Islam was introduced in the mod- (www.isim.nl) and the Working Group committed to promoting a deeper un- Staff ISIM change between the humanities and the ern period, in particular Western Europe Modernity and Islam (http://www.wiko- derstanding of Muslim societies, their • Muhammad Khalid Masud Academic Director social sciences, supervised by a group of and the Americas. Divergent historical berlin.de/). The working language of the cultures, history, and social and politi- • Dick Douwes internationally-renowned scholars from trajectories have meant that each region Summer Academy is English. A complet- cal orders. Academic Coordinator • Mary Bakker various disciplines, participants will be may have its own distinctive Islamic ed application form (either to be re- Administrative Coordinator given the opportunity to present their practices, discourses, and infrastruc- quested from the ISIM secretariat or For information, please contact: • Nathal Dessing Education Coordinator projects and to discuss new research as tures. Diasporic communities, in the downloaded from the ISIM website), ac- Georges Khalil, Arbeitskreis Moderne und • Afelonne Doek well as issues of theory and methodolo- West as well as in predominantly Muslim companied by a curriculum vitae, a five- I s l a m Website and D-base Manager • Manuel Haneveld gy relevant to their field of study. Travel countries, add to the complexity of the page outline of one's current research Geschäftsstelle: Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin Information Systems Manager • Esther Oostveen and accommodation expenses will be interplay between local and transna- project with a brief summary thereof, Wallotstraße 19, D – 14193 Berlin, Germany Administrative Assistant offered to the participants. tional contexts in which Islamic knowl- and two letters of recommendation Fax: +49-30-89 00 12 00 • Yenny Thung D-base Assistant edge is produced. The new media – and from university faculty members should E-Mail: [email protected] • Laila Al-Zwaini Theme: The production of some of the old ones as well – play a cru- be submitted, in English, by 15 January Projects Officer local knowledge cial role in this production. 2001 to: B o a r d With the expansion of Islam through Conditions of application P.O. Box 11089, 2301 EB Leiden, The Nether- • Drs J.G.F. Veldhuis (Chairperson) President of Utrecht University conversion and migration, Islam has The programme addresses postgradu- l a n d s • Dr S.J. Noorda President of University of Amsterdam • Dr J.R.T.M. Peters Vice President of University of Nijmegen • Drs L.E.H. Vredevoogd President of Leiden University ISIM Master Class: ' Key Issues in Human Rights' Academic Committee • Prof. Peter van der Veer (Chairperson) The ISIM invites applications for the will focus on key issues (economic and economic, social, and cultural rights, successful applicants at least four University of Amsterdam • Prof. Léon Buskens ISIM Master Class 'Key Issues in Human social rights, and rights of the child) in and the fourth day on children's rights weeks prior to the course for advance Utrecht University Rights' by Professor Abdullahi An-Naim order to emphasize the evolving and issues, in a comparative national con- r e a d i n g . • Prof. Mamadou Diouf CODESRIA, Dakar (Charles Howard Candler Professor of far-reaching implications of human text (European and developing coun- • Prof. Dale Eickelman Law, School of Law, Emory University). rights to global social, political, and cul- tries). Professor C. Flinterman and Pro- F e e : Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hamp- s h i r e The class is to be held for 12-15 PhD tural development. fessor F. van Hoof of the SIM, Faculty of The fee for the master class is • Prof. Gudrun Krämer s t u d e n t s . Law, Utrecht University, will lead the NLG 750.- Fee waivers may be Free University Berlin • Prof. Jean-François Leguil-Bayart D e s c r i p t i o n : course discussion on Wednesday and granted in certain cases. CERI, Paris D a t e s : 27-30 November 2000 During the first two days, the course T h u r s d a y . • Prof. Frits Staal University of California at Berkeley T i m e : Daily from 11:15 to 13:00 and will cover the concept of human rights A p p l i c a t i o n s : • Prof. Kees Versteegh from 14:15 to 16:00 and their universality and cultural/con- Course materials: The ISIM invites PhD students wish- University of Nijmegen • Sami Zubaida V e n u e : In Leiden, to be announced textual relativity; give an overview of Henry J. Steiner and Philip Alston, I n- ing to participate in the master class to Birkbeck College, University of London • Prof. Erik J. Zürcher the main treaties and their implemen- ternational Human Rights in Context: send a brief curriculum vitae and an ex- Leiden University Course Outline tation; and discuss the role of non-gov- Law, Politics, Morals, 2nd edition. Ox- planation of why they wish to attend to ISIM Chairs O b j e c t i v e : ernmental organizations, all with spe- ford: Clarendon Press, 2000. A detailed N.M. Dessing at the ISIM by 1 Novem- • Prof. Muhammad Khalid Masud In addition to giving a general intro- cial reference to Islamic societies. The outline, prescribing specific readings ber 2000. ISIM Chair, Leiden University • Prof. Martin van Bruinessen duction to human rights, this course third day will focus on a discussion of from this book will be distributed to ISIM Chair, Utrecht University I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 ISIM 3

Conference Report 'Vingt Ans Après …' An Assessment From 21-24 June 2000, a group of international schol- ars met in Paris to discuss modern Islamist move- ments in a conference under the (translated) heading: of Modern Islamist Movements 'Twenty Years After …'. The idea was to review and as- sess the 20 years of the studies of Islamist move- ments, taking the Iranian Revolution of 1979 as a hy- (PMM), the Institut d'Études Politiques in François Legrain. Mona Harb-el-Kak and tern of the sudden rise (or internationaliza- pothetical point of reference. These movements, col- P a r i s , and the ISIM. Gilles Kepel, Olivier Roy Bernard Rougier presented the situation in tion) and fall (or localization) of the Islamist lectively known as 'Political Islam', have been used and Muhammad Khalid Masud chaired the Lebanon, where the Hezbollah both com- movements. The attempts at mass mobiliza- synonymously with terms as varied as 'fundamental- conference. The sessions were organized by petes with and complements the govern- tion in North Africa on the part of the Is- ism', 'alternative modernities', 'Islamic revivalism', region. Andrée Feillard, together with Mar- ment. Patrick Haenni and Ahmad Moussalli lamist movements were addressed (specifi- and so on. It has been perceived as a 'threat', a force tin van Bruinessen and David Camroux, cov- addressed the situation in Egypt. The as- cally in the Algerian context) by Gilles Kepel, opposing Western culture in the 'clash of civiliza- ered the Southeast Asia. Masud chaired the sessment of the Islamist movements in and (for Morocco) by Mohammed Tozy. On tions'. The more militant groups, with their calls for session on South Asia: The m a d r a s a s of Pak- Egypt 'Twenty Years After …', according to the last day, Xavier Bougarel introduced a 'jihad', are often – and erroneously – considered rep- istan were dealt with in a paper delivered by Moussalli, was that arguments are made ei- series of papers on the post-communist resentative of Political Islam as a whole. Mariam Abou Zahab. Muhammad Qasim ther in cold war or essentialist terms, neither world, starting with his own presentation on Zaman also gave special attention to Pak- of which further the understanding of the Islam and politics in the Balkans. Nathalie A number of scholars have come to the istan in his paper on the religio-political ac- Islamist movements. His hypothesis was Clayer specifically focused on the Albanians conclusion that Political Islam has been tivism of the Sunni ulema in the contempo- that Islamism has not yet begun. Gérard of the former Yugoslavia. The issue of Islam less successful than expected in attain- rary Muslim world. William Maley and Pierre Prunier and Saeed Ya'qoub then gave an in the former USSR was problematized by ing some of the main aims, in particular Centlivres both dealt with the Taliban. This overview on the situation in Sudan. Aleksei Malashenko. The final paper pre- the revival of the umma as a viable po- series of papers on the Afghan context be- Mamoun Fandy's focus was on the relations sented at the conference was Dale Eickel- litical entity. The conference dealt with came more visually manifest when excerpts between state and society in Saudi Arabia, man's contribution on mass media, the In- the varying assessments of these from a documentary called Inside Afhgan- under the heading of 'cyber resistance', i.e. ternet and the emerging public sphere. He movements in these years. For most of i s t a n by François Margolin were shown. the Saudi opposition between globalization affirmed that the new media have trans- the scholars, who have been studying Azadeh Kian-Thiébaut and Farhad Khos- and localization. Renaud Detalle addressed formed the ideas and practices of religious these movements for the last twenty rokhavar gave presentations on the trans- the historical context of the Islamist move- and political authorities throughout the years, the conference provided an oc- formations in post-Islamist Iran and the ment in Yemen, which Bernard Haykel sub- Muslim world. Olivier Roy then gave a gen- casion to share their personal recollec- Iranian intellectuals of the 21s t century, re- sequently evaluated in his role as discus- eral synthesis and chaired the closing de- tions and concerns about the past and spectively. The situation in Turkey was ad- sant. Gudrun Krämer gave an overview on b a t e . future of their fields of research on the dressed by Ru¸sen ¸Cakir, with a view to the the cross-border activities of the Muslim The discussions and debates initiated in s u b j e c t Welfare Party (RP) under Erbakan, and by Brotherhood, also with a view to problema- the conference will continue on the ISIM The international conference 'Vingt Ans Elise Massicard who spoke about the Alevis tizing the hypothesis that political Islam has website: http://www.isim.nl/ ◆ Après …' was jointly organized by the Pro- of Turkey. For the Palestinian context, the failed. Martin Kramer linked in with the pre- gramme Doctoral du Monde Musulman p o s t -i n t i f a d a period was evaluated by Jean- vious presentation, as he dealt with the pat- Workshop Report Family and Family Law The workshop on 'Family and Family Law in Asia and the Middle East', convened by ISIM and the Working in Asia and the Middle East Group Modernity and Islam (30 June – 1 July 2000) at the Institute for Islamic Studies, Free University of Berlin, aimed at creating a network of scholars and ist, to a contractual-individualized ap- 'possessing' the female body, and embed- By the example of practices of t a l a q ( d i- scholar-activists currently based in the West, who proach. These developments are visible, for ded in conceptions about honour and prop- vorce) in Palestine, Welchman illustrated employ a social science methodology and perspec- instance, in the shifting definitions of mar- erty relations. Occurrences of violence can, that codified law and the institutionaliza- tive in the study of family law, its history, its regional riage and the effects on the position of moreover, gain ground because they are tion of courts can also positively affect developments and its interpretation by courts. women and their active participation as so- often sustained by public institutions such women's position, e.g. by making certain cial actors. as the law, the courts, and the police. The apprehensible (m a k r u h) moral duties legally The second theme concentrated on the discussion evolved around questions such enforceable on men, or conversely by apply- 'Marriage Contract and its Registration'. as: what constitutes illegal cq. illegitimate ing administrative measures to discourage Léon Buskens approached the topic from forms of violence in the family? How can men from divorce. three different perspectives: f i q h, state leg- legislation ensure the protection of women? Mir-Hosseini explained how the various islation and practice, with the example of What is the link between private and public re-codifications of civil and family law in the Morocco. The radical shift from oral to writ- violence? Do court verdicts reflect the of- 2 0t h century have constantly challenged ten marriage contracts, and the legislative fence or put the women on trial? Iranian judges to reconcile in their decisions measures towards homogenization and The fourth theme was related to illegiti- between f i q h, popular s h a r ica, and the central registration of the contracts, as illus- macy, the topic of research and professional codes, and how women equally make use of trated by the most recent version of the Mu- concern of Jamily Bargash. The Sunni f i q h s h a r ica in their strategies before the court. dawwana, are clear manifestations of the in- literature shows a large degree of elasticity Her co-directed film 'Divorce Iranian Style', a creasing control that the state exerts over in arguing around the possible status of an vivid illustration of her argument, was the family. However, people still find space illegitimate birth. Although the erasure of shown to a larger audience at the conclu- for their own perception of the rules and natal descent and the fiction of parenthood sion of the workshop. practices regarding marriage. is not allowed, in practice this was solved by Illustrated by a field study about the initi- Annelies Moors discussed the increased employing h i y a l (legal devices), such as the ation, trajectory, and debates around the practice of registering token dowers in the k a f a l a (lit.: gift of care), through which a latest Egyptian Family Code, carried out for marriage contract among urban and rural child could attain an accepted social status. his 'Islamic Family Law Project', An-Naim Annelies Moors The two-day workshop was divided into a Palestinian women, whose motives and ef- The codification of Maliki law and the com- also confirmed that no sustainable social and Lynn series of roundtable discussions, each ses- fects vary according to time, setting, level of pulsory registration of marriages and births change can take place without addressing W e l s h m a n sion assigned to participants, who used education, profession, and so on. The prac- have, however, created gaps between law the issue of s h a r ica. How then to harmonize participate in their own research questions and findings tice is further closely inter-linked with socio- and social practice. For instance, through s h a r ica with the official codes, on the one the workshop. as well as pre-circulated reading material to economic developments and the changing the fixation of a specific period for pregnan- hand, and social reality on the other? What enable a comparative and interdisciplinary view on what a 'good' marriage involves, cy, no room is left for the fiction of the does this imply for the nature of Islamic d e b a t e . with an increasing emphasis on the conju- 'sleeping child', thus generating an un- family law (Can it still be called s h a r ica? Who The first theme was devoted to 'Western gal aspect of the marital relationship. An- precedented social stigma for both the 'ille- determines it?), and for the conception of Historiography of Family Law in the Middle other important feature of the token dower gitimate' child and its mother. the state (Does it act autonomously or as an East'. Bettina Dennerlein expounded three is its symbolic meaning regarding a The final theme on divorce, legal activism agent of other social forces?)? major paradigms that stand out in Western woman's autonomy, which can be seen as and reform was jointly presented by Lynn These questions will be further explored literature on family law in the Middle East, an important sign of modernity. Welchmann, Abdellahi An-Naim, and Ziba in the second Islamic Family Law workshop and contrasted them with discourses about The third session covered the issue of Mir-Hosseini, scholars who combine their which will take place in March 2001 in Flo- family law in the region itself. The three par- marital offences and violence in the family. academic approach from an 'insiders' per- rence, Italy. ◆ adigms reflect the development of the com- Tazeen Murshid argued that acts of domes- spective with effectively partaking in legal plex relationship between the state and the tic violence against women in South Asia reform programmes, especially in Palestine, family, varying from a patriarchal-national- are usually linked to the male perception of Iran, and Egypt. Laila al-Zwaini is projects officer at the ISIM. 4 ISIM I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 ISIM Sounding Board Religion and Economic Practices

After Beirut and Cairo, the ISIM held its third Sound- in Southeast Asia ing Board Meeting in Jakarta from 14-16 August 2000, in close with cooperation with the Center for the Study of Religion and Society (PPIM). Through these meetings, the ISIM aims to forge links with aca- and to a lesser degree in Indonesia, some of s h a r ica-based economic institutions are still grassroots welfare organizations to more demic institutions in the South that are actively en- these principles (particularly in the fields of in their initial phase and as yet only play a formal institutions, like Islamic banks and gaged in the study of contemporary developments in banking and finance) were put into practice, marginal role. m u s h a r a k a c o m p a n i e s . Muslim societies. Moreover, they provide an oppor- thus following earlier experiments in the In addition to the workshop, several insti- tunity to discuss current and future research plans Muslim Middle East and Pakistan. The various issues suggested as possible tutions were visited; among them were IAIN, with academics and intellectuals. In his keynote speech, Dr Abdullah Saeed themes for a forthcoming conference can be the Dompet Dhuafa of Republica, Takaful In- presented an overview of the Muslim dis- summarized as follows: surances, the Bazis (Badan Amil Zakat Infak The three-day programme comprised a course on Islamic economics. He reviewed dan Sadaqah), and the s h a r ica branch of workshop (August 14) and visits to the rele- the diversity of attitudes and approaches to – Islamic economics as a discipline: In recent Bank Indonesia. ◆ vant institutions (August 15-16). The primary modern issues and problems in the field. He decades Islamic economics has begun to objectives of the workshop were consulta- argued that the basic tenets of Islamic eco- be included in the curricula of universities tion and discussion of the possibility of con- nomics merit further critical research. Dr in various Muslim countries. Several theo- P a r t i c i p a n t s ducting a larger conference on religion and Karnein, keynote speaker of the second ses- ries, models and legal instruments were – Amin Aziz (Bank Muamalat) economic practices in the Muslim world. sion, reviewed s h a r ica-based economic activ- offered by the Islamic economists as alter- – Masdar F. Masudi (Pusat Pengembangan Scholars and experts from Indonesia, as well ities in Indonesia. Both speakers highlighted natives to the modern economic theories. Pesantren dan Masyarakat (P3M)) as from Australia, Singapore, Thailand and the tensions between legalist and more soci- Its efficacy as a discipline, however, is dis- – Murasa Sarkaniputra (IAIN Jakarta) Malaysia, participated in the discussions. The ety-oriented approaches to the issues of puted – as is the term as such. – Bakhtiar Effendy ( P P I M ) choice of topic was prompted by the intense Islam and economy. The representatives of – The tensions between s h a r ica and state law – Azyurmardi Azra (IAIN Jakarta) economic activity experienced in Southeast banks, insurance and welfare agencies all with respect to economic practices. – Eri Sudewo (Dompet Dhuafa) Asia in the last decades of the 20t h c e n t u r y , stressed that expert s h a r ica committees be – Islamic economics and the global econo- – Karnaen Perwata Atmajda which has earned a number of economies in formally involved in their activities in order my: To what extent do global economic – Jamhari Makruf ( P P I M ) this area the sobriquets of 'Tiger' and 'Drag- to guarantee religious rectitude in accor- conditions allow space for experiments in – Hussin Mutalib (University of Singapore) on'. Although the boom was followed by a dance with s h a r ica requirements. A practi- the field of Islamic economics? – Abdullah Saeed (Australian National Uni- dramatic crash, most economies in the re- tioner present felt that it was important to – Hermeneutics of Islamic economics: The v e r s i t y ) gion appear to be steadily recuperating. In stress that s h a r ica-based economic activity in problematic in interpretation of the au- – Imtiaz Yusuf (Assumption University, many discussions, economic mechanisms in Indonesia was not simply a pious effort, but thoritative sources (Qur'an, s u n n a a n d B a n g k o k ) Southeast and East Asia were partly ex- was in fact market driven. This is because a f i q h ), which lie in the question of prefer- – Muhammad Khalid Masud ( I S I M ) plained by reference to Asian values. Among growing group of devout Muslims find it in- ence of legalism over societal orientation. – Dick Douwes ( I S I M ) Muslim populations, particularly in Malaysia, creasingly difficult to seek the services of – Mulya Serigar (Bank Indonesia) notions of what is called 'Islamic economics' non-Muslim financial institutions. Nonethe- In all approaches, case studies of actual – Nasirwan (Bank Indonesia) became a topic of public debate. In Malaysia, less, it was generally recognized that the practice are to be included, varying from – Hani (Dompet Dhuafa) A c t i v i t i e s ISIM Journalists Day

In cooperation with the Scherpenzeel Media Founda- above nations and ethnic groups, as the Is- tion, the ISIM held its first Journalists Day on 5 June lamist movements claimed to fight for, 2000 in Utrecht. Aimed at journalists with an interest these groups turned into 'Islamo-national- in contemporary Islam, the main topic of the day was ist' movements. 'Empowerment led to prag- political Islam in the Middle East and Central Asia matism', according to Roy, because the with a special focus on Iran and Afghanistan. The more Islamist movements integrated into Journalists Day was unique in that it brought togeth- national politics, the more they lost their er scientists and reporters who work in the same field ideological radicalism. However, one must and under similar circumstances, though often with not draw the conclusion that normalization different goals. The input of the speakers – Salah of 'Muslim politics' automatically leads to Negm, Olivier Roy and Nazif Shahrani – gave sub- the disappearance of ideological radicalism. stance to interesting discussions, although it became There still remains enough space for outcast apparent that scholarly and media discourses do not and uprooted militants who cannot identify always coincide. Bertus Hendriks (Radio Nether- with a state or nation, such as Usama Bin lands) chaired over all sessions. Laden and his network of itinerant militants who travel from one jihad to another. But The programme consisted of two main Roy does not see in this group a strategic Nazif Shahrani parts: the first being a closed morning work- threat, because they are unable to root their being interviewed shop dealing with political Islam and the fight in a society. Nazif Shahrani (Indiana by a student of second being an open forum on the Middle University, USA) elaborated on the very spe- j o u r n a l i s m . East and Islam in the Dutch media. Political cific case of the trajectory of political Islam Islam was chosen because it tends to domi- Broadcasting, Hilversum). A journalists' Eastern media. He discussed the expecta- in Afghanistan, culminating in the rise of the nate the media as well as recent academic panel (in Dutch) concluded the programme. tions a Western journalist and a Middle East- Taliban movement (see p. 20-21). Turaj studies. Iran and Afghanistan also offer a ern journalist may have with regard to the Atabaki (Utrecht University) gave a short broad view on the subject, as recent devel- The cooperation between the ISIM and authorities and the populace in Middle East- note on the way the European press cov- opments here prove the diversity of political the Scherpenzeel Media Foundation in or- ern countries. How can both types of re- ered the developments in Afghanistan from I s l a m . ganizing this event resulted from their porter function efficiently in areas where the Soviet invasion to the Taliban take-over. The afternoon sessions were directed in shared goal of rendering non-Western soci- the prevailing rules and attitudes towards Paul Aarts (University of Amsterdam) and particular towards students from the eties more accessible to Western audiences. the press are unfavourable and censorship Jan Keulen (Scherpenzeel Media Founda- schools for journalism and offered two The Scherpenzeel Media Foundation was prevalent. He concluded his talk with tangi- tion/University of Groningen) acted as dis- video-contributions: a public relations founded to improve the media representa- ble field experience of Al-Jazeera in Iran and cussants. ◆ video of the Al-Jazeera channel and a short tion of the South. The following issues were Afghanistan – the channel just having presentation on television coverage of Mid- discussed: How can foreign Muslim political opened an office in Kabul. dle Eastern events by Jelle Visser (TROS culture be rendered accessible to a wider Less aimed at the practice of journalism, audience, without becoming oversimplified but more on the manifestation of political and stereotyped? To what extent do jour- Islam in the Middle East, was the contribu- Closing panel nalists make use of the expertise of scien- tion of Olivier Roy (Centre National de la – Hans Jansen (Leiden University, HP/De Tijd) tists, and vice versa? How are Western jour- Recherche Scientifique (CNRS)). Roy argued – Jan Keulen (Scherpenzeel Media Foundation/ nalists and academics perceived in the that the wave of political Islam that seemed University of Groningen) countries concerned? to have engulfed the Middle East at the end – Moustapha Oukbih (freelance/De Volkskrant) As the chief editor of Al-Jazeera channel in of the 1970s did not lead to the emergence – Carolien Roelants (NRC Handelsblad) Qatar, Salah Kamel Negm presented a prac- of a new unified Islamic block. Instead of re- tical and up-to-date contribution on Middle alizing the re-creation of a Muslim u m m a I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 ISIM 5

Book Presentation MUHAMMAD KHALID MASUD Travellers in Faith: Studies of the Tablighi Jamacat The Tablighi Jamacat founded by Mawlana Muham- mad Ilyas (d. 1944) in a rural setting in Mewat, India, in the early 20t h century spread over the entire globe in as a Transnational Islamic Movement less than a decade. With its centre in Delhi, the Jamaca t currently operates in more than 80 countries. Attend- ed by millions, its annual conference has now become for Faith Renewal the second largest Muslim congregation after the Hajj.

In the absence of official writings and the most important and frequent activity of an ruption to purity, withdrawing from worldly Travellers in Faith includes movement's abstinence from media publici- adept of the Jamacat is going out for God's attachments to the Path of God. the following chapters: ty, academic studies on the Tablighi Jamacat sake. Reform of self becomes feasible when one – The Growth and Development have been completed only by participant ob- A combination of time and space, 'travel' has travels out of one's present environment. Stay- of the Tablighi Jamacat in India servations – a phenomenon confirmed by the a special meaning in the Tablighi discourse. It ing in one's usual setting hinders the ability to Muhammad Khalid Masud many Master's theses and PhD dissertations is a physical movement from one's present discriminate between what is vital and what is – Tablighi Jamacat and Women from universities in the UK, France, South space (house, city, and country) to other areas. trivial in one's life. This temporal withdrawal Barbara D. Metcalf Africa, Malaysia, Germany, Pakistan and the It is comparable with the concept of Hijra, both enables one to give up the trivial (tark la yacni ), – Construction and Reconstruction of Netherlands during the last two decades. in the sense of migration and withdrawal. It is one of the fundamental principle of the the World in the Tablighi Ideology Travellers in Faith, which stemmed from pa- travel within one's self. One temporarily mi- Ja m a cat. While going out, meeting others and Mohammad Talib pers read at a workshop on Tablighi Jamacat, grates from du n y a (worldly pursuits) to di n (r e - speaking to them, one is urged to continually – Ideology and Legitimacy held in London on 7-8 June 1990, offers stud- ligious concerns), a favourite dichotomy address oneself. Knocking at others' doors, Muhammad Khalid Masud ies on the Jamacat in India, Britain, France, among the Tablighis. It is a migration from cor- one is expected to arrive at one's own – The Transformation of Tablighi Germany, Belgium, Canada, Morocco and do o r s t e p s . Jamacat into a Transnational South Africa. A Tablighi crosses several types of frontiers Movement Studying the historical and social growth of in this journey. For example, the boundaries Marc Gaborieau this movement in India, its transnational of gender disappear as the Tablighi assumes – Close Ties and New Boundaries: transformation and the development of its certain roles and modes of behaviour that, in Tablighi Jamacat in Britain and ideology, particularly on the questions of con- his original setting, belong to the opposite Germany version, gender, religious diversity, organiza- gender. He also travels across the frontiers of Elke Faust tion, communication, adjustment with the ethnicity by becoming aware that he can – Sequences of a Quest: Tablighi local environment and personal transforma- transcend national, geographical, and lan- Jamacat in Morocco tion, the volume offers fascinating informa- guage boundaries. But he also becomes sen- Mohamed Tozy tion about contemporary dacwa in Islam. sitive to the bond that creates an 'imagined' – Tablighi Jamacat in Belgium Transnationalism and travel are two distinct boundary, bringing the global Muslim com- Felice Dassetto characteristics of this movement. It adopted munity closer together. Finally, the transna- – Foi et Pratique: Tablighi Jamacat in transnational travel and physical movement tional linkages reaffirm the Tablighi's convic- France as a means of dacwa. Reports about the gath- tion of the legitimacy of his dacwa. ◆ Gilles Kepel erings of the Jamacat in the news media carry – Worlds 'Apart': The Tablighi Jamacat in pictures of the Tablighis walking on the road- Travellers in Faith: Studies of the Tablighi Jamacat as South Africa under Apartheid (1963- side with bedding on their shoulders or riding a Transnational Islamic Movement for Faith Renewal 1993) the trains in spectacularly large numbers. Editor: Muhammad Khalid Masud Ebrahim Moosa Groups of Tablighis knocking at neighbour- Leiden: Brill, 2000 – A Movement or a Jamacat? Tablighi hood doors, inviting people to come out to ISBN: 90-04-11622-2 Jamacat in Canada the mosque, is a common sight in South Asia Shaheen H. Azmi and in many countries of other regions. The Muhammad Khalid Masud is ISIM Academic Director. Workshop Announcement The Application of Islamic Law Students of Islamic law sometimes observe that Islamic law is not law in the proper sense. This observation pri- in Muslim Courts marily refers to the distinction between 'jurists law' and 'judge-made law', the latter being the only proper law. The observation also reflects that our knowledge reference to actual judgements and cases. procedures? Is there a distinction in – Judgement (hukm): Is the judgement of Islamic law is derived more from studying the fiqh Some of the questions and themes are out- procedure with reference to different written? Dictated to someone? How is it texts on legal doctrine than from the actual workings lined below, but contributors are free to de- cases (e.g. criminal, obligation, preserved and delivered to the parties? of the qadi courts. One may wish to research the actual velop their own approach to dealing with inheritance, etc.)? What constitutes What are the form, contents and qadi judgments, but will quickly notice that few critical these issues. evidence? Witnesses? Oath? Written structure of the qadi judgment? Does studies of these judgments are available. The papers should be approximately 30 documents? Circumstantial evidence? the judgement explain the reasons for pages in length (9000 words), including Medical findings? What are the the judgement? Does it mention any Historical studies of the administration of jus- notes. Where possible, each essay should pre- requirements relating to the sources? Are they scriptural texts, fiqh tice and accounts of the actual practice of the sent a translation of a relevant and exemplary qualifications of witnesses? Is cross- texts, local customs? courts are also lacking. The time has come for document or documents (e.g. court judg- examination allowed? What serious study of the application of Islamic law ment, appointment of a qadi, text of a con- constitutes idhar and iqrar? Is the ◆ in Muslim courts. tract). court bound by a certain procedure? It is for this reason that the ISIM and Cornell – Composition of the courts: Is it a University are co-organizing a workshop on Themes and questions single judge court or more than one 'The Application of Islamic Law in Muslim The following is a suggested list of themes, judge? Who are the judicial officers: Abstracts should be sent as soon as possible to the Courts', to take place in October 2001. The the treatment of details being left to the au- advisors, mushawars, muftis, Clerks, ISIM, the final deadline being 20 January 2001, to workshop is to be convened by Muhammad thors. Although the list is open to discussion, police, executionists? Is there a which a reply will be sent by the end of April. The full Khalid Masud and David S. Powers. actual court documents must be used in dis- plurality of courts? Are there different papers of participants will be expected by 15 cussing the chosen theme. types of courts? How are they September 2001. The precise date (in October) and Call for papers distinguished? Is the distinction based venue (in The Netherlands) will be announced on the The papers are expected to focus on select- The themes are as follows: on jurisdiction, procedure, laws, or ISIM website: www.isim.nl ed court judgements. Although the workshop – Qada: What are the nature, authority persons? How are they related with is not limited to any one particular country or and the jurisdiction of a qadi? How each other? Inquiries can be addressed to: period, the more readily available judge- does his training and affiliation to a – The court case: How does the Prof. Dr M.K. Masud ments mostly belong to the modern period. madhhab influence his judgement? development of the litigation I S I M Nonetheless, papers dealing with court judg- What is his relationship to the state? (khusuma) take place? How the claim P.O. Box 11089 ments in the pre-modern period are also wel- How is he appointed? What is the is defined in the court? Is there a legal 2301 EB Leiden come. Papers should briefly describe the nature of his relationship with other representation of the litigant? What is The Netherlands background (namely the case, the parties in- legal authorities like the muhtasib? the process of summons? How and on volved, the qadi, his training and appoint- – Procedural Law: What constitutes what basis the parties are defined as Tel: +31-71-527 79 05 ment) and the application of Islamic law with proof? What are the court claimant and defendant? Fax: +31-71-527 79 06 E-mail: [email protected] 6 ISIM I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 A t e l i e r Africa and Islam:

The ISIM atelier, 'Africa and Islam: moral discourses on Islam and the construction of identities in local, national and transnational perspectives', will take place from February to May 2001. The focus will be Moral Discourses and on the dynamic relationship between supposedly global processes like Islamic resurgence, seemingly uniform Islamic and Islamist discourses, and the con- struction of local identities and transformations from the perspectives of local groups and communities. Construction of Identities

One of the challenges of this atelier, in issue is the Islamic resurgence also referred T e x t u a l i t y diverse groups in African societies. which researchers from the South and the to as fundamentalism, political Islam, or Is- Related to the problem of Orientalism/- North will participate, is the possibility of l a m i s m . Africanism is the implicit association of C o n f e r e n c e formulating a research proposal with re- Islamist movements make use of 'moral Africa with oral traditions. Though the latter During the 3 months of the atelier, two searchers from different African areas. Such discourses' which prescribe the 'right' atti- are unmistakably of great importance for scholars from the South will be invited for a proposal could further develop method- tudes, beliefs and conducts of Muslims. the dissemination of all kinds of knowledge, more in-depth discussion, study, and analy- ologies in an interdisciplinary perspective. Similarities in rhetoric within these dis- the existence of written traditions in various sis. Towards the end of that period (April Emphasis is placed especially on analysing courses which occur in different parts of the Islamic societies and the centuries-long ex- 2001) a conference will be held with the (yet texts in relation to contexts. Islamic world might suggest uniformity istence of Islamic Universities in Africa provisional) title: 'Standing on both in the way they construct Islamic sub- should not be ignored. heaven/pulled into hell: Islam, globaliza- Resurgence of Islam ject positions and in the meaning of Islam in Another assumption related to the ne- tion, and the construction of multiple iden- In the last decades, both the popular everyday life. Nevertheless, differences in glect of textuality is that syncretism of Islam tities'. The conference also takes as point of media and academic works have focused on historical background have their bearing on with local oral religions is seen as character- reference the transformations occurring all the so-called resurgence of Islam. In these current political, social-economic and cul- istic of 'African Islam'. Moreover, this local over Africa due to the processes of 'global- discussions, emphasis has been on areas tural processes, and in turn influence the in- Islam, perceived by scholars as accepted ization' and 'modernization'. The main that are traditionally associated with the teraction of local groups with these Islamic and practised by all members of certain Is- question is to what extent Islam and Islamic Middle East, including North Africa, while d i s c o u r s e s . lamic communities, is presented as homo- principles form part of processes of con- large parts of the Islamic communities out- When studying Islam in Africa, Orientalist geneous and static. Deconstruction of these structing identities of social groups in the side this area (e.g. Sub Saharan Africa) are debates intersect with ideas related to presuppositions is necessary in allowing for face of current political, economic, social often ignored. In 'peripheral' regions, chal- 'Africanism'. The imagery related to Orien- greater understanding of simultaneously- and cultural changes. How do different lenges posed to Islamic communities by talism/Africanism results in diverse and pe- occurring globalizing and localizing ten- groups relate to Islam? Can new social processes of modernity, modernization and culiar notions and presuppositions among dencies. Comparison of phenomena in spe- groups be detected and how does Islamic globalization in some cases differ from and scholars about the ways in which Islam in cific contexts, and specific historical peri- identity converge in these new configura- in others resemble processes taking place Africa has influenced local communities ods, is vital to understanding perceptions, tions? What other identities are of impor- elsewhere in the Islamic world. One such and the formation of group identities. interpretations, and reflections on Islam by tance to understand the processes of iden- tity constructions in Islamic societies and communities? What are the similarities and EDUCATION AND TRAINING differences when comparing these process- es of identity construction in different parts of Africa, and in different eras? ISIM MPhil Programme in Islamic Studies The outline of the conference is set, but as the coordinators of the atelier want it to be The one-year ISIM MPhil programme in Islamic Seven students, from Germany, Pakistan, Sudan, (University of Edinburgh), will contribute to the a conference with discussions on new Studies was inaugurated in November 1999. The Taiwan, the USA, and the Netherlands, were ad- programme. The dates of their lectures will be an- themes and current issues, they will leave first group of ISIM MPhil students obtained their mitted to the MPhil programme in 2000-2001. Pro- nounced on the ISIM website. room for input from other colleagues, espe- degrees on Monday, 24 July 2000, with a gradua- fessor Johan ter Haar (Department of Languages The MPhil prospectus for 2000-2001 and an appli- cially those working in Africa. The final pro- tion ceremony in the historic Academy Building in and Cultures of the Islamic Middle East, Leiden cation form for next year can be found on the ISIM gramme will therefore be formulated once Leiden. The ceremony was followed by a reception University) delivered the opening lecture on 'Re- website; a paper copy may be obtained from the the major research topics of conference par- at the Hortus Botanicus. The academic quality of cent Developments in Iran: Progress in the Persian ISIM office. The deadline for applications for the ticipants have come to the fore. the MPhil students as well as their enthusiasm and Style'. This year, the programme consists of eight MPhil programme is January 1 of the calendar year hard work greatly contributed to the success of courses and a thesis. A number of scholars from in which one wishes to begin the programme. ◆ Format of the atelier the programme in this first year. A group photo- abroad, including Professor Maribel Fierro (Conse- The atelier is based on current research graph of the students and the titles of their theses jo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Madrid), conducted by José van Santen, coordinator can be found on the ISIM website under the link Professor Abderrahmane Lakhsassi (Université of the atelier, who has vast research experi- 'Education and Training'. Mohamed V, Rabat), and Professor William Roff ence in Islamic Northern Cameroon (since l986); and Karin Willemse has conducted fieldwork in Darfur, Sudan, since l985. Two researchers from the South will be added as soon as possible. ISIM PhD News The main mode of exchanging ideas and experiences will be the workshops, held The first ISIM PhD students, Welmoet Boender and dam, and Tilburg University. The morning session in- Key Issues in Human Rights: once every fortnight with members of the Gerard van de Bruinhorst, started their research in cluded lectures by Muhammad Khalid Masud on Master Class by atelier and other invited scholars. They will September 2000. Welmoet Boender's research pro- 'Islam or Muslim Societies? A Question for the Stu- Professor Abdellahi An-Naim be organized by contacting members of dif- ject is entitled 'The Role of the Imam in Turkish and dents of Islam in the Modern World', by Sami Zubai- Professor Abdellahi An-Naim is the principal lec- ferent networks both in the Netherlands Moroccan Mosque Communities in the Netherlands da on 'The Idioms of Democracy and Civil Society in turer and convenor of a master class for PhD stu- and abroad. ◆ and Flanders', and is supervised by Professor Sjoerd Modern Islamic Discourses', and by Professor Martin dents on 'Key Issues in Human Rights'. The course van Koningsveld (Faculty of Theology, Leiden Uni- van Bruinessen on 'Ulama and Muslim Intellectuals'. will take place in Leiden from 27-30 November 2000. versity); Gerard van de Bruinhorst's project is enti- Four PhD students presented papers on their re- It will cover the concept of human rights and their tled 'Animal Slaughtering and Sacrifice in a Modern search in the afternoon session: Karin Willemse on universality and cultural/contextual relativity. Fur- Islamic Society: Textual Knowledge, Ritual Practice 'One Foot in Heaven: Gender, Islam, and the Con- thermore, it will offer an overview of the main Those interested in participating in the regular and Collective Identity in Tanga (Tanzania)', and is struction of Multiple Identities in Darfur, West treaties, their implementation, and the role of non- discussion may contact the ISIM or one of the supervised by Professor Léon Buskens (Faculty of Sudan', Paul Schrijver on 'Governmental Policies to- governmental organizations, with special reference o r g a n i z e r s : Law, Utrecht University, and Department of Lan- wards Islamic Education in Sudan', Clementine van to Islamic societies. (See for the announcement of – José van Santen, Department of Cultural guages and Cultures of the Islamic Middle East, Lei- Eck on 'Honour and Honour Crimes among Turkish the masterclass p. 2). Anthropology, University of Leiden den University). People in the Netherlands', and Oussama Cherribi The ISIM invites PhD students who wish to partic- E-mail: [email protected] on 'Moroccan Imams in Amsterdam'. ipate in the master class to send a brief curriculum – Karin Willemse, Department of World History, PhD Students' Conference This one-day conference for PhD students will vitae and an explanation of why they wish to at- Erasmus University, Rotterdam The ISIM held a conference on 14 June 2000 for take place twice per year. It aims to promote com- tend to Nathal Dessing ([email protected] E-mail: [email protected] PhD students at Dutch universities working in the munication and the exchange of ideas among nuniv.nl) at the ISIM by 1 November 2000. The fee field of Islam and Muslim societies. The conference Dutch-based researchers. If you wish to be kept in- for the master class is NLG 750.- Fee waivers may be ISIM was attended by 40 PhD students of the universities formed of the PhD students' conferences, please granted in certain cases. ◆ Tel: +31-71- 527 79 05 participating in the ISIM, as well as the Erasmus Uni- contact Nathal Dessing ([email protected] Fax: +31-71-527 79 06 versity of Rotterdam, the Free University of Amster- nuniv.nl) at the ISIM. URL: www.isim.nl E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Features 7

M o d e r n i t y HAKAN YAVUZ Being Modern in

One of the defining conflicts of modern Turkish life is the great tension between society and the state. This tension has been articulated in terms of the conflict between Islamic social movements and the state ide- the Nurcu Way ology, Kemalism. Alberto Melucci argues that social movements constitute an active resistance that the Kadiri order. He was heavily influenced seeks to free everyday life from colonization by cen- by the writings of Nak¸sibendi leaders, such as tral government so that individuals may realize their Ahmed Sirhindi of India and Ahmed Ziyaed- unique potential and assert their collective identity.1 din Gümü¸s h a n e l i . This aptly describes the Nurcu movement, an Islamic After identifying the enemies of Islam as ig- faith movement based on the writings of Said Nursi norance, fragmentation, and poverty, Nursi (1876-1960). Nursi suffered persecution at the hands presented education, hard work, and con- of the Kemalist elite and was eventually exiled. Even sensus as a solution. Nursi's Islam is personal his dead body posed a 'security threat'. After his Islam. Even his understanding of sharia r e- death, his body was exhumed by military coup lead- flected this personal commitment. In I s a r a t - ers in 1960 and reburied at an unknown location. ül Icaz, Nursi defines sharia as way of deter- mining right from wrong, good from bad, and licit from illicit through consciousness Why did Said Nursi and his followers repre- rather than force. In other words, a just soci- sent a threat to the Kemalist State? What are ety is not built by force, but by righteous men the major characteristics of the Nurcu move- and women. ment? How has the Nurcu movement re- mained the most powerful faith movement D e r s h a n e s: sites of Islamic in Turkey? The following seeks to answer modernities these questions. The Nurcu movement represents a dynam- ic conceptualization of the interaction be- A challenge to Kemalism tween modernity and religion. The move- In order to understand the perceived ment can be considered modern in that it es- threat of Nursi to the state, it must be under- pouses a worldview centred around the self- stood that in Turkey, Kemalism is as powerful reflective and politically active individual's as Islam; it is Turkey's official ideology, func- ability to realize personal goals while adher- tioning as a state religion. Therefore, a move- ing to a collective identity. It seeks to shape ment that strengthens Islamic identity is a local networks and institutions in relation to challenge to state ideology. Said Nursi, the global discourses of democracy, human founder of the Nurcu movement, stressed rights, and the market economy. In this the significance of reading and writing. His sense, we may say that Nursi is the founder of works, known as the Risale-i Nur Kulliyati ( T h e modern religious discourse in Turkey. The Epistles of Light), were believed by him and Nurcu movement has responded effectively his followers to be bestowed by God and to the search for identity that has been a were thus considered semi-sacred. The writ- salient characteristic of Turkish politics since ings of Nursi have three interrelated goals: to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Through raise the consciousness of Muslims; to refute religiously rooted and socially shaped net- the dominant intellectual discourses of ma- works, the Nurcus (participants of the Nurcu terialism and positivism; and to recover col- movement) have sought to establish a sense lective memory by revising the shared gram- of community within a laic state. The Nurcu mar of society, Islam. Responding to the pen- reading circles, or d e r s h a n e s, have become Said Nursi etrating impact of positivism in the Ottoman the institutions that integrate the individual in 1952. educational system and the total collapse of into society and polity. They can be analysed the Islamic educational system, Nursi tried to as textual communities formed around demonstrate the compatibility of science verse'. He used the laws of nature to explain liness and alienation by becoming conscious Nursi's Risale-i Nur K u l l i y a t i .3 and religion, freedom and faith, modernity the power of a creator. By replacing the text of God. The word d e r s h a n e in modern Turkish can and tradition. He updated the idioms of Islam with ulema (or sheikh), Nursi tried to respond Nursi, as a native Kurd and pan-Islamist, refer to a special apartment floor or a one- in terms of the dominant universal discours- to the fragmentation of religious authority in witnessed the collapse of the multicultural floor building and a congregation of people es of science, human rights, and the rule of Islam. In response to the prevailing tendency Ottoman Empire, the formation of the Kemal- who meet there to read and discuss the writ- law. In sum, the Risale-i Nur constitutes an al- toward scepticism and the discursive shift ist republic, and a decade-long experiment ings of Nursi. This process of discussion is ternative basis upon which Muslims can from a religious to a secular worldview, Nursi of democracy. A discussion of Said Nursi is, in called s o h b e t (conversation) and generally build their personality, and redraw the attempted to develop a new conceptual ter- effect, a discussion of the modern history of takes place after work or on Friday evenings. boundary between the state and society. minology that would bring religion and sci- Turkish society. Nursi embodied the varying Although almost all conversations start with ence together. According to John Voll, Nursi strategies – whether engagement, withdraw- the writings of Nursi, they take different di- The writings of Said Nursi tried 'to see connections between science al or opposition – employed by an Islamic rections and most likely end with political or There is no clearly articulated political de- and religion', rather than refuting the laws of movement in response to oppressive Kemal- business exchanges. The Risale-i Nur b e- sign in the writings of Said Nursi; the purpose science. Nursi stressed the multi-layered ist policies that sought to wipe out the col- comes a basis for conversation and provides is rather to protect Islam from the fanaticism meanings of the Qur'an and taught that na- lective memory of Anatolian Muslims. Nursi, a shared vocabulary to discuss socio-political of traditionalist religiosity, and modern ture had no meaning in itself but rather signi- by abridging a shared Sufi tradition and con- events in and outside Turkey. Conversation is knowledge from unbelief. His writings con- f i e d mana-yı harfi, the existence of order and temporizing Islamic concepts for the Anato- an important aspect of Turkish socio-political stantly try to build a Muslim personality that the presence of God. He always supported lian Muslims, sought not only to preserve but culture, and the d e r s h a n e s are central to is pious and modern; tolerant but firm about freedom of speech and considered it the nec- also to update Turkish memory in new public Nurcu identity as they facilitate the forma- the core virtues of Islam. Nursi's books were essary framework for genuine faith. He tried s p a c e s . tion of close relationships among followers, his refuge and have become the avenue to to protect secular education from unbelief Nursi's teachings have helped to create a who form bonds of trust and civility. As infor- fulfilment for soul-searching Turks. Mehmet and religious education from fanaticism by neo-Sufism in Turkey. His books have freed mal networks of people, ideas and capital, Kırkıncı, a prominent second generation reconciling faith and science. Islamic knowledge from the hegemony of d e r s h a n e s help to institutionalize a pattern of Nurcu, has referred to Said Nursi's works as Although Said Nursi was reacting to an the ulema and have thus democratized this conduct in society. the 'light' which helps to overcome the dark- originally European materialist philosophy knowledge. He popularized science by re- Before the 1983 economic liberalization in- ness of Anatolia. Nursi's books are the 'home' and atheism, he was very careful not to reject framing it within Islamic idioms. Nursi repre- stituted by Turgut Özal, Nurcus met in pri- in which many Muslims find their self-identi- Europe i nt o t o. He differentiated between the sents the seismic shift from the t e k k e ( S u f i vate homes. With the help of newly accumu- ty. As Kırkıncı claims, 'I free my loneliness good and bad institutions and practices of lodge) to text, and from oral Islam to print lated capital, the Nurcus began to buy sepa- through these books. I examine myself and Western civilization. Nursi expected to trans- Islam. Although his ideas evolved within rate buildings where they could assemble my history within and between the lines of form society by raising Muslim conscious- N a k¸sibendi and Kadiri Sufi t e k k e s, his thought and discuss social issues from the perspec- Risale-i Nur. '2 In a way, these books have be- ness. He had always felt himself in g u r b e t ( e s- transcended the traditional framework of tive of the Risale-i Nur. These d e r s h a n e s led to come the architects of the Anatolian Mus- trangement) and explained how he over- questions and answers. His writings reach the emergence of a new Nurcu elite and gave lims' heart and soul. came this sense of isolation through dynam- the most dynamic and refined level of Anato- greater visibility to the new Anatolian bour- According to his writings, there are three ic belief, trust, and patience. Belief, for Nursi, lian and Ottoman Sufi Islam. Most of Said g e o i s i e . ways of acquiring Islamic knowledge: the was the guide that shapes the individual life. Nursi's teachers belonged to the Khalidi Qur'an, the Prophet, and the universe which His struggle in life offers a powerful model for N a k¸sibendi order, but he also read the writ- he usually refers to as the 'Grand Book of Uni- other Muslims to follow in overcoming lone- ings of Abdul Kadir Geylani, the founder of Continued on page 14 8 Features I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

H e a l t h COR HOFF ER Religious Healing

In search for Islamic healers, inquiries made at mosques and Islamic organizations revealed a strik- ing contradiction. In these places, it is generally said that the activities of these healers have nothing to do M e t h o d s with Islam. Direct contact with Islamic healers through healthcare workers, however, revealed that they themselves are of the opinion that what they do fits fully in the Islamic tradition. In actual practice, the formal taboo on Islamic healing methods is often among Muslims in ignored at the informal level. the Netherlands

The dichotomy between Islam and popular How can this apparent contradiction be ex- for their treatments contradict the religious belief is arbitrary and capricious. Whether or plained? Apart from their personality and vi- basis of their work. They may, however, ac- not the division is made, and where the bor- sion, the social position of imams in Dutch cept a 'reward' for their work, something that der is drawn, depends on religious (theologi- society plays an important role. As a part of occurs frequently. cal) interpretations in combination with so- the institutionalization of Islam in the Islamic healers consider their work to be in cial and political factors. In practice, this im- Netherlands, certain views and interests of harmony with Islam. For them, no division plies that Islam is given different forms in dif- the Islamic orthodoxy from the countries of exists between that which they do and Islam- ferent societies under the influence of local, origin are making their entrance. In conjunc- ic doctrine. It has been argued that, given the social, political and economic factors. In the tion with the formation of Islamic institutions absence of shrines of Muslim saints, popular course of the history of Islamic societies, cer- such as mosque councils, interest groups and Islam will have difficulty taking root in the Amulet A division is often made between 'official tain variants of Islam have dominated over educational institutions, a Sunnite orthodox Netherlands, since saint worship is one of the for curing Islam' and 'popular belief' in Islamic societies. others in conjunction with the power struc- elite is developing – an elite which is appro- main pillars of popular religious belief and m e a s l e s . It is understood that the term 'official Islam' tures. Following Bax, it can be said that a priating control over the Islamic inheritance. p r a c t i c e .4 However, another important pillar refers to the belief as propagated by the struggle exists between religious (sub- A struggle between 'Islamic sub-regimes' of Islamic popular belief has been over- ulama and imams in mosques – representing )regimes that alternate power positions.2 also presents itself in the Netherlands. Re- looked: namely, the ideas and practices of Is- the orthodoxy. On the other hand, 'popular cently, Dutch publications have been ap- lamic healers and their patients. Their activi- belief' consists of, ostensibly, pre-Islamic ele- Islamic Healing Methods in the pearing (available in Islamic bookstores), in ties are manifestations of the gradual devel- ments, local customs and traditions. In prac- N e t h e r l a n d s which, in accordance with strict orthodox opment of Islamic popular belief developing tice, the drawing of the boundary between The relationship between Islam and popu- views, the belief in the power of j i n n s a n d in the Netherlands. ◆ the two is problematic in that it depends on lar belief in Islamic societies offers a vital saints, for example, is considered s h i r k ( i d o l a- the perceptions of those involved. In the background for understanding the recent try). At the same time, the emphasis is placed course of time, diverse theological arguments emergence of Islamic healing in the Nether- on the fundamentally monotheistic charac- have been put forward by the (Sunnite) or- lands. The term 'Islamic healer' can be under- ter of Islam, which is expressed by the con- thodoxy to delineate the boundary between stood here as one who bases his or her work cept of t a w h î d. 3 Islam and popular belief. The fundamentally on power inspired by Islam (for example, an These developments imply that given the monotheistic character of Islam is empha- inherited healing gift, which is said to go official Islamic disapproval of the practices in sized. Thus, practices such as fortune telling, back to the Prophet Mohammed); has an Is- question, imams cannot permit themselves magical rituals and saint worship are labelled lamic vision with reference to the work of to be openly associated with these practices pre-Islamic, bidca (unlawful innovation) and healing; and describes himself or herself as a because of their religious and social posi- shirk (idolatry). However, in the common reli- healer either informally (via family and ac- tions. With regard to their appointments, gious perception of many Muslims, so-called quaintances) or formally (via advertise- they are after all dependent upon either the Amulet official Islam and popular belief go hand in ments). Islamic healers differ from regular authorities in the countries of origin or on against the hand. For them, there is only one Islam, name- healthcare workers in their views on certain local mosque councils. Imams, however, are evil eye or j i n n s. ly the one that they themselves experience. illnesses and problems. They distinguish be- also involved in common practice in which The theological argument used against, or tween illnesses with natural (physical or psy- they are confronted with the unorthodox for, popular belief also has sociological and chological) causes and those with supernat- views of believers, for example, through re- ideological traits. The habit of orthodox ural causes (the evil eye, magic, or j i n n s) . quests to write amulets or to perform certain N o t e s scholars of labelling practices of popular be- From the viewpoint of Islamic healers, peo- rituals. Sometimes, they fulfil these requests 1 . It is difficult to indicate how many Muslims in the lief as 'pre-Islamic' can thus be seen as a form ple consult a doctor for the former, an Islam- in an informal way. It can be argued that Netherlands use the services of Islamic healers. In of marginalization and as an attempt to pro- ic healer for the latter. An important element imams personally experience that the theo- a number of studies, it has been concluded that tect their own interests and positions. Those in the treatment by Islamic healers is the use logical/normative division between official approximately 5% of the Turkish and Moroccan who have limited or no access to the domi- of Qur'anic verses which they believe to be- Islam and popular belief does not exist in the population consults Islamic healers. There are nant religious system may resort to alterna- stow b a r a k a, blessing power. They use these common belief system of some Muslims in doubts as to the accuracy of this figure (not tive religious interpretations and beliefs. verses for faith healings and the making of the Netherlands. everyone admits publicly to visiting an Islamic Apart from reformist tendencies, practices of amulets. Most Islamic healers are of the opin- Islamic healers in the Netherlands find healer and the belief in Islamic healing methods is popular belief are viable alternatives. Popular ion that they may not ask for money for their themselves in a completely different position also dependent on the situations in which people belief can thus be a part of the struggle of in- work; they believe that Allah is ultimately the than that of the imams. Their thinking and find themselves.) It can, however, be stated that a terests between different religious and politi- One who heals – not the therapist. practices are determined through a combi- minority of Muslims in the Netherlands uses these cal groups. nation of societal needs, individual motives, services (Shadid & Van Koningsveld (1997), Islam and popular belief in the social interests and religious interpretations. Moslims in Nederland. Minderheden en religie in een N e t h e r l a n d s Islamic healers meet specific needs of their multiculturele samenleving. Houten/Diegem: Bohn In the period from 1990-1994, Cor Hoffer conducted research The ambivalent relationship between 'offi- patients centred on the conferring of mean- Stafleu Van Loghum, p. 198) regarding Islamic healing methods in the Netherlands on as- cial Islam' and 'popular belief' also manifests ing and offering help to persons who have 2 . Bax, M. (1985), 'Religieuze regimes en signment from the Dutch Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sports. itself among Muslims in the Netherlands. In run into medical and social difficulty. In con- staatsontwikkeling: Notities voor een figuratie- The study was primarily oriented towards aspects of Islamic the absence of Islamic scholars, the imams, as trast to imams, who are the representatives benadering', Sociologisch Tijdschrift 12 (1), healing methods that are of importance to healthcare policy. the religious officials in the mosques, propa- of official Islam, Islamic healers pay homage pp. 22-47. The findings of the research were published in the book: I s l a m i c gate the official doctrine here. In contrast, Is- to religious viewpoints that are related to 3 . See, for example, translations of works by M. Healers and Their Patients: Healthcare, Religion and Giving Mean- lamic healers can be considered exponents of popular belief. There are two aspects to be Ashour (1986) and I. Hoesien (1998), the latter i n g , Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis, 1994 (in Dutch). Islamic popular belief. However, despite their found in the ways in which they legitimize was published by the El Tawheed foundation. With the financial support of the Netherlands Organization official reticence, individual conversations their work: first, the power upon which they 4 . Tennekes (1991), 'Een antropologische visie op de for Scientific Research, Hoffer successfully defended his PhD with 31 imams revealed that the majority base their work; second, an Islamic vision. islam in Nederland'. Migrantenstudies 7(4), thesis at Leiden University in February of this year: Popular Belief considers the techniques of Islamic healers Three types of Islamic healers can be defined pp. 18-19; and Nico Landman (1992), Van mat tot and Religious Healing Methods among Muslims in the Netherlands: permissible – and some even applied these with respect to the former: healers with an in- minaret. De institutionalisering van de islam in A Historical-Sociological Analysis of Religious-Medical Thinking techniques themselves. Although imams, as herited gift (for example, as a descendant of N e d e r l a n d . Amsterdam: VU Uitgeverij, pp. 190-191; and Actions. Amsterdam: Thela Thesis, 2000. (in Dutch with a representatives of official Islam, may not the Prophet Muhammed), healers with a 1992b, pp. 34-39. summary in English.) On the basis of interviews and observa- openly associate themselves with practices of teacher (for example, as a member of a Sufi tions, he collected data regarding 39 Islamic healers (34 men popular belief, they apparently deviate from order) and healers who have taught them- Cor Hoffer is a post-doctoral researcher at the and 5 women) and 65 of their patients. In addition, he conduct- this rule when practice necessitates. Thus, the selves. As to their visions, all healers refer to Centre for Ethics of the University of Nijmegen ed a written questionnaire among 227 patients.1 formal taboo on Islamic healing methods ap- passages from the Qur'an and the h a d î t h. (CEKUN) and works at the Trimbos Institute in pears to be ignored at an informal level. Most healers state that payments in return Utrecht, the Netherlands. I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Features 9

G e n d e r . EMINE ONARAN IN C I R L IOG˘ L U Village Women in

A large body of literature on gender relations in rural transformation points out women's disadvantaged position in market production and in the mechaniza- tion process of agriculture, more specifically in capi- Central Anatolia: talist transformation. Feminist literature concerning the concept of patriarchy is similarly extensive and fo- cuses, amongst other issues, on the emergence of Se- mitic monotheisms stemming from Abraham (namely Judaism, Christianity and Islam), in which women's Reality, Models, status rapidly declined. In both groups of literature, ethnographic descriptions run the risk of particulariz- 1 ing asymmetrical and exploitative gender relations in the studied communities, while in the case of Anatolia, for example, there is nothing particularly rural, Turk- A n o m a l i e s ish or Muslim about these relations.

'Reality' is infinitely complex and full of con- A Sakaltutan tradictions. Models, whether they be de- f a m i l y . scriptive or causal, are simplifications of that reality at different levels of abstraction, for different purposes, and to be used in differ- ent contexts. Models are meant to be effi- ciently expressive, straightforward, decid- edly 'parsimonious,' and consistent repre- sentations of reality. In some ways, writing, including ethnographic writing, is like model production, as it is a selective process of simplification. The trouble, of course, is to account for the anomalies that are left out of our clear-cut models, yet are well and alive in 'reality'. The case of village women in Turkey is a good example.2 There seem to be two pow- erful models for 'village women'. Both make sense in different contexts; both leave out important elements of 'reality', and both may be (and are) used (and abused) for dif- ferent purposes. One model portrays 'the vil- lage woman' as insightful, wise, powerful, and confident; the other as overworked, un- dervalued, ignorant, and submissive. The view of women as powerful stems from Ke- malism, which focuses on village women's participation in the labour force since the Ottoman period when upper class urban images, albeit with different implications larly, Islam is associated, whether it be im- our models, those models will not represent women were confined to the 'private do- and consequences: gendered division of plicit or explicit, with the 'backward' and 'tra- a reality that is able to accommodate the so- main'. The view of village women as down- labour, illiteracy, separation of public-pri- ditional' image of village women, while it is called anomalies. Anis Belik, trodden is probably more common, not only vate domains, and Islam. implied that their urban sisters have sur- Unfortunately, these models of village Sakaltutan with in the media but also in social science litera- The two Kayseri villages where research passed those 'primitive' stages. Underdevel- women in Turkey, whether they portray daughter and ture. It is interesting to note that the same was conducted for this study provide ample opment in Muslim societies, women's subor- powerless, helpless, subordinate images of n e i g h b o u r . themes are used in the construction of both ethnographic evidence against both of dinate position, their covering and restricted women or emphasize 'women's power', are these models. Although division of labour by formal education, are portrayed as functions equally detrimental and disregard inequali- gender defines what men and women are of Islam. The irony is that, while the early Re- ties. They not only misrepresent village culturally expected to do, it is by no means publican images of 'powerful village women' women in Turkey, but are also politically rigid. Depending on the household compo- were linked with isolation from Islamic influ- damaging. Neither ignoring nor dwelling sition, men and women may do each other's ence, those of 'subordinate village women' on anomalies will alleviate gender inequali- work, and villagers understand that the con- are associated with the persistence of Islam- ties. ◆ ditions override the norms. Moreover, the ic influence in villages. It does not take long- norms do not yield clear-cut explanatory term ethnographic fieldwork, however, to models. Both men and women are involved realize that there is more to both education N o t e s in farm work, as long as they have rights over and status than basic literacy and schooling. 1 . Parts of this article are adapted from an earlier land, and the so-called public-private di- Likewise, what passes as Islam is highly di- work by the author: 'Images of Village Women in chotomization does not explain the gender verse and negotiable, very much dependent Turkey: Models and Anomalies', pp. 199-223, in: division of labour in the village. Other di- on the bargaining power of those involved. Zehra F. Arat (ed.) (1998), Deconstructing Images of chotomizations such as 'production versus Numerous ethnographic accounts that 'The Turkish Woman', New York: St. Martin's Press. reproduction' or 'paid versus unpaid' work focus on the relative power of 'the village 2 . The author's research in two agricultural villages in for market exchange and subsistence, re- woman' through division of labour and spa- the Kayseri province began in January 1986, when spectively, are not applicable to the situa- tial segregation further her ambiguous the late Paul Stirling, British anthropologist, hired tion either. It is perfectly acceptable for both image. Her informal power in the 'domestic her as his research assistant to continue his men and women to be involved in paid sphere' and control over the household in- longitudinal study of the villages since 1949. The work, and in the case of some households, come are seen as evidence of her access to author's native language, Turkish, facilitated her carpet weaving, which is predominantly significant power resources. Her au- task of gaining an understanding of the local women's work, is the only source of income, tonomous social organization outside of her village women. making women the only bread-winners husband's network is seen as countering the . while men are involved in unpaid work in image of powerless village women. Emine Onaran In c i r l io˘glu studied architecture at the subsistence agriculture. Furthermore, long- The problem with these representations is Middle East Technical University of Ankara, Turkey; term fieldwork has suggested that village their selective use of ethnographic evidence. and anthropology at the University of Florida, USA. women's work is not undervalued, contrary Because the images created in these models She conducted ethnographic fieldwork in two to arguments in the literature. present consistent patterns, they, at the Anatolian villages, focusing on rural transformation, Illiteracy, used synonymously with igno- same time, create anomalies, namely every- rural-urban migration and gender relations. She rance, is usually considered as a major de- thing that remains outside the patterns. The currently teaches space, culture, and identity-related pravity in most social science literature, exceptional cases, however, would not be la- courses and basic design at the Department of which holds that it incarcerates women into belled anomalous if there were no models Landscape Architecture and Urban Design of the submission. Education, then, is seen as a that defined the norm. In other words, if sta- Bilkent University, Ankara. consciousness-raising, liberating force. Simi- tistically infrequent cases are excluded from E - m a i l : I n c i r l i @ B i l k e n t . E D U . T R 1 0 Features I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

S c i e n c e MUZAFFAR IQBAL The Center for

The Center for Islam & Science (CIS) is dedicated to a creative exploration of the Islamic view of science and to a renewal of links with the intellectual tradi- tion of Islam. The CIS supports research and activities Islam & Science: aimed at enhancing our Islamic and scientific under- standing of nature and the human condition. Recog- nizing an underlying unity in all domains of knowl- edge, the CIS does not construe 'Islam' and 'science' as two unrelated entities that need to be artificially A New Initiative linked through an external methodology. This funda- mental unity stems from t a w h i d (unicity of God), the use an integrated approach to learning Research and publications The Center for Theology and foundation of Islamic epistemology. The CIS, there- both the transmitted as well as the intellec- The research and publication plan of the the Natural Sciences (CNTS) fore, recognizes, honours and builds its vision and tual sciences (culum al- caqliah wa culum al- Center grows out of its fundamental goals. mission of the Center for Theology strategy on this unifying principle. Accordingly, it n a q l i a h) . The Center envisions two distinct but com- and the Natural Sciences (CTNS) is to considers the physical world (the subject matter of The Center serves as a catalyst for this plementary series of publications. promote the creative mutual natural sciences) a part of the hierarchy of beings process of renewal through objective stud- The first, 'Islamic Perspectives on Contem- interaction between contemporary which must be studied in relation to other parts as ies that focus on the broad matrix in which porary Science', explores those fundamen- theology and the natural sciences. well as to the greater whole. the Islamic scientific tradition was born, tal contemporary scientific notions that The Center for Theology and the and through study projects that focus on seek to redefine our understanding of the Natural Sciences (CTNS) strives to The Center takes the religious, cultural and the relevance of this tradition to the con- nature and purpose of cosmic and human bridge these two disciplines. CTNS is a historical matrix in which science operates temporary issues dealing with the notions existence. This involves, but is not limited non-profit international membership as a fundamental component of scientific of cosmos and human person. The Center to, investigation of ideas, theories and con- organization dedicated to research, inquiry and hence an integral part of its op- also considers articulation of Islamic per- cepts, which have arisen through advance teaching and public service. It focuses erative methodology. Lying outside the do- spectives on contemporary issues a part of scientific research in areas such as cosmolo- primarily on the relation between main of experimental science, these deeply this process of renewal and hence it sup- gy, evolutionary biology, neuroscience and contemporary physics, cosmology, rooted theoretical constructions inform all ports activities that seek to inform the gen- genetics, from Islamic perspectives. technology, environmental studies, branches of contemporary science – from eral public and engage academic commu- The second series, 'Studies in Islamic sci- evolutionary and molecular biology cosmology to genetics and from neuro- nity in creative ways which explore con- entific tradition', is designed to produce and Christian theology and ethics. science to artificial intelligence. The Center, temporary science from Islamic perspec- contemporary editions of major works from As an affiliate of the Graduate therefore, pays special attention to these t i v e s . this tradition. These are not mere reproduc- Theological Union (GTU) in Berkeley, epistemological underpinnings and ex- CIS takes for its motto the Prophetic sup- tions or translations; rather, the aim here is California, CTNS offers courses at the plores the foundations of contemporary plication, 'O God, show me the nature of to provide scholarly editions of these clas- doctoral and seminary level in order science from an Islamic perspective in rela- things as they really are.' This prayer, which sics for a creative rebirth of the ambience in to bring future clergy and teachers to tion to these deeply imbedded precepts. In reverberates throughout the history of the which these works were produced in the greater awareness of this important particular, the Center is interested in exam- Islamic intellectual tradition and which was first place. interdisciplinary work. ining the underlying principles of those encapsulated by the 10t h/ 1 5t h century Per- Founded in 1981, the Center is branches of contemporary science which sian poet and scholar cAbd al-Rahman Jami Bibliographic resources supported by grants and donations. have direct bearing on our notions of the (d. 1492) in his Lawacih (Flashes of Light), The CIS is compiling bibliographic re- Members receive the quarterly cosmos and the human person. eloquently captures the raison d'être of the sources to facilitate research on all aspects scholarly publication, the CTNS CIS considers the reconstruction and re- Center for Islam & Science: 'O God, deliver of Islamic scientific tradition. These periodi- Bulletin, the quarterly CTNS News, newal of the Islamic scientific tradition a us from the preoccupation with worldly cally updated web-based resources include and discounts on CTNS-sponsored fundamental aspect of its mission. Taken as vanities, and show us the nature of things annotated bibliographies of major works, conferences and audio tapes. a whole, this tradition provides the frame- as they really are. Remove from our eyes the book reviews, biographical studies and work for articulation of Islamic perspectives veil of ignorance, and show us things as databases designed to provide global ac- Founder and Director: on contemporary issues. The CIS, therefore, they really are. Show us not the non-exis- cess to a wealth of literature that has hither- Dr Robert John Russell, CTNS endeavours to renew links with the tradi- tence as existent, nor cast the veil of non- to remained inaccessible. Interlinked sum- Information: Center for Theology and tional sources that once gave birth to and existence over the beauty of existence. maries, annotations and cross-references fa- the Natural Sciences nurtured the Islamic scientific tradition. The Make this phenomenal world the mirror to cilitate the use of these databases. Work is 2400 Ridge Road Center considers the renaissance of the Is- reflect the manifestation of Thy beauty, not also in progress on a source guide to the Berkeley, California 94709-1002, USA lamic tradition of learning as the key ele- a veil to separate and repel us from Thee. available translations of the classical works Tel: +1-510-848 81 52 ment in this process of renewal, for it was Cause these unreal phenomena of the Uni- which deal with various aspects of Islam and h t t p : / / w w w . c t n s . o r g / this tradition of learning that had given verse to be for us the source of knowledge s c i e n c e . birth to the Islamic scientific tradition. and insight, not the causes of ignorance Based on t a w h i d, this tradition of learning and blindness. Our alienation and sever- Conferences / workshops takes God as the source and origin of all ance from Thy beauty all proceed from our- The CIS organizes and supports confer- branches of knowledge. The Center, there- selves. Deliver us from ourselves, and ac- ences and workshops to promote academic fore, carries out and supports activities that cord to us intimate knowledge of Thee.' research and scholarship on various dimen- sions of Islam and science. These confer- ences and workshops are geared towards the emergence of a fraternity of scholars and scientists who are interested in the goals of the Center and who wish to interact and collaborate on various projects.

Branch offices Envisioned in the strategic plan of the Center is a network of branch offices in vari- ous regions of the Muslim world. The objec- tives of these branch offices are (i) to estab- lish closer ties with various institutions and scholars of that particular region and (ii) to produce material suitable for local needs. This will include translations of various CIS publications, sponsorship of regional semi- nars, and workshops and conferences. ◆

Muzaffar Iqbal is the founder and president of Center for Islam and Science (CIS) and Director for the Muslim World for the Science and Religion Course Program (SRCP) of the Center for Theology and the Natural Sciences (CTNS), Berkeley, USA. E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Features 11

S c i e n c e LEIF STENBERG Science in the

On the London subway a passenger recites verses from the Quran. He does so in a low voice and smiles as he recognizes the divine words of his faith. The verses were reproduced in a book, entitled The Bible, Service of God: the Quran and Science, a pseudo-scientific work claiming to examine the Holy Scriptures in the light of modern knowledge. This book by the French con- vert to Islam, Maurice Bucaille, is popular in Muslim countries as well as among Muslims in Europe and Islamizing Knowledge North America. It is commonly referred to and even recommended by Muslims almost anywhere in the atized way, totality under the unity of 'Islam'. The meaning attached to the term 'the West' natural sciences, the Islamization process has world when discussing matters concerning Islam and Firmly rooted in an organic world picture, the has a similar purpose. This stereotype is to do with ethical perspectives, the use and science. However, in most cases, the person recom- participants criticize science and social struc- strongly emphasized. The aim is to fabricate abuse of research results, the role of the sci- mending it has not read the book him or herself. In- tures in Europe and North America and con- a dichotomy between the culture (and sci- entist in society, choice of research area, etc., stead, someone he/she trusts, at the local mosque or trast them with an idealized 'Islam'. They be- ence) of Europe and North America and the and not so much with research methods and at the university, has told him of its content. lieve there is nothing wrong with Islam, but culture and science of Islam. Contemporary theories. Moreover, Western Creationists that the problem is that Muslims do not prac- science is seen as a 'technocratic wasteland', have influenced the Muslim discourse to the tice it. Islam is understood as an objective re- a phenomenon that has nothing to offer hu- degree that some Muslim organizations have ality. Through a correct interpretation of the manity but alienation and enslavement.2 more or less cooperated with Christians rep- revelation (the Quran), human beings can That science is perceived as provisional, tem- resenting a Creationist view. For example, in gain understanding of the true meaning of porary, questioned, re-examined and for- Turkey one can find authors who claim to be the world. Hence, the work of interpreting warded by a multitude of methods and theo- 'Muslim Creationists'. the Quran is seen as an ongoing activity. ries, all of which is regarded as weak and un- The discourse on the meaning of Islam in The idea that existence has a meaning (a stable. 'Science' is objectified in the sense relation to science and knowledge has also teleological dimension) influences the partic- that a specific Islamic science means a divine- created a group of free-floating intellectuals. ipants' view of history. They all turn to history ly ordered activity founded on a variety of in- Muslims like Sardar, Nasr and representatives to find the true norms and values of Islam. terpretations of the word t a w h i d (unity). Dis- of the International Institute for Islamic The idea is to return to the early history of ciplines cannot, therefore, ideally contain a thought (IIIT) belong to an international Mus- Islam and interpret it (allegorically) with the set of different methods. There has to be one lim jet-set going from conference to confer- 'Muhammadan' society of Medina as the method that can be utilized to arrive at defin- ence or government to government present- norm. The aim is not to establish a copy of itive answers. The 'single method of science' ing their form of 'Islamic' science. Somewhat the so-called Medina State, but to transfer is based on the Quran, and as a consequence humorously, they can be seen as prolific indi- the conditions, the norms and values of the science that contradicts the word of God will viduals parading on a global 'Islamic' catwalk state to the present time. The result is an not be tolerated. However, the question of constructing a Muslim intellectual fashion of anachronistic projection of contemporary determining which research goes against the day. And it comes as no surprise that conditions and problems onto history. In Islam is not settled, i.e. judgements and Nasr, Sardar and the IIIT have all been to Two girls at The book by Maurice Bucaille belongs to that their perspective, the conditions of post- agreements on which research may be seen Malaysia as advisors of some sort in the build the Department apologetic genre of literature that attempts modernity are assimilated and internalized in as Islamic varies over time and space. up of Malaysian Islamic institutions. of Chemistry at to Islamize knowledge, science, technology the framework of Islam. At the same time, One of many conclusions regarding the Aleppo University and education. In contemporary European their contrasting views of how to interpret A l t e r n a t i v e s pursuit of these individuals and institutions in Syria. and North American Muslim environments, the early history of Islam, as well as their in- The construction of an Islamic alternative concerns their interpretations of Islam, espe- more or less apologetic literature on the rela- terpretation of Islamic terminology and its to modern science is characterized by an ar- cially how they produce and communicate tionship between science, knowledge and Quranic grounding, reveal their differences. bitrary use of a variety of sources and an ap- 'Islam'. Their activities suggest that the idea Islam is flooding the market. Literature and In the practice of science, a Muslim scien- peal to the ideas of such disparate thinkers as of a geographically located Muslim world, or pamphlets on the Islamization of these phe- tist should strive towards Islamization. The the American philosopher Paul Feyerabend of a centre and periphery, becomes obsolete. nomena are present in almost every Muslim stress on this obligation links the perfor- and the Egyptian Islamist Sayyid Qutb. Often, It is therefore better to regard the Muslim bookshop. In general, the literature is written mance of the individual to the greater jihad, a writer will back up his or her views by re- world as one of practices, ideas and thought, in English and the authors are primarily Mus- the endeavour of every Muslim in the service stricting the references to other people who a discursive world constantly in flux, chang- lims from Europe, North America, Malaysia, of Islam. The participants use the principle of share the same idea and belong to the same ing through interpretations and reinterpreta- India and Pakistan. The fact that these discus- i j t i h a d (reinterpretation) to the extent that ideological position. This is an important tions of Islam. In addition, in spite of the fact sions are mainly carried out in English points the discourse can be characterized as a strug- strategy because it reveals the artificiality that the discourse on the Islamization of sci- to it as the language of communication gle concerning the meaning of Islamic terms. and pseudoscientific character of the dis- ence and knowledge has not been successful among Muslims worldwide. All participants strive to appropriate the vo- course as well as the nature of the basic in terms of building clearly 'Islamic' educa- Since the 1960s, discussions of Islam and cabulary of the Quran and they all use a form struggle to authoritatively define Islam. tional institutions or research facilities, the science in the European and North American of realism in the philosophical sense of the discourse has filtered down to the local level contexts have been dominated by the Iran- word. Words in the Quran are dealt with as if O u t c o m e and become internalized among Muslims all ian-American scholar Seyyed Hossein Nasr, they had an objective and eternal meaning. These ideas constitute the basic core of the over the world. Perhaps it is more important the Malaysian academic Sayyid Muhammad The basic idea in using Islamic terminology is project known as the Islamization of science that the discourse serves Muslims, like the Naguib al-Attas (who claims he was the first to evoke 'Islamic' feelings, associations, and and knowledge. They constitute a founda- man on the subway, with a confirmation of to introduce the concept of 'Islamization of memories, in order to make Muslims support tion for understanding modern science, and their religious identity than viable new edu- knowledge'), the American-Arab scholar Is- that particular form of Islamic science and they create a framework for comprehending cational institutions. ◆ mail Raji al-Faruqi (d. 1986), the British-Pak- knowledge. At the same time, a scientific vo- research on phenomena like DNA and post- istani author Ziauddin Sardar, the Iraqi-Amer- cabulary is appropriated and mixed up with modernity. But what has come out of more ican scholar Jabir al-Alwani and the Pakistani the Islamic terminology. than 30 years of discussion on the establish- Nobel Prize laureate Abdus Salam (d.1996). ment of a specific Islamic science? In Muslim Yet they represent a variety of ideological T r a d i t i o n countries, a number of Islamic universities and philosophical outlooks that have differ- Most of the participants do not have a for- have been established. In most cases, 'Islam- ent aims. mal religious education. Their loose connec- ic' signifies a university founded on a model In the study of the many relationships be- tion to established scholarly traditions makes containing religious education, on the one N o t e s tween Islam and science and knowledge, it room for relatively independent interpreta- hand, and technology and the natural sci- 1. Stenberg, Leif (1996), The Islamization of Science. can be suggested that we are witnessing an tions of the sacred sources. They also hold a ences, on the other. In more repressive coun- Four Muslim Positions Developing an Islamic evolving 'discourse'.1 That is, if discourse is trump card by their ability to print and dis- tries, an 'Islamic' social science seems to be M o d e r n i t y, Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell seen as a constantly changing practice that tribute their books through international unwanted. In contrast, within the European I n t e r n a t i o n a l . redefines basic terms primarily concerned publishing houses or through their own or- and North American contexts, one finds a 2. Elzinga, Aant and Andrew Jamison (1981), 'Cultural with power relations, a number of presuppo- ganizations. In order to spread their mes- number of educational institutions focusing Components in the Scientific Attitude to Nature: sitions that constitute the foundation for a sage, they all utilize the means of consumer on religious education, while attempting to Eastern and Western Modes?', Research Policy new discourse on Islam and science and culture – a culture they paradoxically often establish 'Islamic' social sciences. Studies, Discussion Paper no. 146, Research Policy knowledge can be found. Of course, there are criticize. All of them share a fierce critique of On a more abstract and global level, the re- Institute: Lund, p. 9. differences, but the common premises are the traditionally educated religious scholars, sult of the discourse is a huge mass of litera- 3. Tapper, Richard (1995),'"Islamic Anthropology" focused upon here. the u l a m a. Their attitude can be designated ture. But the ideas put forth have little sub- and the "Anthropology of Islam"', A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l as anti-clerical. The religious scholars are stance and the critique expressed concern- Q u a r t e r l y. I n t e r p r e t a t i o n stereotyped as a negative and reactionary ing the content of, for example, an 'Islamic The participants in the discourse imagine force within Muslim society. anthropology', offers little to distinguish it Leif Stenberg is an assistant professor in Islamology the contemporary world as fragmented. The Their conceptual innovations not only af- from any other anthropology.3 It appears at Lund University, Sweden. world needs to be put together in a system- fect Islamic but also scientific terminology. that in the social sciences, but especially in E-mail: [email protected] 1 2 Media I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

I n t e r n e t GARY R. BUNT Interface Dialogues:and

What makes a web site 'Islamic'? Significant issues emerge in answering this question and delineating Muslim cyberspace, associated with identity, lan- guage, patterns of behaviour, and the utilization of the Online F a t wa¯ textual and ideological sources. In addition, the cyber Islamic environment may be shaped by the ap- other languages relating to Muslim interests through searching database archives of f at - swered by As-Sunna Foundation staff on plication of 'Islamic' symbols, images, sound files, are now present on the web. For example, in awa- opinions, questions and answers – or by their regularly updated site.7 and different conceptual approaches towards defin- relation to Arabic speakers, HTML composi- e-mailing a site with a question. One advan- Whilst many Islamic sites are produced in ing 'appropriate' Internet interfaces. These compo- tion tools in Arabic have slowly improved.3 I n tage for petitioners and the curious is that the United States, significant English-lan- nents illustrate diversity with respect to interpreta- the Middle East, the use of personal comput- the Internet c a n be anonymous. Issues which guage resources are also produced in other tive, cultural, political, and linguistic concepts asso- ers has increased, and Internet Service could be considered dangerous or embar- Muslim minority contexts and provide other ciated with Muslim identities. Providers have opened up lucrative new Ara- rassing within a domestic framework can be shades of opinion. F ataw- a- in languages other bic-speaking markets – incorporating 'reli- presented to an 'authority' – locally, globally, than English and Arabic can easily be located The extent to which the Internet has an im- gious' web page content as part of their on- or indeed from a different cultural-religious on the Internet via search engines (in Farsi, pact on Islam in the modern world is difficult line services. outlook. However, local knowledge is also Malay, Turkish, Urdu, and Thai languages). to quantify, given the different global levels Groups that may be defined as being out- significant when decision-making processes For example, within Iran, religious scholars of individual access and utilization, as use of side 'mainstream' orthodox Islam are also are considered. such as Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri are the web continues to expand. There is cur- making use of the Internet, ranging from the asserting their opinions online, despite ef- rently an assertion for position in cyberspace 'homosexual Muslim' activists, 'Queer Jihad', Online f ataw- a- forts by the Islamic Republic's government to both amongst parties seeking to establish to various political Muslim platforms and di- Several Islamic web sites present a search- suppress 'dissident' views.8 There are a num- themselves as key resources and Internet verse popular religious expressions. Whether able listing of f ataw- a-, and a key word search ber of sites containing f ataw- a- in Western Eu- portals for Muslims. Research has sought to intended for a mass audience or a specific in- should bring the surfer to the subject of in- ropean languages other than English – with interpret these initial phases in the evolution terest group, cyber Islamic environments are terest within the site. The influence of Saudi original content, as well as translations. and growth of Muslim cyberspace in order to influenced by unique technical, aesthetic Arabian scholars is evident on one of the anticipate possible future developments in and content-related factors associated with most technically proficient Islamic 'advice New notions of community via the light of new technological interfaces be- Muslim identity. Some sites may be created sites': Fatwa-Online contained 479 f at ¯aw¯a a t I n t e r n e t ? coming available.1 These include the integra- as a resource for daily access to news and the time of publication, with new content The extent to which a web site's author's tion of 'new' technology – such as ADSL, WAP comment, and be associated with ideological being added to the site on a regular basis. location is actually relevant can be ques- phones, and the MP3 sound format – in pro- political-religious platforms: for example, the The site includes content obtained from at tioned, given the nature of globalization and viding access to Islamic resources.1 Taliban in Afghanistan and Jamaat-i-Islami least eighteen scholarly sources, from Ibn common concerns of Muslims in diverse con- Certain 'orthodox' proponents of Islam Pakistan provide regularly updated sites. Taymiyyah through to the f at ¯aw¯a of Shaykh texts. Specific Muslim interest groups and in- benefit from promoting their worldviews via Governments are utilizing the Internet in Ibn Baz and his former students – well con- terpretative strands can dialogue and form the Internet, whilst others find that their in- propagating their own approaches towards nected to the Saudi Arabian Permanent new notions of community via the Internet. fluence is threatened. Increased Internet ac- Islam for domestic and international audi- Committee for Islamic Research and Fatawa. Traditional routes of authority can be tran- cess undoubtedly presents challenges in the ences (including the governments of Iran, The site is searchable, with an easy-to-navi- scended, whilst surfers are also exposed to form of divergent concepts and interpreta- Pakistan, and Malaysia). Several web sites gate interface containing ample user assis- forms of knowledge and Islamic understand- tive approaches from outside of established promote their interpretations of 'Islam' and tance. All the materials are in English, and ing beyond conventional boundaries. Those cultural-religious frameworks. This is not a their translation of the Qur'an as definitive, there are no 'Islamic' images or Graphic living in environments hostile to their reli- phenomenon exclusively associated with the linked to specific searchable Qur'an re- Image Files (GIFs) on the site – conforming to gious worldview may find comfort, advice Internet, but combines with access to other sources that reinforce their specific world- some Muslim perspectives on 'images' as and inspiration through the content of web media (such as digital television) where views. A variety of perspectives compete on- well as accelerating its download time. Ac- pages. The influence of scholars, and others forms of censorship and control can be cir- line to be the authoritative resource for cording to the site's counter, it had received giving advice based on Islamic principles, can cumvented. The Internet – via web pages, e- 'Islam' as a whole, a phenomenon that links over 30,000 hits from surfers between Octo- extend from their own (micro-)communities mail and chat rooms – is already providing a the Internet with other historical and con- ber 1999 and August 2000. Fatwa-Online's and be placed before a global audience. forum for discussion on significant issues of temporary trends relating to Islam within current emphasis is on translating scholarly Analysis, observation and recording of devel- concern to contemporary Muslims, and a academic, political and/or religious dis- opinion from Arabic resources. opments such as the online f a twa- in cyber Is- platform through which ideas can be ex- course. These web sites may be presented as This indicates an enthusiastic audience for lamic environments represents a significant pressed and propagated. Although the Inter- representative of 'Islam' as a whole, a phe- online f at¯aw¯a, and that significant questions future research area in Islamic Studies. ◆ net has been dominated by the use of Eng- nomenon that links the Internet with other are not answered satisfactorily off-line. lish-language materials (this article's focus), historical and contemporary trends relating Amongst the guidance available is a promi- to Islam within academic, political and/or re- nent selection of materials for 'New Muslims', N o t e s ligious discourse. together with sections on women's issues, 1. Bunt, Gary R. (2000), Virtually Islamic: marriage and worship. Recent topics include: Computer-mediated Communication and Cyber The online information 'Does a new Muslim have to separate from Islamic Environments, Cardiff: University of Wales m a r k e t p l a c e his wife if she does not accept Islam?'; 'Is it Press, http://www.virtuallyislamic.com. The writer The substantial financial investment in the permissible for a Muslim to visit his Christian acknowledges the editorial input of his wife, Yvonne Internet by various Islamic organizations and neighbour when he falls ill?'; and 'Is it permis- Howard-Bunt, in the preparation of this article. platforms represents their attempts to secure sible for a Muslim to offer hospitality to non- 2 . ADSL, or Asynchronous Digital Subscriber Line online ideological advantages, and indicates Muslim companions by offering them alco- technology, rapidly accelerates web download a jostling for position in the information holic drinks which Islam has made unlawful times. A WAP phone can download Internet 'market place', although theoretically an indi- for him?'. An e-mail list informs subscribers of content. The MP3 format can download digital vidual's homepage on Islam can carry the new topics to be found on the site. music with applications in other information same weight and interest to a 'neutral' surfer. The production of f ataw- a- is not the pre- retrieval contexts (such as digitized Qur'an This is particularly apparent when approach- serve of Saudi scholars, however; although recordings, or sermons). ing issues relating to decision making and in- their influence is pervasive on other Sunni 3 . HTML, HyperText Markup Language, forms the terpretation of Islam, and the 'qualifications' sites. Examples emerge from diverse global basis of web page construction. Arabic HTML is (if any, and if relevant) of those providing on- contexts relating to forms of decision mak- discussed on Arabic Gateway, 'Arabic on the line advice to Muslims and others. It may be ing. Another f ataw- a- site prominent on search Internet', http://www.al-bab.com/arab/comp2.htm. difficult to determine the credentials of an engine listings is the As-Sunna Foundation of 4 . Fatwa-Online, http://www.fatwa-online.com. online Islamic 'authority', and this introduces America. This has a list of over twenty f ataw- - 5 . As-Sunna Foundation of America, a significant contemporary issue for Islam. a, drawn from Muslim Magazine, on subjects http://www.sunnah.org/fatwa/. This site was Within a Sunni context, in particular, it can ranging from fasting and mosque atten- prominent on the popular Google search engine's present concerns associated with the formu- dance to more controversial topics, including listing, http://www.google.com. lation of f at ¯aw¯a (sing. f at¯aw¯a) or legal opin- 'Revealing Intimate Marital Details', 'He 6 . Kalimat, http://kalimat.org. ions produced by religious scholars and au- smokes… is he right for me?' and 'My wife 7 . As-Sunna Foundation of America, MSA-EC Forum, thorities. In various Shia contexts, authorities was molested'.5 Some of the titles are linked h t t p : / / w w w . s u n n a h . o r g / m s a e c / . are strategically investing time and resources to associated sites, such as the Kalimat site 8 . Abdo, Geneive, 'Cyberspace frees Iran's rebel to present their own online conceptual ap- for Muslim women.6 There are hyperlinks cleric', The Guardian, 5 August 2000, proaches towards interpretation to a global with over a hundred questions and answers, h t t p : / / w w w . g u a r d i a n u n l i m i t e d . c o . u k / A r c h i v e / A r t i c l a u d i e n c e . based directly on questions sent in by e-mail. e/0,4273,4047913,00.html. The extent to which a Muslim surfer will These are useful indicators of contemporary See also Ali Montazeri, http://www.montazeri.com. apply or be directly influenced by the Islamic concerns, and present an overview of tradi- knowledge acquired in cyberspace is difficult tional topics: 'The Veil in Islam', 'About Ho- Dr Gary R. Bunt is a lecturer in Islamic Studies at the to quantify. Advice on a key issue might be mosexuality', and 'Assisted Suicide' indicate University of Wales, Lampeter, UK. solicited on different sites: this may be the breadth of questions received and an- E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Media 13

I n t e r n e t SHAHRAM KHOSRAVI w w w . i r a n i a n . c o m

While exile refers to a glamorous return to the 'real' homeland, diaspora creates an alternative home- land, an imagined one. Exile denies 'here' and mourns for 'there'. Diaspora lessens the unbearable An Ethnographic nostalgia by constructing a community based on the networks which link the dispersed. Exile emphasizes a centralized relationship with the spatial homeland. In diaspora, through the romantization of the 'promised land', emphasis is placed on a cobweb of Approach to relations amongst the scattered. Diaspora suggests deterritorialization, which does not mean geograph- ical displacement – as it is for exile – but refers to the collapse of a fixed link between identity, culture, ex- istence and a single place. In other words, diaspora is an Online Diaspora a deterritorialized World Wide Web. oretically – accessible to everyone. Women, casts cover only North America). Since a few Iran-Iraq border. The modern Abadan, al- non-Muslims, youth, non-Persian speaking years ago, Radio Seday-e Iran has placed its most a colonial town, was built by the British Iranians and even non-Iranians can partici- programme on the Internet. In Stockholm, after the Second World War. This beautiful pate in the cyber public sphere. Cyberspace daily Iranian local radio stations download city was entirely destroyed during the Iran- gives Iranians a chance to enter into and exit programmes and rebroadcast them on air for Iraq war (1980-1988). Mr Javid, himself an from public discussion anonymously. It is a Iranians. Moreover, there is a collaboration Abadani, has dedicated a section of his site virtual public sphere for Iranians, where they between Radio Seday-e Iran and the Persian to Abadan. In this section, former Abadanis can talk about political issues or taboo sub- section of Radio Israel. While the latter broad- write their personal memories and 'historical jects such as homosexuality casts a selection of programmes of the former tales' of their hometown. Perhaps this feel- (www.homan.com) and pornography to Iran, Radio Seday-e Iran resends Persian ing is most transparent in the photo album (www.iransex.com) without the risk of perse- programmes of Radio Israel in North America of the section. There, old pictures from pre- cution. It also offers the only opportunity for for the Iranian Jews living there. In this delo- revolution time as well as pictures of post- harshly split Iranian opposition groups to en- calized diasporic space, where is the home- war Abadan are displayed. There are pic- counter one another. The Internet has, fur- land? tures of streets, squares, hotels and clubs, thermore, managed to bridge the gap be- The Internet is a more interactive media but also photos of the Abadan football team, tween exiles and the Iranian state – an other- than any other of its kind. The Internet offers a student group in the 1970s, and a 'typical wise impossible task. While exiles avoid any an opportunity for immediate feedback. On house'. Throughout the section the visitor is 'real' connection to the Iranian state, they can www.Iranian.com, this is mostly apparent in struck by anguish and a nostalgic mourning enjoy 'virtual' access to Iran's official sites, the section of 'Letters',which is updated daily for a beloved city, which no longer exists, and vice versa. with a large number of comments and cri- but has gained a new virtual life. tiques on features, news, or other materials Transfer of heritage published on the site. The letters are sent by Homeland in homepages English, the chief language of the Internet, faithful Iranian readers from around the (Re-)production of the past is perhaps the makes this cyber public sphere accessible for world. The interaction is even more instanta- main axle of the diasporic project. Collective the young generation to open dialogue with neous in the 'Chat Room', where Iranians par- history and culture are the cement which ties the first generation. In the conventional Iran- ticipate in dialogue in English or Penglish diasporic communities to each other. Cyber- ian media in diaspora, the second generation (Persian + English). space is used as a field to preserve this collec- is generally absent. This new media has be- Furthermore, www.Iranian.com has con- tive identity, not at least in the usage of sym- come a sphere wherein two generations of ducted an annual 'man-of-the-year' survey, in bols. Not identifying themselves with the cur- Iranian emigrants face each other. They talk which Iranians could vote to their favourite rent Iran – stigmatized by fundamentalism about their lives, identities, past and future. candidate. Another interesting cyber-interac- and terrorism – Iranian sites attempt to Regarding diaspora from this perspective, it 'How to be Iranian' is a ubiquitous issue for tion is what I call cyber-movement, a means (re)construct a Persian profile by using to- is vital to look at how the Internet has re- debate. In the same manner, first generation through which Iranians are mobilized to par- kens, symbols, and signs from the pre-Islamic shaped the landscape of the Iranian diaspora, Iranians also see the Internet as a means to ticipate in political activity. This could be to cultural heritage. The national anthem and its impact on the relationships within the connect with their children and to transfer protest against the Iranian state or to support flag, art, history, and illustrations of land- Iranian diaspora, as well as between the dias- their cultural heritage to the next generation. press freedom in Iran. For instance, the sec- scapes are available online. This cyber-muse- pora and the homeland. tion 'In the Name of Pen' was started to help um, like the conventional national museums, The Internet offers more convenient, more A case study an imprisoned journalist in Tehran. Iranians 'objectifies' the Iranian culture and history, effective and cheaper ways of communica- The number of Iranian sites and home- were asked to send e-mail protests to Presi- making them 'immortal'. Thereby it creates an tion than any other medium. Moreover, this pages online is inestimable and ranges any- dent Khatami's homepage. Fortunately, 'eternal authenticity', which in turn affirms relatively 'democratic' form of communica- where from chauvinist to pornographic sites, thanks to all protests from the diaspora, the the durability of the diaspora. tion goes beyond political, religious, or eth- and from socio-political sites to personal journalist was freed and reunited with his Diaspora, like the Internet, has neither a be- nic borders. The Internet offers an opportuni- homepages. To gain more insight into the family in Germany. ginning nor an end. Nobody knows when an ty for the creation of a transnational public role of the Internet in the changing landscape 'Nostalgia' and 'Pop-culture' are two photo- exile turns into a diaspora or when a diaspora space/sphere. It is a social field for political, of the Iranian diaspora, a quick brush-stroke sections included in this site. Here, the 'gold- becomes extinct. So is the Internet. Both con- commercial, and socio-cultural interactions, picture is given here of one of the Iranian en age' of pre-revolutionary Iran is illustrated. stitute a waved pattern of sites and links. The stretching from Los Angeles to the Gulf sites. Present-day Iran is presented in the section nature of both is an ongoing process, always states, from Japan to Scandinavian countries, www.Iranian.com is one of the most serious 'Photo of the Day' through photos received becoming, always in between. There is no from Sydney to Tehran. online magazines, created by Mr Javid in Sep- from readers or acquired from other sites. In final destination on the Internet. There are, The significant role of the Internet among tember 1995. Javid is a journalist in his late addition to pictures, a large map of Iran can rather, always other links to journey along the Iranians should be seen in the socio-his- thirties living outside Washington DC. The be brought up on the screen to reinforce the and other sites to travel to. Likewise, in dias- torical context of the public sphere in Iran. In site is updated daily with features, news on national imagination of Iranians. To complete pora, homecoming is unrealizable. The Inter- a harsh political climate and under an intense Iran, poetry, fiction, photos, letters, and of the 'imagination' of homeland, current net and diaspora defer. state control of mass media, the existence of course various links to other Iranian sites. 'Di- weather information of any part of Iran is also Paradoxically, homeland is the dilemma of public spheres – in the Habermasian sense – aspora' is a popular section in the magazine, available. the diaspora. While the diasporic discourse is in Iran has been obscure and unattainable. where contributors offer articles, fiction, or Although the Internet is deterritorialized, it grounded on the return to the homeland, Nonetheless, Iranians, like other peoples, dis- poetry about their diasporic experiences. One seems that there is still a passion for locality. forging an imaginary homeland is the prima- cuss matters and exchange information in significant potential outcome of this site is an The chat room is named 'Darya Kennar' (sea- ry project of the diaspora. The Internet might private meetings (parties), semi-private as- increasing consciousness of the diaspora. side), and refers to the coast along the Caspi- be a challenge to this dilemma. While 'return' semblies (for instance, during religious ritu- In the news section, there are links to more an Sea, a very popular vacation resort in the does not seem to be realized by Iranians in di- als), or in public places such as coffee-houses than 150 other online Iranian media, both pre-revolutionary time. Another chat room aspora, 'virtual return' has become a reality and mosques. These 'public spheres', or from inside and outside Iran (31 radio, 8 TV, 50 bears the name of a popular coffee house in for many of them. Iranians have found a rather 'public spaces', are dominated by Mus- magazines, 22 periodicals, 39 dailies). Nowa- Tehran, 'Café Naderi', which has been a meet- homeland in the homepages. ◆ lim, middle-class, middle-aged men. Women, days, one's keyboard is one's café. Iran's ing place for intellectuals and artists since the youth, and other ethnic or religious groups newspapers appear online several hours be- 1950s. In both cases, one can witness a nos- Shahram Khosravi is a PhD candidate in Social have, nonetheless, their own 'public spaces'. fore they are available in print in news-stands talgic reference not only to specific places but Anthropology and a junior research fellow at the As newcomers, Iranians in diaspora find in Tehran. Through the Internet, one can ac- also to specific eras. Centre for Research in International Migration and themselves outside the mainstream public cess Radio Payam, (Tehran's local radio) as The section 'Abadan' is an apparent mani- Ethnic Relations (CEIFO), sphere of their host societies, despite the fact well as Radio Seday-e Iran (a 24-hour radio sta- festation of this nostalgic gaze. Abadan was Stockholm University, Sweden. that the cyber public sphere is – at least the- tion located in Los Angeles, whose broad- an oil-refinery boomtown, located at the E-mail: [email protected] 1 4 Regional Issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

I n t e r n e t MUNAWAR A. ANEES Huruf:

The Internet, as a defining technology, is a powerful An Interactive Global Portal information broker. Within its unique architecture, it encompasses the entire spectrum of information, communication, and knowledge. That the Internet The policy of H u r u f is rooted in one of the online publication. Addressed to common An International Editorial Advisory Board, may be rightfully equated with the Industrial Revolu- fundamental tenets of Islam: freedom of be- readers, it will carry a mix of well-re- comprised of eminent Muslim and non-Mus- tion or the Gutenberg invention is a modest claim. In lief and expression. In editorial matters, it searched pieces on current affairs, analyti- lim writers and academicians, is now being the rapidly evolving 'virtual' world, Muslims have a does not discriminate on the basis of creed cal articles on topics of enduring interest, formulated by H u r u f. We expect this Board to rather insignificant presence. Access to the Internet or colour. The portal exists to broaden par- media reviews, conference reports and be a mark of distinguished scholarship. We remains a function of their disproportionate techni- ticipation of both Muslim and non-Muslim miscellaneous features. All contributions welcome and solicit suggestions and contri- cal and economic capabilities. However, as the people according to the norms of civilized to the publication will remain open to butions from all interested persons. ◆ transnational flow of free information gains momen- discourse. Disputations are welcome where user interaction, both online and offline. tum, the Muslim world will be forced to bring down no misrepresentation of facts is apparent or There will be a print as well as a CD-ROM technical, economic and political barriers to diffu- implied. Any expression, whatever the form v e r s i o n . sion of information. may be, amounting to sacrilege, animosity – Huruf Review: a quarterly publication towards a particular race, ethnicity or gen- based on a wide variety of reviews of cur- Muslim presence on the Internet leaves der, ethnic stereotyping or pornography, rently published books. There will be 10- much to be desired. Whereas there is a num- falls outside the domain of this portal. 15 in-depth reviews made available for ber of active homepages devoted to Islam online and print or CD-ROM versions. and Muslims, there is hardly a site that de- H u r u f greatly emphasizes the importance – Huruf Abstracts: a monthly publication of picts the Muslim world in the vastness of its of an interactive forum. The Internet is ideal abstracts (200-250 words) of selected arti- religious, cultural and social heritage. Not a for such an interactive milieu – as opposed cles and other features. single one of the sites reflects upon the con- to a monologue. It is, therefore, proposed – Huruf BiblioServe: a service responding to temporary or the future trends of Islam. that almost all editorial formats offered by subscribers' requests for both retrospec- Taking into account the intrinsic value of the portal have an express provision for on- tive and current bibliographies. the Internet and its inevitable future, a line user interaction. The portal will be of- – Huruf Alerts: designed as a current aware- major initiative towards the development of fered in, but not limited to, the following ness service for subscribers, it will be en- a global Muslim presence on the Internet f o r m a t s : tirely based on user profile and may in- has been proposed. The conceptual matrix clude any assortment of articles from the of this project is envisioned as the first un- – Harf al-Awwal: a clearinghouse for the online publications, with the option of dertaking of its kind for the Muslim world. fundamental sources of Islam available on using material from other sources. the Internet such as the Arabic text of the – Huruf Meets: a periodic online conference Holy Qur'an and collections of a h a d i t h ; on topical issues sponsored by a group, an Huruf, an Internet-based service, their respective translations; books and academic institution, or a commercial en- Please address your communication to: jointly managed by Knowledge documents on tafsir, sira, fiqh, tarikh, tity. Proceedings of these online confer- Dr Munawar A. Anees, Editor-in-Chief, Huruf Management Systems (KnowSys) and k a l a m and f a t a w a. ences will be available by subscription for 209 East Windsor Drive ITLogic, offers a focal point for – Harf al-Lisan: an online language aid ser- online, CD or print versions. Denton, TX 76209 informed opinion on the religious, vice. It will provide access to learning re- – Huruf Refs: a major referral service in do- U S A cultural, social, economic, and sources for the Arabic language in addi- mains such as education, legal aid, health, Tel: +1-940-381 22 23 political affairs of the Muslim world, tion to the major Muslim languages such finance, and interpersonal relations. It will Fax: +1-602-532 71 48 while encouraging open inter- as Turkish, Urdu, Farsi, Swahili, Bahasa In- serve the global Muslim community and civilizational dialogue. donesia, etc. other users to enhance their networking Dr Munawar A. Anees is editor-in-chief of Huruf, USA. – Huruf: An Interactive Magazine: a monthly c a p a c i t i e s . E-mail: [email protected]

Continued from page 7: Being Modern in the Nurcu Way / by Hakan Yavuz

The proliferation of dershanes coincided with People meet to discuss business issues and Being Muslim in the Nurcu way which either excludes religion from the state the fragmentation of the Nurcu movement disseminate new information to other mem- Being a Muslim in the 'Nurcu way' means structure or seeks to control it through inclu- along class, gender, ethnic and regional lines. bers. In other words, dershanes provide av- becoming a conscious Muslim in good deeds sion, the only method of gaining legitimacy The d e r s h a n e s, formed as textual-communi- enues for the realization of individual inter- and knowledgeable in science, culture, and and support from the state is nationalism. In ties, create new public spaces which are able ests as well as the preservation of a collective business. Recognizing that modernity does other words, religious groups seek to main- to empower Turkish civil society. They have identity. D e r s h a n e s are connected to a specif- not acknowledge God, the Nurcus want to tain their relevance and legitimacy before played a crucial role in the evolution and plu- ic group of people and represent religiously overcome this by calling Muslims to rational- the state by stressing their contribution to ralization of Islamic movements in Turkey shaped new public spaces that quickly be- ize the Qur'an and take science seriously. nationalism and national culture. and have also been instrumental in the for- come integrated into the surrounding com- The Nurcus have been trying to institution- The Nurcu movement, with its 5 million fol- mation of a counter-elite in Turkey. It is sig- munity. D e r s h a n e s help to create social ener- alize new ethics and 'pious activism' through lowers, is undergoing a transformation: a nificant, for example, that dershanes h a v e gy – the willingness of human beings to act a worldly asceticism. Religious salvation, for process of ethnicization along Turkish and been used as dormitories for university stu- from their ideals. Nursi, assumes contemplative action and Kurdish lines; seeing the European Union as dents. D e r s h a n e s, as urban networks of Sunni In Germany and Holland, I have visited sev- hard work. The Nurcu way reconciles reli- the hope for shaping a democratic Turkey; Islam, do not separate religion from everyday eral d e r s h a n e s run by the community of gious contemplation and activism as mutual- and 'going global' through expanding their life; rather, they seek to shape everyday life Fethullah Gülen.4 They fulfill multiple func- ly constitutive. Nursi defines Islam in terms of networks and internalizing global discourses through Islamic idiom and practice. K ö p r ü, tions and aim to attract Muslim university tolerance, love and reason. of human rights. The modernity of the Nurcu the most serious journal devoted to the students. They are successful among the After Nursi's death in 1960, due to varying movement is also a testimony to the cata- Risale-i Nur, has a circulation of 5,000 – some Turks and some Turkified Kurds. D e r s h a n e s i n regional, class, and ethnic identities, the Nur- strophic success of the Kemalist project of 3,500 copies of which go to the d e r s h a n e s. Europe function as kervan saray where Turks cus fragmented into several sub-communi- creating a European nation. ◆ Print Islam and the emergence of commu- may enjoy coffee and socialize. They have ties with different interpretations and posi- nities around the text are very much an the multiple function of disseminating infor- tions on political issues: ranging from a toler- N o t e s urban phenomenon. Increased literacy, an mation, finding jobs, facilitating new friend- ant Fethullah Gülen (b.1938) to radical Acz- 1. For an understanding of modern social expanded market economy, and the prolifer- ships, and allowing access to diverse social mendi groups. Since 1983, the movement movements, I recommend Alberto Melucci (1989), ation of information technology have not networks. Personal trust and communal con- has undergone a division along ethnic Turk- Nomads of the Present, Social Movements and lead to the secularization of society, but have trol are brought together. These d e r s h a n e s, ish and Kurdish lines. The Kurdish Nurcus Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, London: rather facilitated the emergence of Islamic spread across Europe, help Nurcus locate tend to treat Said Nursi as a Kurdish national- Hutchinson Radius. movements. Due to greater access to avail- each other. In some d e r s h a n e s, maps can be ist, whereas the Turks stress his pan-Is- 2. Interview with Mehmet Kırkıncı, 25 September able resources and the flexibility of Islamic seen on which d e r s h a n e s in other European lamism. Many Kurdish nationalists interpret 1 9 9 5 . terminology, the Nurcu movement is rooted cities are identified with green stickers. By Nursi's exile and persecution as the example 3. Yavuz, M. Hakan (1995), 'Print-Based Islamic in urban centres. Its main goal is not to return marking the map of Europe with d e r s h a n e s, of the persecution of the Kurdish identity. Discourse and Modernity: The Nur Movement', to an Islamic past but to Islamicize the pre- Nurcus start to see Europe as a familiar terri- However, the court cases show that his per- Third International Symposium on Bediüzzaman sent by reinterpreting the shared language tory – even a second homeland. Being orga- secution was the result of his struggle to Said Nursi, pp. 324-350. of Islam. Nursi helped to create and nurture nized horizontally, not hierarchically, d e r- renew Islam against the social engineering of 4. Yavuz, M. Hakan (1999), 'Towards an Islamic an oppositional and insurgent consciousness s h a n e s stress solidarity, participation, and in- Kemalist reforms. Moreover, some Turkish Liberalism?: The Nurcu Movement and Fethullah within the limited public sphere under the tegrity. In a way, they help to build sustain- Nurcus, such as Yeni Asya of Mehmet Kutlular Gülen', Middle East Journal 53 (4), pp. 584-605. domination of the Kemalist state. able communities. These networks facilitate and the Fethullah Gülen community, reimag- The strengthening of market forces in Turk- coordination and amplify information about ined the movement as a 'Turkish Islam' and M. Hakan Yavuz is assistant professor of Political ish society has turned the d e r s h a n e s into cen- the trustworthiness of other Nurcus. nationalized it. When a religious movement Science at the University of Utah, USA. tres of economic as well as social activity. seeks legitimacy in the eyes of laic state, E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Space 15

C e m e t e r i e s AHMED ANDREWS AND MICHELE WOLFE Muslim Graves

It is estimated that the UK is home to more than one million Muslims from diverse geographical back- grounds, but of which the cultures of the Indian sub- continent are predominant.1 Sweden, on the other in Sweden and hand, is home to an estimated 250,000 Muslims, the largest groups of which are Bosnian, Turkish and I r a n i a n .2 These observations take on greater impor- tance when seen within the framework of the funda- mental Islamic concept of the u m m a, the united the United Kingdom worldwide Muslim community, which perhaps super- sedes any notion of nationality or ethnic identity.3 I t One thing that virtually all practising Mus- Stapenhill Burton Upon Trent gious/cultural identity, in the UK such state- is clear, however, that despite the apparently over- lims in Europe fear is that they might be- and East Dundee (UK) ments are likely to include Arabic script and whelming common attachment to the concept of come absorbed into a secular culture. How- There are approximately 2,500 Muslims in verses of the Qu'ran, while in Sweden na- u m m a, Islam remains fragmented along both theo- ever, when living in diaspora, religious rites Burton Upon Trent, mainly of Pakistani ori- tional symbols and crests are employed. logical and cultural lines, affecting many aspects of often become all the more important. Rites, gin. Unlike the Gujaratis of Leicester, their Moreover, by their participation in 'All life – and even some aspects of death.4 including death-related ones, serve a vari- understanding of Islam is rooted in the folk Saints Day' rituals, it may be argued that ety of functions. For example, they inform traditions of the Barelvi movement7 a l- Muslims in Sweden are also seeking ways to children of the collective customs from their though they are also Sunni Muslims of the make statements regarding their sense of religious and cultural background, rather Hanafi school. Unlike the Deobandis, the being Swedish as well as being a Bosnian or 1 . than the sentiments of the host society. Barelvis see the Prophet Mohammad as Turkish Muslim, and are hence participating Close-up Durkheim posits that when an individual more than a man, a part of the divine light of in what might be termed 'Civil Religion'.9 of headstone dies, the whole of his of her group is affect- Allah. This doctrine gives rise to a form of Furthermore, while Muslim burial areas S a f f r o n - H i l l ed and that death upsets the social equilib- Islam that provides a space for holy men may be seen as fulfilling the functions out- rium, threatening the strength of communal and esoteric practices and graves appear to lined by Durkheim (see above), it can be i d e n t i t y .5 Hence, rites ensure the perpetua- be often more ornate than those found noted that distinct variations in the nature tion of Islamic identity outside of the home- within Deobandi communities, at least of grave markers do exist, as revealed when land. Subsequently, the need to restore within the context of the UK. comparing Muslim grave markers even equilibrium and reinforce communal identi- Dundee also has a Pakistani Barelvi com- within the UK. The variety extends from ty arises. More often than not, grave mark- munity of around the same size, and as pho- those that are clearly designed out of reli- ers are found at the place that marks the tos 2 and 3 show, the grave markers are very gious motivation, to those that vary little burial of the community's deceased and can similar in the two cemeteries, both differing from Western secular graves. ◆ be seen as emblematic symbols which are from those of the Deobandis found in Saf- imbued with the collective sentiments of fron Hill. Within the Muslim area of Dundee 2 . the community. They are reflective re- East cemetery, decoration and flowers are S t a p e n h i l l minders of the reality of the community, common, as are British style gravestones. e r g o, encouraging the make-up and conti- It has also been noted that grave markers nuity of group consciousness. Furthermore, are more likely to denote the social or socio- grave markers, as well as recording the his- economic status of the deceased within the tory of the community, demarcate an area Pakistani community, and close scrutiny of of sacred space – a piece of Muslim earth in photo 3 reveals a grave marker that is con- an often profane and alien land. siderably taller than those surrounding it. The following aims to draw attention to The grave in this case belongs to a deceased some of these variations and to offer some Pakistani millionaire. preliminary explanations for them, al- 3 . though this material will eventually be lo- Malmo (Southern Sweden) Malmo Cemetery cated within a wider discussion on graves as Sweden's Muslim community has its roots statements of both individual and collective in the country's recruitment of labour dur- identity. To illustrate these variations some ing the early 1960s and 1970s, and also in comparisons are drawn amongst three the role Sweden has played in receiving cemeteries in the UK, which predominantly r e f u g e e s .8 This has resulted in the country's Ahmed Andrews is a lecturer in Religious Studies at come under local authority control and one Muslim community being very diverse, con- the University of Derby, UK, and a visiting lecturer at in Sweden, where cemeteries are, for the sisting of people from Arab, Iranian, Turkish, the University of Lund, Sweden. most part, both public and owned and oper- Asian, and Bosnian origins. A survey of E-mail: [email protected] ated by the Church of Sweden. Malmo's Muslim burial sites shows patterns of grave markers that clearly reflect the eth- Michele Wolfe, research assistant and PhD student at 4 . Saffron Hill: Leicester (UK) nic identity of its deceased, most notably for the University of Derby, UK, conducts research on Dundee East This cemetery is located on the south side the Bosnians. issues of ritual purity surrounding death among of Leicester and contains the city's only Photo 4 shows graves of a very different Gujarati Muslims and Zoroastrians. Muslim burial site. It also boasts a purpose- design from those previously considered, E-mail: [email protected] built janazgah (funeral mosque). The city's most mirroring local Swedish designs. Many Muslim community is predominantly Sunni, carry the emblem of Bosnia or Turkey, and N o t e s originating from the Bulsar district of Gu- some follow a European tradition of includ- 1. See, for example, Nielsen, Jorgen (1994), Islam and jarat, India (approximately 16,000 people). ing a picture of the deceased. Another char- E u r o p e, Selly Oak: CSIC Papers. There is also a significant Sunni Pakistani acteristic noted on Muslim graves in Swe- 2. Estimate given to the authors by Jonas Otterbeck, community (approx 4,000) and a den is the presence of a foot marker as well University of Lund, Sweden. Bangladeshi community (approx 2,000). The as one at the head of the grave. In addition, 3. Hewer, Christopher (1994), Recent Developments 5 . earliest burials appear to have taken place there is no evidence of Arabic or Urdu script. Amongst Muslims in Britain, Selly Oak: Birmingham, A Muslim Grave in the 1970s. The burial area is characterized Thus, what is portrayed is a Muslim identity p. 9. on All Saints by small white headstones, a close-up ex- rooted in European culture. One phenome- 4. Jonker, G. (1997), 'The many faces of Islam: Death, Night (Malmo) ample of which can be found in photo 1. The non witnessed in Malmo and worthy of Dying and Disposal between Orthodox Rule and inscriptions on these stones are limited to mention is that of Muslims participating in Historical Convention', in: Parkes, C. (et al), D e a t h Qur'anic text, often the first surah, and the the Swedish 'All Saints Day' ritual of decorat- and Bereavement Across Cultures, London: name of the deceased alongside the dates ing the grave with flowers and lights (see Routledge, pp. 147-65. of birth and death. photo 5). 5. Durkheim, Emile (1976), The Elementary Forms of Leicester's Gujarati Muslims mostly follow It is apparent that Muslim grave designs the Religious Life, 2nd edition, London: George the Hanafi school of thought, and adhere to vary considerably. Some reflect that which Allen and Unwin, p. 399. a Deobandi interpretation of this school of constitutes an appropriate grave marker in 6. The term Deobandi denotes adherence to the f i q h.6 The researchers were told by a mem- the cultures of origin. For example, the Gu- teaching of the Deoband school in India. ber of the community that this style of grave jarati graves in Leicester follow traditional 7. Named after Ahmad Raza Khan of Bareilly, who marker was common to Muslims of the Gu- Gujarati designs, while others such as those defended traditional Islam against the Deoband. jarat and reflected the 'puritanical' ethos of in Dundee and Sweden appear to reflect de- 8. See, for example, Freyne-Lindhagen, in: R. Barot: Deobandi thinking; hence the grave and its signs current in the host communities. It can Religion and Ethnicity, Kok Pharos: Kampen marker are simple and unadorned, bearing be argued from evidence so far collected N e t h e r l a n d s only minimal information on the life of the that, while in both the UK and Sweden grave 9. See for example Bellah, N. (1970), Beyond Belief, d e c e a s e d . markers contain statements regarding reli- New York: Harper and Row. 1 6 Regional Issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

Indian Ocean ABDALLAH CHANFI AHMED Dacwa in the The post-independence period from 1976 to 1985 was witness to a great number of young Comorian students heading for the Arab world, particularly to Medina, to receive the necessary training to become the future ulema of the Comoros Islands. Their return Comoros Islands home began to have an impact even during their summer vacation, a time during which the d acw a tique. But as the Wahhabis were home on The third permanent factor is the fascina- the art of tract making. The famous 'Voice of (mission) could be spread and during which they, vacation, it was not reasonable to risk im- tion, with all the envy and rejection the term the People' (sauti ya umati) that so annoyed having studied in different countries, manifested dif- prisonment or being stopped from return- implies, that the Arabophones or a r a b i s a n t s the Abdallah regime is one illustration of fering influences. ing to Medina. It was thus necessary to keep hold for the Francophones or f r a n c i s a n t s. this. That did not, however, stop them from a low profile. This, however, would no The latter alone monopolize the state appa- joining the written political culture with the longer be the case after 1985. ratus carrying the name école française, con- oral, particularly in their records and tapes of The Comorians had the tendency to distin- sidered to be the sole legitimate education- folklore music and revolutionary songs. An- guish between those studying in Medina, The d acw a after the Wahhabis al institution. Yet, (as the Arabophones just- other difference, and not the least impor- having the reputation of being the least definitive return home ly hold) the state belongs to all citizens and tant, that distinguishes them is their athe- evolved of all, and those studying in other From 1985 on, when some of the Wah- not merely to one caste. And while the ism, they so like to show, and their preaching cities in Saudi Arabia or in Kuwait, consid- habis completed their studies and returned ulema that had founded the m a d r a s s as thereof to those younger than themselves, ered to be the 'evolved youth'. The latter home, they began to attack the regime, crit- were attracted and recruited to the political the members of the ASEC-FD were in a way were said to be comparable in intellectual icizing the – by now – Islamic Republic for parties of the period ranging from internal deicidal, which is contrary to the Wahhabis. terms as well as in their mentality to those not applying the s h a riı-ca. In their point of autonomy to independence, and while the However, the militants of the two move- who came from France and those educated view, the term Islamic Republic was new Arabophones (other than the Wah- ments are both parricidal and liberticidal. in the lycées français of the country. Indeed, pompous and had, for those who had in- habis) believe themselves to be obliged to Parricidal, because the members of both those not coming from Medina emphasized vented it, but two objectives: to legitimize borrow the mannerisms of the new genera- movements aspired to taking the place of their difference by dressing in the latest Eu- their policies by means of Islam, and to at- tion of the 'Jules Ferry school', the young their elders, the traditional ulema for the ropean fashion and bringing with them the tract financial aid from the oil-rich monar- Comorian Wahhabis distance themselves Wahhabis, and the politicians for the mem- latest modern gadgets: radio-cassette chies. Indeed, this intention cannot be ex- from such attitudes. They want to mark their bers of the ASEC-FD. Liberticidal, because recorders, hi-fi stereo systems, cameras, and cluded considering the volume of aid that difference in every way. Nonetheless, in both movements aspired to the power and the like. Their mannerisms starkly contrast- Abdallah's regime received from these many ways, they resemble the youth of the installing a supposedly salvational dictator- ed them with their Medinian counterparts: countries. For example, the total amount of Marxist ASEC-FD. The former oppose their ship: the dictatorship of the proletariat for the Wahhabis. The latter wore sombre aid he received from the Gulf monarchies elder ulema, the latter contest their elders in the ASEC-FD and the dictatorship of the clothing consisting of a white robe and amounted to 93.2 million dollars in 1981 power and the political establishment. All s h a r i¯ıca for the Wahhabis. But the inaugura- skullcap. They stayed in their villages to and did not cease to increase until at least are against French imperialism. The Wah- tion of the 'Shariatocracy' is not possible in a carry out preparatory work, first amongst 1986. Apart from a few infrastructure pro- habis are against French imperialism based 'deus ex machina'. For that, a political com- their families, for their definitive return. The jects such as expanding the port of Mut- on the ideology of the Muslim Brothers bat in the framework of new democratic era . 'apprentice cleric' defined himself as an ad- samudu, the money mostly landed in the which combats the ga z w i l - f i k r¯ı ( c o l o n i a l i z a- must be lead. ◆ versary of traditions and he expressed this pockets of the government officials. Fur- tion of the spirit of Muslims by that of West- within, among others, his female family thermore, the Wahhabis' accusation erners, especially through their schools). members by attempting to impose the veil launched against the government was con- The youth of the ASEC-FD do the same, but and preventing them from frequenting men firmed and rejoined the comical public criti- based on Marxist ideology which is anti- outside of the family. Furthermore, he tried cism that called the republic, instead of a colonialist, being understood that the impe- to put an end to the marabout practices, 'République Féderal' (Federal Republic), a rialism, for this Marxist ideology, is the which his family may have resorted to in the 'République fédarile' (feda rile: literally, 'supreme phase of capitalism'. Both move- case of need. money, let's guzzle it). ments were to invent a 'counter-culture': on His intervention would then be carried This description of the way Wahhabis the one hand, the 'new culture' (msomo wa out at the village level: the mosque, the spread and are still spreading their propa- n y u m e n i) of the ASEC-FD, which is a mixture école française, and the public square. At the ganda brings at least three permanent fac- of anti-conformist behaviour slightly hippy- mosque, he would ask the village ca- l i m, who tors to the fore: like and a revolutionary Marxist militantism; generally administers religious instruction The nostalgic desire to perform their and on the other hand, the Wahhabi puri- . between the m agr i b and a l -cisˇa- prayers, to d acw a as the Prophet Himself did. First, they tanism of the 'Medinians'. It seems that the accept being replaced by him during the tried to impose their doctrine within their Wahhabis have imitated the young Marxists school vacation. The same went for instruc- families: the Prophet did so for Islam first of the ASEC-FD in their propaganda and in tion, such as the t a fsı¯ ra l - q ur ca- n, which takes with his clan. Then, they spread to the vil- their mode of organization: firstly, by their place at the mosque during the Ramadan. lage level: the Prophet had done so for seasonal propaganda during the school va- As with every period of school vacation, the Mecca. Finally, they spread their message to cation and then by their transformation into local students organize a special course at the national level: here again, the Prophet a political party. They generated the FNJ the école française, where the young Wah- had done the same after his immigration to (Front National pour la Justice, National habi would propose to administer Arabic Medina. In all of these steps, there would Front for Justice) in the same way that the courses. In the public squares, he would set certainly be obstacles that the Wahhabi da -cı- ASEC produced its 'Front', that being the FD up debates on a topic relating to local reli- would face with respect to the means de- (Front Démocratique, Democratic Front). gious practice. During the month of the manded by the state of the power struggle: However, in their criticism of the magico- Prophet's birth, the m a u l i d month for Co- persuasion or physical confrontation. All customary traditions (mila na ntsi ugangi) morians, he would seize the occasion to would depend on the opportunity present- such as the grand marriage, they are much preach. In this sense his preaching indicates ed. Even this was inspired by the Prophet. closer to revolutionary Ali Soilih than the a capacity to adapt his strategy to the reality The origin myths, the obsession with the youth of the ASEC-FD, which consider this of the country: although the Wahhabi ideol- founding act, and the supposedly perfect domain as secondary. For the latter, it was ogy condemns the practice of the m a u l i d, paradigmatic model which must be repro- necessary to defeat French imperialism as young Wahhabis were happy to participate duced, are common to all proselytizing doc- well as its 'Comorian servants', meaning the in it with the intention of taking advantage trines that promise adepts the 'great eve'. elders of the political establishment, to in- of the podium offered them to propagate This dream feeds their desire to re-institute stall a 'true democracy' (demokrasi mpiya) . their message. The same holds true for the in the here and now the prophetic State of The greatest difference that separated the dayira- ceremonies or for the religious cere- Medina, the ideal City. youth of the ASEC-FD and the Wahhabis is monies of the grand marriages (locally The second permanent factor is the de- an attitude of political culture. The Wahhabis called (m a d j l i s) . nunciation the Wahhabis perform at the are, just as their elder ulema and the politi- The Wahhabis thus challenged local prac- place of the elder ulema. This is done de- cians that evolved from internal autonomy tices, customs, and institutions judged as spite the fact that most of the latter were to independence, much closer to the 'oral contrary to pure, original Islam. However, teachers who, in the m a d r a s s a s they had political culture' than the 'written political these reformist claims of the Wahhabis in founded, gave these Wahhabis a solid basis culture'. When it comes to expressing a polit- the villages strongly contrasted their ab- in the Arabic language and a modern reli- ical opinion, they often use verbal means sence on the national scene. Their silence at gious education – in comparison with that (preaching at the mosque or on the national the level of the state is especially remark- which they themselves had received from radio) rather than written means. But the able in a country that calls itself an 'Islamic their own predecessors. They had sought youth of the ASEC-FD are the genuine pro- Abdallah Chanfi Ahmad is currently a researcher at Republic'. The entire field of contestation of out scholarships for these young Wahhabis moters in the country of a 'graphic political the Zentrum Moderner Orient (ZMO) in Berlin. This the political regime was occupied by the and organized their departures for the Is- culture' as witnessed in their journals such article has been adapted from his Islam et Politiques Marxists of the ASEC and the groups ema- lamic centres in the Arab world. Today they as: U s o n i (Up Front), U s h e (The Twilight), and aux Comores, L'Harmattan, Paris, 1999. nating from it, such as the Front Démocra- consider their former students ungrateful. D a r b i n i (Microscope). They came to master E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Regional Issues 17

Southeast Asia JULIA DAY HOWELL Indonesia's

News coverage on Indonesia since the resignation of former President Suharto has been filled with images of sectarian violence and separatist agitation linked to 'fundamentalist' Islam. The ascent of Abdurrah- Urban Sufis: man Wahid, former head of the 'traditionalist' Mus- lim clerics association, the Nahdlatul Ulama, to the Presidency of the nation at first suggested a shaky vigour in 'moderate' expressions of Islam. But as his second year in office begins, grave doubts loom as to Challenging Stereotypes the strength of the middle ground between so-called 'secular' and 'extremist Muslim' forces. of Islamic Revival

Telling the future of this nation in turmoil is signs of intensified piety may well betoken a centred on Pesantren Suryalaya in West Java. of non-traditional teachers outside the con- fraught with difficulties, not least because of new commitment to 'inner', Sufistic engage- He introduced me to several young lecturers, ventional tarekat. The key features of these the likely manipulation of religious sentiment ment with the faith. including my research colleague Drs. Suban- new-style 'Sufi' activities are their stated link by cynical contestants for power. Attempts to Some of the most influential sociological di, MA, and other young Yogya professionals with sharica-based Islam, their pursuit of an understand how popular commitments representations of the Islamic world in the involved in TQN and other orders. I learned experiential or 'inner' dimension to religious grounded in religion become mobilized in 20th century, notably those of Ernest Gellner that the widely reported Islamic revival on the life, and a moving away from, or even rejec- political contests are also hampered by our and Clifford Geertz, cast Sufism as a predomi- campuses (and elsewhere) included an in- tion of, the supposed hierarchy, authoritari- limited vision of what religion means in daily nantly rural phenomenon. At mid century tense interest in 'inner' religiosity. It seemed anism and 'other worldliness' of conventional life in Indonesia today. Not only are terms they saw it fading away along with tribal and that in the 1980s kebatinan (literally 'inward- tarekats.4 This last feature distinguishes the such as 'fundamentalist,' 'traditionalist,' and peasant life as Muslim societies underwent ness' but more broadly 'mysticism outside the Neo-Sufism of past generations (that at- 'secular' loosely defined and likely to carry in- modernization. In these views, Sufism, origi- fold of Islam'), had largely failed to attract the tempted merely to distance Sufism from idol- appropriate implications when reading from nally propounded by urban sophisticates, younger intelligentsia, but Islamic devotion- atrous local practices and reassert the central- the experience of one country to another, but after its distant heyday receded into the hin- alism and Sufi mystical practices were engag- ity of the syarica without attempting major in- even within Indonesia the religious landscape terlands and was compromised by its toler- ing them. Sufi books were amongst the stitutional change) from this new 'Neo-Su- has been rapidly changing. Some 'traditional- ance toward folk customs. Once a disciplined fastest selling of the religious titles; students fism'. The new 'Neo-Sufism' (as some indeed ists' (like the pluralist Wahid) are looking in- path of asceticism for spiritual purification, organized lectures on Sufism along with call it; it is also called 'Tasawuf Positif' or 'Prac- congruously progressive, while 'modernists' Sufism became in these constructions a set of other Islamic topics; and orders like TQN were tical Sufism') responds specifically to the new (such as in Muhammadiyah) have been ac- magical practices suited to inspiring petty po- attracting members of the educated middle conditions of Indonesian urbanism. Notwith- cused, even by their own avant-garde, of get- litical loyalties; once a means of mystical class and even Jakarta elites. standing the ideological imperatives of na- ting stuck in outmoded visions of reform. knowing, it became merely a form of quick Through the surveys we carried out on the tion building for an unambiguous, prescribed While differences still nettle relations be- emotional release through suspect rituals. Yogyakarta and Tegal regional branches of religious identity, people are propelled into tween 'traditionalists' and modernists, re- Gellner argued that the 20th century was TQN Suryalaya in 1990 and 1997, we were privatized styles of religiosity by their experi- markable commonalities have nonetheless particularly fateful for Sufis. Although they able to confirm the involvement of well-edu- ences of social and geographical mobility, ex- emerged. These have been best documented have always been vulnerable to purification cated, occupationally middle-class people, posure to global economic forces and cul- in the areas of public piety in the Muslim com- movements led by urban clerics (ulama) be- both old and young, in this order. In 1997, tures, and participation in international cul- munity at large and in the debate amongst cause of their lax attitude towards customary nearly two-fifths had junior high or high tural activities. ◆ the intelligentsia on interpretation in Islamic practices and the spiritual pretensions of school education, and just over 10% had at law. The rapid spread of literacy through the reckless syechs, before the 20th century chas- least some tertiary education. Five had actual- state school system, especially since the tened Sufis were able to rebound. However, ly done an MA and one had a PhD. Occupa- 1970s, and the requirement that pupils study after the turn of the 20th century, he observed, tions covered the full spectrum; and ages their nominated religion (in nearly 9 out of 10 modernist reform movements took a more ranged widely, from 16 to 97, with the bulk of N o t e s : cases, Islam) at every level of formal studies, uncompromising approach, seeking to dele- the membership between 35 and 64. Sub- 1. Geertz, Clifford (1960), The Religion of Java, have made for a more doctrinally informed gitimize Sufism entirely and to establish legal- stantial numbers of women were in the sur- Glencoe: The Free Press, p. 182. and 'bookish' ummat. At the same time, the istic (or 'scripturalist') constructions of Islam vey, along with men. Significantly, both the 2. Howell, Julia Day, Subandi and Peter L. Nelson, depoliticization of religion under Suharto's as definitive of orthodoxy. overall membership numbers for these 'Indonesian Sufism, Signs of Resurgence', in: N e w New Order lowered social barriers between Geertz's highly influential ethnography of branches and the proportion of urbanities Trends and Developments in the World of Islam, 'strict' Muslims and others. These factors, plus Javanese society around the town of Pare in grew over the 1990s.2 This tarekat, at least, edited by Peter B. Clarke (1998), London: Luzac the rising world prestige of Islam after the the 1950s graphically illustrated this image of was hardly 'an old man's pondok' confined to Oriental; and Howell, Julia Day, Subandi and Peter Iranian Revolution, supported an efflores- Sufi decline in the face of Modernist reform. a disappearing peasantry. L. Nelson, 'New Faces of Indonesian Sufism: A cence of popular piety that has cross-cut old The traditional centres of Muslim education Demographic Profile of Tarekat Qodiriyyah- religious/secular party politics and runs he observed (the pesantren or pondok) were The new 'neo-Sufism' Naqsyabandiyyah, Pesantren Suryalaya in the across the social class hierarchy. Veiling has cast as vehicles for basic learning in law and Although demographic survey data on 1990s', forthcoming. spread from the kauman (the old 'strict Mus- theology, while the Sufi orders (tarekat), once other orders are not yet available, several 3. Johns, Anthony, 'Tareqah', in: M. Eliade and C. lim' quarters of cities) to the university cam- commonly associated with these schools, ap- scholars, including Martin van Bruinessen, Adams (eds.), Encyclopedia of Religion vol. 14, New puses; employees in Jakarta office towers as peared to have nearly died out. Not only were have recorded their impressions that Sufis or- York: McMillan, pp. 342-352. well as batik manufacturers in Solonese kam- there very few tarekat, but his characteriza- ders are enjoying a new appeal in urban 4. See also the talk by Jalaluddin Rakhmat's 'The pungs take time off for Friday services. As for tion of the ones he did observe as 'a kind of areas. Zamakhsyari Dhofier and others have Revival of Sufism: Does It Help? A Glance at the intellectual engagement in issues of inter- old man's pondok'1 strongly suggested they also provided evidence of the continuing vi- Modern Sufi Associations in Indonesia' preting and applying Islamic law in a modern would not be around much longer. When tality of Sufi devotionalism in the pesantrens (ISIM web site). society, the degree of convergence in ap- those elderly, poorly educated farmers at mid century and the vigour of the tarekats. proaches is signalled by the frequent use of a passed away, so would Java's Sufi orders. The Indeed in 1957, at the very time that Geertz single term, 'Neo-Modernism,' to characterize Javanese penchant for esoteric learning was engaged in his Javanese field project, the both progressives within the 'traditionalist' might well survive in the numerous syncretic Nahdlatul Ulama formed its first council to co- camp (such as Wahid) and those coming out mystical groups (the golongan kebatinan or ordinate the affairs of the tarekats run by of the Modernist movement (such as Nurchol- kepercayaan), but not within the fold of Islam. member ulamas. ish Madjid). Apparently there is something to Anthony The spread of Sufism amongst John's wry comment about Sufi orders, that The upsurge in interest the intelligentsia 'Rumors of their impending death…are very in Sufism That this might not have come to pass (or much exaggerated'.3 But the issue of the ap- What is perhaps the most surprising change perhaps never was impending) was im- peal of Sufism to cosmopolitans needs to be in contemporary Islamic religiosity, however, pressed on my attention in the late1980s after taken beyond the study of Sufi orders, and and one that has played a significant role in having spent some years researching the even beyond the devotional life of the pe- convergences in popular piety and jurispru- mystical groups and their association with santren. Indeed a whole range of novel activi- dence, is an upsurge of interest in Sufism. Par- the Hindu and Buddhist reform movements. ties identified with 'Sufism' or tasawuf are ticularly remarkable is the fact that this inter- It was at that time that I met the respected now popular in Indonesia's major cities: from est is evident in the cities, not just in the coun- Gadjah Mada University economist and for- reading reflective and 'how-to' spiritual tryside, and is pursued by cosmopolitan so- mer Rector of the Universitas Islam Indonesia books, to attending academically-styled pri- Julia Day Howell is a senior lecturer at Griffith phisticates as well as by provincials. Being a in Yogyakarta, Professor Aceh Partadiredja. By vate courses, to joining informal prayer University's School of Asian and International modern Muslim in Indonesia does not neces- then he was himself a new member of the groups or healing workshops using dzikir Studies, Brisbane, Australia. sarily imply salafi fundamentalism; 'outward' Tarekat Qodiriyyah-Naqsyabandiyyah (TQN) chanting, to accepting the spiritual direction E-mail: [email protected] 1 8 Regional Issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

South Asia SHANKER THAPA Ethnic Variation

Muslims in Nepal are comprised of Indian migrants and their descendants. A large majority of them live in the southern plain areas, while a certain percent- age of the Muslim population live in certain villages of Nepal's Muslim of the hill districts and the Kathmandu Valley. This geographic range has a profound impact on their lifestyles, cultural activities and even their religious practices. The Muslims of Nepal are categorically di- vided into different ethnic types, distinguishable by M i n o r i t y religious behaviours, language, beliefs, and rela- tions with the local Hindus. of Tarai Muslims constitutes almost two million people. They are scattered amongst the 20 dis- The Kashmiri Muslims arrived in the Hindu state tricts of the Tarai region. They have cultural, reli- of Nepal in the 15th century. Although historians gious and other social ties with the Muslims of differ on the date given for their arrival, there is Northern India. no doubt about their being the first Muslims to The year of arrival of the Indian Muslims in the arrive in Nepal. Babu Ram Acharya, a prominent Tarai region remains unknown. T. A. Ansari has historian, holds that a Muslim saint built the argued that they have been living in there since Kashmiri Pancha Taquia, the first mosque in before Nepal gained political control over the re- Nepal, in 1524 AD. gion.6 The uninterrupted intercourse between These early Kashmiris, whose descendants still the people of the region and Indian states sup- live in Kathmandu, used the city as a centre for ports this argument. trade with Tibet and India.1 As far back as the In the eastern Tarai, the majority of Muslims 18th century, they had earned a formidable repu- are Ansari and Mansuri. The Muslims of Tarai tation for their efficiency in commercial activities have high quality religious education facilities. A and were thus allowed to enter Kathmandu large number of reputable madrasas, masjids under condition that they would not undertake and yetimkhanas (orphanages) have been estab- A m a d r a s a missionary activities or interfere in Hindu affairs lished in the region. Muslim children first go to in a Tarai village in any way. Indeed, this condition was upheld. the madrasas for religious education, where the near India. However, under the rule of a new conqueror, Maulvis from India teach. There are also Nepali Prithvi Narayan Shah, founder of modern Nepal, Muslims trained in India or Saudi Arabia who the Kashmiris began to fear persecution – a fear their entire set of family relations and religious the districts of Gorkha, Tanahun, Kaski, Syangja, teach religion at the madrasas. The Tarai Mus- which compelled them to shut down business activities are generally limited to the Kathmandu Dailekh, Pyuthan, Arghakhanchi, Palpa and lims are thus able to maintain their identity as and move to India. The new king, having consid- Valley. Nuwakot. The mosques and small makhtabs they attempt to avoid cultural assimilation. They ered the fact that the Kashmiris had such pros- exist in major hill Muslim settlements. The hill can learn Urdu, Arabic, and Persian languages perous relations with the deposed Malla Kings of The Tibetan Muslims Muslims are the descendants of Indian migrants, along with the study of the holy Qur'an and the Kathmandu2, imposed various restrictions that Tibetan Muslims can also be found in Nepal. and are synonymously known as churautey (ban- Hadith. But the growing trend of English educa- led two Kashmiri trading houses to remain in They are mostly Tibetan refugees who fled Tibet gle sellers), considered to be a branch of the tion in Nepal has brought about certain changes Kathmandu after 1774 AD. after the Chinese occupation began in 1960. His- Churihar of the plains.5 Common tribes among in indigenous religious education: some of the torical evidence suggests that the Lhasa envoy them are the Mirja and Fakirs, the latter being madrasas have introduced the teaching of Eng- The Kashmiri Muslims today of King Ratna Malla invited certain Tibetan Mus- considered lower in the social hierarchy. The hill lish and modern mathematics as independent The Nepali Kashmiris maintain a definite social lims to come to Kathmandu in the 15th century. Muslims are very much influenced by the sur- subjects. In these religious schools, girls also status. It is even said that they entertain a sense The Tibetan Muslims today maintain a distinct rounding Hindu culture. The makhtabs or have equal opportunity for education. of superiority over the other local Nepali Mus- Tibetan culture, although their extended stay in madrasas and masjids, which exist in the settle- The Tarai Muslims clearly differ in several ways lims.3 They have their own mosque and a sepa- Kathmandu has resulted in a certain degree of ments of hill Muslims, have been unable to from the hill Muslims. Such differences are no- rate burial ground in Kathmandu. Nonetheless, blending culture with that of the Kashmiri and maintain indigenous Muslim culture. Interaction ticeable mainly in physical appearance, lan- very much influenced by indigenous local Nepali Indian Muslims. There are altogether some 100 with the Hindu families is more frequent than guage, dress conventions, and cultural practices. culture, the Kashmiris are not indifferent to the Tibetan Muslim families in the Kathmandu Val- that with other Muslims. The hill Muslims and It should be mentioned that Muslims in certain process of cultural assimilation. They have ley. They actively participate in various religious local Hindus regularly invite each other to vari- remote villages in the hills, in western and far adapted several Hindu tenets to their cultural activities and collaborate with their Tibetan ous rituals celebrations and festivals. However, western regions, are completely ignorant of Is- practices, but maintain a preference for matri- Muslim counterparts in Darjeeling and despite their strong social ties, the Hindus con- lamic culture and religious practices. monial and other social ties with families of sim- Kalimpong in India, who have established a joint sider the Muslims to be an inferior caste. One Apart from the fact that the availability of reli- ilar status. Thus, they are found to be rather con- association called Tibetan Muslim Welfare Asso- manifestation of this is expressed by the Hindus gious facilities has allowed the Tarai Muslims to servative in contracting marriages, although ciation.4 cooking their own meals even when attending maintain their culture intact, they are very much View of the some cases of marriages with non-Kashmiri Mus- feasts at the homes of Muslim neighbours. This traditional orthodox in religious matters. This, of 'Kashmiri Taqia', lims do exist. The hill Muslims: c h u r a u t e y sentiment is nonetheless less important nowa- course, has led to decreased adaptability. Fur- a mosque of Their long history of residence in Kathmandu (bangle sellers) days than it was, for example, some years ago. thermore, they entertain excellent relations with Kashmiri has contributed to a genuine blending of their A large number of Nepali Muslims live in dif- These emigrant Muslims gradually accommo- Islamic institutions beyond the boarder. The M u s l i m s . culture and language with the local people. But ferent parts of the western hill region, mostly in dated themselves to the local conditions. It can extra-territorial loyalty of the Tarai Muslims in be said that their present culture is a confluent of terms of their religious beliefs remains vital to all both cultures. They have been strongly influ- of their cultural activities – thereby affecting enced by the Hindus in all aspects of lifecycle rit- their identity as a whole. ◆ uals and in the naming of children, to name but two examples. They even tend to celebrate the Hindu festivals with greater enthusiasm than the Hindus themselves. The Hindus, on the other hand, also participate in Muslim celebrations. N o t e s It is worthy of mention that training schools in 1. Gaborieau, Marc (1981), ' Peasants, Urban Traders Islamic fundamentals are not available in hill and Rural Artisans ', Journal-Institute of Muslim areas. The lack of proper knowledge of religion is Minority Affairs 312; Jeddah: King Abdul Aziz most likely what allowed for their integration of University, pp. 199-200. Hindu cultural tenets. Hence, the process of cul- 2. Siddika, Shamima (1995), Muslims of Nepal, tural assimilation is more rapid in the hills as Kathmandu: Gazala Siddika, p. 112. compared to that of Muslims in the southern 3. Ansari, Tahir Ali (1988), 'Muslim Minority in Nepal: plain. The hill Muslims, despite being considered A Research in Progress', Journal-Institute of Muslim 'untouchables' by the Hindus, observe certain Minority Affairs 9 (1), pp. 160-61. components of the Hindu death rituals and also 4. 'Tibetan Muslims' (Jan.-Feb. 1994), Tibet Bulletin, worship ancestors. Such observances are deeply Dharmashala, pp. 8-9. rooted in their life pattern. 5. Gaborieau, ibid. pp. 242-243. 6. Ansari, ibid. pp. 160. Tarai Muslims The Tarai (plain land in the South) Muslims are Dr Shanker Thapa is associate professor at the entirely comprised of descendants of Indian mi- Central Department of History, Tribhuvan University, grants who came to Nepal in search of employ- Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal. ment opportunities. At present, the population E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Regional Issues 19

South Asia DAVID WAINES N o n - F o r m a l

To even the casual observer, public education in Pak- istan appears to be in a state of crisis. On a recent trip to Islamabad and Lahore, I noticed state-supported schools seemingly outnumbered by private 'schools' Education in that have sprung up on almost every street corner. These are generally housed in a villa, a bungalow, or a couple of rooms in a building with a billboard and fancy title and logo advertising their wares; Leeds Academy or London College of IT were spotted Pakistan: amongst the forest of signs. Other education indica- tors reveal Pakistan lagging behind its neighbours in South Asia: it has the lowest literacy rate, the lowest female participation in education, the highest female primary school dropout rate, and the lowest enrol- A Child's Approach ment in tertiary education.

nity had no school. Troubled by this, Zainab Lessons were being given by the two female and Junaid recognized their own privileged teachers when we arrived: Rubina was in- position and saw, with the simple lucidity structing the older children and Zubeida the that only children possess, the injustice of younger children. One girl read confidently their position compared to that of children from her Urdu text while a male classmate in the mud-hut community. Together with read several lines in English without hesita- Zareena's encouragement and cooperation tion. The school is named after Zobia, a amongst other parents in the community, daughter of Zareena who tragically died of a they determined to try and change the situ- blood disease for which there is no available a t i o n . treatment in Pakistan. It came as no surprise During their summer vacation that first to learn that Zareena, who had moved here year, Zainab, now with Amber, a friend, and from the squatter settlement, where the Junaid set up their open-air school in the first school is located, now lives next door to community by the shade of a tree. Junaid re- the second school and has also been a influ- counted some of the challenges of those ential in this new enterprise. In addition to first difficult weeks: 'We had to convince the the material support for these schools, children that they would not be beaten in other provisions are necessary. Teacher school when they came to learn', a practice training and upgrading helps ensure the he assured me was still far too common in quality of teaching and the establishment of state schools. Moreover, the children were teacher-parent committees gives parents a told they should come only if they really crucial stake in their children's education. wanted to. 'The first thing we taught them Behind it all there is the organizational, in was how to hold a pencil and draw a addition to the financial, input of Zainab straight line', he added. Then gradually, the and Junaid's parents, while their children The Golra school Pakistan is the only country in the region tion departments still focus too heavily Urdu alphabet was introduced using pic- continue to teach and participate in several of basic education where expenditure on education as a pro- upon buildings at the expense of delivering tures of familiar objects and the initial char- extracurricular activities during their sum- in Islamabad. portion of the GNP has decreased since quality education through quality teaching. acter of the word for that object. The stu- mer vacations and other holidays. 1990, which makes the discovery of several Syed Ayub Qutub, head of the NGO Pakistan dents reproduced the character and picture I left Islamabad reflecting that this private thousand 'ghost schools' in the Punjab Institute for Environment Development Ac- and learned the appropriate letter sound. family initiative, galvanized unusually by province – which were in practice closed tion Research (PIEDAR), argues that only a Zainab said she noticed a change in the chil- the energies and caring of these remarkable but where teachers had been drawing 'committed, well-trained, village-based fe- dren's appearance after the school lessons children, was, in the context of the modern salaries at a cost, or waste, of 1.4 billion ru- male teacher can impart the required stan- were established; they were washed and world, a refreshing restatement of historical pees annually – all the more dramatic. These dard of education to girls in the country- wore clean clothes, setting them apart from Islamic social values – not only to seek may be some of the reasons for the emer- side.' Male primary schools teachers are by other children in the community. With the knowledge for oneself but also to encour- gence of a private sector industry of the no means excluded when they are trained summer vacation coming to an end, the age others to seek the same goal, and to urban 'school' which is said to be one of the and motivated as educators rather than sim- classes also now seemed in danger. The provide the means to do so where they are most profitable growth areas in a lacklustre ply as employees in education. The key to community is very poor; women generally needed. ◆ economy. The private 'schools' are also fash- sustaining the non-formal village school is work as domestic help in the nearby mod- ionable, regardless of whether or not they involvement of the parents. The latter, in re- ern housing sector, while men find whatev- are performing their tasks properly. The turn for quality education for their children, er temporary odd jobs they can. Hence, principal of a well-known government col- usually find the means to contribute to- Zainab and Junaid's parents ensured conti- lege for girls in Lahore told me that some of wards the salary of the teacher who, with nuity by hiring a teacher and providing the her pupils are even absent when the exam sound training thus develops a growing necessary textbooks and stationery sup- period approaches, as they attend private commitment to becoming a proprietor of plies; their mother, a professional consul- 'tutorial' centres where they seek help in his/her own school. Since PIEDAR began in tant on gender issues, has become the key their weakest subjects. The principal was 1994, some 1400 girls are or have been en- organizational support system behind the justly saddened by this trend claiming that gaged in lessons in reading comprehension enterprise which has gradually expanded to her own institution still prepared students and writing in Urdu and in English, and in three schools in adjoining communities, more thoroughly for their exams than did learning to perform basic mathematical cal- with five teachers and some 120 students. these virtually unregulated swot-shops. culations in their heads. Four years on, the original school under a tree is now quartered in the tiny community Revaluing the education A unique small-scale initiative mosque where children sit in the courtyard s e c t o r A further ray of light upon this scene is when the weather is fine and inside when it There is another, brighter, side to this oth- cast from a quite unexpected, and uncon- is inclement. When we visited the new site, erwise bleak educational landscape. Recog- ventional quarter; I learned by chance of a known as the Golra School of Basic Educa- nizing that the key investment for national personal and private initiative in non-formal tion, students had just finished their and individual social and economic devel- schooling in Islamabad which gave another lessons. One of the two male teachers, Mu- opment lies in primary education, the gov- meaning and restored some dignity to the nawwar, who himself lives locally, told me ernment of Pakistan and non-governmental term 'private'. Four years ago, Zainab and the children, girls and boys aged from 5 to organizations are attempting to address her brother Junaid (then aged 11 and 10 14, were instructed in the rudiments of and redress an historical undervaluing of years respectively) encountered a young lad Urdu, English and mathematics. this crucial sector, especially in rural areas. Asif, selling poppadoms in the market. They The second school I visited is the Zobia And most undervalued of all within this sec- later met his mother, Zareena, who made Private School, near Golra Railway Station. tor are the young girls of rural districts. the poppadoms to be sold by her husband Here the community is slightly better off Since 1995-96, the Prime Minister's Literacy and son as the sole source of the family's in- economically as the men have steady jobs Commission has supervised the establish- come. The family lived in a squalid commu- and their wives remain at home. The parents ment of more than 7,000 non-formal nity of huts adjacent to one of the expand- pay very modest fees of 25 rupees per David Waines is professor of Islamic Studies, schools; however much needed and wel- ing modern sectors of Islamabad where month for the rent of a room and adjoining Lancaster University, UK. come, critics observe that provincial educa- Zainab and Junaid lived. Zareena's commu- courtyard in which to hold the classes. E-mail: [email protected] 2 0 Regional Issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

Central Asia M. NAZIF SHAHRANI The Taliban Enigma

If the process by which we arrive at today's institutions is relevant and constrains future choices, then not only does history matter but persistent poor performance and long-run divergent patterns of (socio-political and Person-Centred Politics economic) development stem from a common source.1 The meteoric rise of the Taliban (1994-1995) as an ex- tremist Muslim militia movement in post-Soviet Afghanistan remains an enigma to the Afghans as well as to outside observers. What is enigmatic is not so & Extremism in much where they come from, or what internal and ex- ternal forces might be propping them up, or even the brand of Islam they are brandishing. Rather what re- main puzzling are questions such as: What in the Afghan history and political culture provides space A f g h a n i s t a n and a place for the rise of such an extremely harsh and violent militant movement at the dawn of the 21st cen- Secondly, person-centred, paternalistic pol- tury in this beleaguered nation? Is this an expected itics encouraged commoditization of loyal- manifestation of recognizable historical patterns in the ties, the creation of a political economy of de- country? Or is it an aberration and a product of novel pendency and patron-client relationships at circumstances of post-jihad Afghanistan? If it is not a all levels of Afghan society, including the in- novelty, as will be argued here, then how can it be ex- creasing dependence of governments on for- plained within the parameters of Afghanistan's social eign aid. This situation has been further exac- history and political culture? erbated because of the collapse of the state and the rise of multiple centres of power, all Manifestations of 'extremism' or 'radicalism', of them receiving assistance (economic and whether ideological or behavioural are by de- military) from numerous governmental and finition political and, as such, r e l a t i o n a l, rela- non-governmental international agencies t i v e , contested and highly contextual phe- during the more than two decades of a devas- Afghan Taliban nomena. The most common context giving tating war. This new political ecological con- soldiers pose in rise to extremism (religious or otherwise), dition of continuous warfare has also intro- Kabul on their both historically as well as in the present duced a new weapon in the arsenals of per- way to the time, has been the struggle for control of the son-centred political combatants. It is access frontlines north powers of the institution of state (both tradi- to a thriving print and electronic media – in- of the capital. tional and modern). The principal objective of side Afghanistan, in Afghan refugee commu- these often violent struggles has been over nities around the world as well as the BBC and the rights to control, to re-define, and even to passed by breaking through the limitations The legacies of person-centred VOA radio services in Dari and Pashto lan- determine not only the basis for political le- of the kinship order [itself]'. To overcome the politics in Afghanistan guages – utilized for a more effective vilifica- gitimacy and exercise of authority, but also to limitations of this person-centred kin-based Modern state building efforts in tion and demonization of the opponent's proclaim what ought to constitute Muslim re- politics, Wolf suggests that the leader 'must Afghanistan began (in 1880) with unprece- character. These pervasive attempts at mutu- ligious orthodoxy/orthopraxy. That is, their gain independent access to reliable and re- dented brutality against large segments of al character assassinations have left no room goal is to articulate the nature of the relation- newable resources [material, monetary, and society, especially by violence directed for the possibility of constructive dialogue ship between state and society, to define the ideological] of his own.' against non-Durrani Pushtun and certain and discussion about national goals, ideas or limits of the subjects'/citizens' rights against Addressing this serious limitation of per- non-Pushtun groups. The rulers utilized the strategies, and have led to the inevitable es- the need to ensure security and sanctity of son-centred, kin-based political economy in discourses of Islam, tribe/kinship and Durrani calation of political contests into violent mili- the state, and to justify it by the particular Afghanistan has been possible, however kingship to hold together a myriad of linguis- tary conflicts, justified increasingly by adher- reading of what is held to be 'the o n l y t r u e brief, by two major means. During the 18t h tic, sectarian and tribal groups in virtual sub- ence to religious extremism and Talibanism. and authentic' practice of Islam. Therefore, and 19t h centuries, it was through the fruits of jugation within a buffer state. Resistance and Thirdly, person-centred politics has placed the rise of any form of extremism within a po- waging jihad, initially against non-Muslims in popular revolts against the state were repeat- all ideologies (Islamic and otherwise) and litical community must be considered as a the Indian subcontinent, and then internally edly crushed with weapons and money pro- moral principles at the service of preserving calculated response – a very risky response against the non-Pushtun communities to im- vided to the governments by outside colonial self-interest and protection of personal, famil- indeed – to either perceived or actual extrem- pose a form of internal colonialism. And dur- powers, initially Great Britain and later the for- ial, tribal or ethnic group honour. This has re- ist policies and practices of the contestants ing the latter parts of 19t h and the 20t h c e n- mer Soviet Union. These efforts, however, did sulted in serious discrepancies between pub- including the state, within the larger political turies it was through solicitation/offer of for- not disrupt the kin-based personalized poli- lic policy pronouncements of the contending ecological and socio-economic realities shap- eign subsidies, mostly from real and/or po- tics of what Edward Banfield termed 'amoral groups and their actual practices. The Taliban ing the contest. tential enemies of the nation. The effective- familism'3 – a tendency to 'maximize material, claims of being inclusive of all ethnic groups ness of these strategies, however, has proved short-run advantage of the … family [and and of bringing peace and security to territo- Person-centred politics in to be episodic and transient. kin], assuming that all others will do like-wise' ries under their control while committing A f g h a n i s t a n The costs of the failure to resolve this seri- – but strengthened them. Indeed, it can be ar- some of the worst ethnic cleansing violence Assuming that history and cultural context ous problem of political economy of the gued that the contradictory policies and prac- against non-Pushtuns in their conquered re- profoundly condition the trajectories of fu- state for Afghanistan have been very heavy. tices of state building in Afghanistan have gions; and contrary to explicit Islamic princi- ture possibilities, the following aims to ex- The primary reason for the failure has been promoted a political culture of person-cen- ples, the rising production of opium poppies, plore, however briefly, the implications of the unwillingness or inability of the leader- tred politics to the virtual exclusion of nurtur- and the manufacture, sales and trafficking of one crucial characteristic of Afghan political ship to shift from a tribal political culture an- ing broader and more inclusive national ide- elicit drugs in the areas under the Taliban culture. This characteristic is person-centred chored in person-centred politics to a ologies, institutions and moral principles. control may be a case in point. politics within the changing contexts of broader, more inclusive, participatory na- Therefore, it is contended that the rise of Tal- Fourthly, the treatment of non-Pushtun cit- state-society relations during the anti-Com- tional politics based on the development of iban movement during the post-jihad crises izens of Afghanistan as mere internal 'colo- munist jihad as well as the post-jihad politi- modern national institutions and ideolo- of succession, with their form of Islamic ex- nial' subjects (not citizens, at least not 'real cal-ecological and political-economic envi- gies. As a result, during its 250-year history tremism or Talibanism, is the inevitable culmi- Afghans') has produced a deep sense of alien- ronment that has given rise to the Taliban of statehood, Afghanistan has suffered nation of the historical legacies of the person- ation, resentment, and distrust. Their role in movement and their particularistic form of Is- through at least 100 years of fratricidal wars centred, Pashtun-dominated, Afghan political national history was depicted as marginal and lamic extremism or Talibanism, in of succession and/or pacification (often culture. The most significant of these legacies, their participation in national politics was Afghanistan today. Person-centred politics, called jihad by the contestants) with devas- although by no means exhaustive of all the purposefully undermined. That is, through a the cornerstone of kin-based mode of Push- tating consequences and painful legacies. possibilities, include: well-established policy of demographic ag- tun tribal social and political organization, These bloody internal conflicts, which have Firstly, consistent policies and practices of gression, ranging from resettlement of Push- has been the defining attribute of Afghan facilitated (invited) foreign aggressive inter- political mistrust directed against the great tun in non-Pushtun territories to underesti- politics since the creation of Pushtun-domi- ventions (British, Russian and now Pakistani, majority of Afghan subjects/citizens by state mating the actual numbers by administrative nated centralized polity in the mid-18t h c e n- Iranian and others), even when dressed with authorities have promoted an attitude of dis- means,7 their political representation in na- tury by a charismatic and able Abdali Push- ideological justifications (Islamic or other- trust of politics and politicians by the citizens. tional assemblies were severely curtailed. At tun chief, Ahmad Shah Durrani (r. 1747- wise), were fought not for or against any Such prolonged experiences, in turn have se- the same time, non-Pushtun groups were 1773). According to Eric Wolf,2 the 'Achilles' ideological or institutional cause or causes. riously weakened traditional communities of subjected to excessive conscription (for mili- heels' and 'the diagnostic points of stress' of Instead, they were fought for or against spe- trust (jamacat), i.e., civil society. And it has tary service and corvée labour) extraction by kin-based politics is that a chief or leader cific individuals, families or clans out of per- caused the general erosion of trust as a 'social taxation, appropriation, looting and other 'draws following through judicious manage- sonal, but often rapidly shifting, commoditi- capital' in Afghan society beyond the circles extra judicial exactions. It is because of these ment of alliances and redistributive action, cized loyalties (primordial and/or ac- of family and close kinsmen or at most one's painful historical memories of oppression and [but] he reaches a limit that can only be sur- q u i r e d / p u r c h a s e d ) . own ethnolinguistic group. injustice that non-Pushtun minorities in I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Regional Issues 21

Conference Report CONRAD SCHETTER A N D CHRISTINE NOELLE-KARIMI Afghanistan – Country without State?

From 15-18 June 2000, more than 200 persons partici- culture. The role of the state in the notions of Other speakers focused on the current situ- sumption of power. Michael von der Schulen- pated in an international conference entitled, 'Afghan- political Islam was stressed by Olivier Roy ation in Afghanistan. Amin Saikal (Australian burg (UN-International Drug Control Pro- istan – Country Without State?', organized by the Ar- (Centre National Recherche Sociale, Paris). He National University, Canberra) gave a detailed gramme, Vienna) investigated the factors en- beitsgemeinschaft Afghanistan (AGA) and the Medio- concluded that political Islam has failed to overview of the external actors (e.g. Pakistan couraging opium production in Afghanistan thek für Afghanistan e.V. in Munich. In the almost 30 bridge the gap between tradition and moder- and Iran), that are involved in the Afghan con- and its rising proportion on the world market. presentations given, researchers as well as representa- nity in Afghanistan. He and Neamatollah No- flict and weaken the reconstruction of the Jonathan Goodhand (Manchester) presented tives of NGOs and political institutions addressed the jumi (Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Afghan state. Reinhard Schlagintweit (Bonn), a study on the local level concerning the so- central question of whether Afghanistan is a failed or Somerville) discussed the question of how as well as Michael Pohly (Freie Universität cial and economic transformations a rural vil- failing state. the failing state in Afghanistan and the inter- Berlin) and Citha Maass (Stiftung Wis- lage in North Afghanistan underwent with linked export of international Islamic senschaft und Politik, Berlin) discussed the the introduction of opium production. Most papers focused on the construction of brigades are affecting the neighbouring meaning of state for the Taliban and the In summary, the conference has shown that the Afghan nation state and the political cul- states as well as other countries. Almut Northern Alliance. They concluded that none the state has lost its influence on the political, ture related to it. From these analyses, it ap- Wieland-Karimi (Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung), of the war parties had either a conception of ideological, social and economic affairs in peared that the state apparatus that had Max Klimburg (University of Vienna) and state or the capability to assume its responsi- Afghanistan. Therefore, it might be right to evolved in the 20th century was a quasi-for- Bruce Koepke (Australian National University, bilities. Two major sources of support for the claim that Afghanistan is a country without a eign body that tried to impose various forms Canberra) dealt with the effects of the war Taliban were examined by Ahmed Rashid (Far state, even though a failed state keeps its re- of control on the country and its people, but and Islamist policies on local culture and pop- Eastern Economic Review, Lahore) and sponsibility by law as Hermann-Josef Blanke failed to build an Afghan nation. Karl Jettmar ular religiosity, which revolves around Sufi Michael Lüders (Die Zeit, Hamburg). Rashid (University of Erfurt) emphasized. How to (University of Heidelberg) pointed to the ne- networks and saint worship, and, in the case depicted the dynamics at work between the cope with a region in which state structures cessity of re-examining the existing nation- of Nuristan, is rich in pre-Islamic traditions. Taliban and the Pushtun tribes. While certain have collapsed is a salient problem not only state structures of Central Asia in general. Two presentations concerned the institution tribal groups made the upsurge of the Taliban related to Afghanistan – as Schlagintweit Rasul Rahim (Wuppertal) discussed the of the jirga and its potential as a means of de- possible in the first place, others openly reject mentioned – and will pose a challenge to in- tremendous obstacles that prevented the de- cision making on the local and national levels. their policies. Michael Lüders gave an inside ternational security systems in different parts velopment of a civil society in each phase of Bernt Glatzer (Deutsche Stiftung für interna- view of the indoctrination young students of the world (e.g. Somalia, Sierra Leone) in the Afghan history. Eckart Schieweck (UN-Special tionale Entwicklung) pointed out that the as- and potential Taliban cadres are subjected to future. Mission to Afghanistan) analysed the growth semblies held in the rural setting primarily in the Pakistani madaris. Peter Schwittek (Car- The papers presented at the conference are of Afghan government institutions and their serve as a public enactment of a consensus itas, Kabul) reported on the desperate need in the process of publication. ◆ destruction in the course of the Afghan War. negotiated by the local leadership before the for education programmes and the contradic- Rangin Dadfar Spanta (University of Aachen) jirga is summoned. This process of conflict tions he encountered at different levels of the argued that the protracted war has led to the resolution hinges on the ability of influential Taliban government in his (ultimately suc- destruction of political culture in Afghanistan, men to act as opinion leaders and is entirely cessful) efforts to establish schools for 13,500 which constitutes the major problem for de- local in scope. Christine Noelle-Karimi (Uni- boys and girls. Heike Bill (Deutsche veloping a common idea of state and civil so- versity of Bamberg) drew attention to the lim- Welthungerhilfe, Jalalabad) discussed the Tal- Christine Noelle-Karimi is a postdoctoral fellow at the ciety. The papers of Angela Parvanta (Univer- itations of the loya jirga as a political mecha- iban policies concerning women. She pointed University of Bamberg, Germany. sity of Bamberg), Conrad Schetter (Center for nism on the national level. Initiated as an in- out that the restrictions imposed on women C N o e l l e - K a r i m i @ t - o n l i n e . d e Development Research, Bonn) and Rameen strument for promoting government policies do not reflect a specific Taliban ideology but Moshref (New York) dealt with the construct- in the early 20th century, it by no means repre- have rather had the effect of institutionalizing Conrad Schetter is a research fellow at the Center for ed character of the Afghan nation and the sents a time-honoured basis for installing and legitimizing patterns of oppression al- Development Research, Bonn, Germany. equation of Afghan nationalism with Pushtun democracy in Afghanistan. ready prevalent in Afghanistan before its as- E-mail: [email protected]

Afghanistan are fighting with such powerful Afghan Taliban Foreign Minister, determination to resist the Taliban attempt to Wakil Ahmad Mutawakel (centre) return the country to the status coup ante, i.e. greets returning Afghan hostages. the conditions of Pushtun internal colonial- ism before the onset of anti-Communist jihad (1978).

The ultimate product of the collapse of the former Soviet Union. That person-centred tribal is, the presence of multiple competing foreign Pushtun political culture Muslim sponsors, with their divergent or con- Finally, the ultimate product of the person- flicting strategic, ideological, political and eco- centred, tribal Pushtun political culture in nomic agendas have proved to be the ideal Afghanistan is the rise of the Taliban militia situation for the emergence of an extremist movement with its enigmatic, and increasing- militia organization such as the Taliban within ly apotheosized leader and his militantly anti- the person-centred tribal political culture of Sh i ca, anti-modern, anti-Western, anti- the Pushtun in Afghanistan. Indeed, these women, and especially anti-democratic poli- same political ecological realities in the region cies and practices. The Taliban's 'divinely or- have also fuelled the wars of resistance dained' reclusive leader, Mullah Umar, was against the Taliban hegemony, forcing it to re- proclaimed on 4 April 1996, by a gathering of eign Muslim allies, the various conservative succession in Afghanistan, at least during the sort to increasingly violent policies and prac- some 1,200 mullahs in Kandahar, the spiritual and radical Pakistani Muslim political organi- last 100 years. The mysterious beginnings of tices against women, Shicis and the non-Push- capital of Talibanism, as the Amirul Mu›mi - zations. These include, among others, two fac- the Taliban, and their quick adoption by for- tun ethnolinguistic communities in neen (Commander of the Faithful). As such, he tions of the Jamiat-e Ulema Islam (JUI) led by eign forces in this instance by Pakistan and Afghanistan. ◆ is the ultimate source for articulating and en- Maulana Fazlur Rehman and Moulana Samiul Saudi Arabia,8 have had major precedents in forcing the 'new' Muslim orthodoxy/ortho- Haq, the two rabidly anti-Shica terrorist Afghan history.9 The economic support of for- praxy of Talibanism in Afghanistan – the basis groups, Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), and eign Muslim sponsors has made it possible for of his legitimacy. Harakat-ul-Ansar, as well as Ben Laden's mili- the Taliban to purchase loyalties from a huge No t e s The Taliban project themselves as the bear- tary organization, Al-Qacida. True to the na- chain of economically desperate and depen- 1. North, Douglas (1990), Institutions, Institutional ers of peace and 'true Islamic justice' in the ture of person-centred tribal political culture, dent local commanders within the country. Change and Economic Performance, New York: country, a form of justice bent on the enforce- the projected positive 'Islamic' self-images of These external patrons, by extending official Cambridge University Press, p. 93. ment of the harshest principles of hudud in the Taliban are contrasted by demonizing the recognition to the Taliban regime, have also 4. Wolf, Eric (1982), Europe and People without History, sh a r i ca. Such punishments include, for exam- Muslim character of their many opponents. condoned the Taliban version of Islamic ex- Berkeley: UC Press, p. 94. ple, amputating the limbs of thieves, stoning Ironically, many of those being damned are, in tremism and have facilitated the recruitment 6. Banfield, Edward (1970), The Unheavenly City: The to death of adulterers, and public execution of fact, well-known heroes of the anti-Soviet of much needed foreign fighters (Pakistanis nature and Future of Our Urban Crisis, Boston: Little, murderers by the victims' relatives in sport sta- jihad. The Taliban also demonize their oppo- and others) from Pakistani Muslim seminaries Brown, p. 85. diums with thousands of spectators. Their real nents' foreign patrons, Muslim and non-Mus- (ma d r a s a s) and beyond. claim to infamy comes from the imposition of lim, such as Shici Iran, Russia and Central Asian What distinguish the Taliban and the rise of a policy of 'Gender Apartheid' directed against republics, except for Turkmenistan. Talibanism at this juncture in the history of M. Nazif Shahrani is professor of Anthropology, Central the girls and women of Afghanistan. This col- The rise and successes of Talibanism, fleet- Afghanistan, are the radically altered political Asian and Middle Eastern Studies at Indiana University, lective self-image of Talibanism is further but- ing as it may turn out to be, fits well within the ecological and economic conditions, both in- Bloomington, Indiana, USA tressed by the projected images of their for- structural patterns and dynamics of wars of side Afghanistan and in the region, following E-mail: [email protected] 2 2 Regional Issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

Middle East KAZEM ALAMDARI Iran Parliamentary

On 18 February 2000, Iran held its 6t h p a r l i a m e n t a r y elections after the 1979 revolution and the founding of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). The elections were yet another challenge to cleric rule. Despite provision- Election: al measures, the dominant hard-line conservative fac- tion of the government suffered its third embarrass- ing defeat of the past three years, the first being the surprise presidential victory of Sayyed Mohammad Khatami on 22 May 1997. Secondly, in the municipal The Third Consecutive elections of 26 April 1999, reform candidates won a majority of the 200,000 seats in city and village coun- cils across the country. Thirdly, in the recent parlia- mentary elections, the pro-Khatami reform candidates had a landslide victory. These consecutive triumphs Victory for the Reformists indicate a strong desire among the people for struc- tural change, democracy and secularization in Iran. to offset the overwhelming victory of pro-re- tallied, it was clear that the candidate placing group', or secularists) constitute 40 to 45%. form candidates: 1) Saeed Hajarian, the lead- 3 1s t, Ali Akbar Rahmani, had approximately During the 20 years of Islamic rule, this group ing architect of reform and a key figure for 6000 more votes than in the initial count. has not been allowed to enter any local or na- the success of three past elections for presi- Nonetheless, Rafsanjani's tactics to wrestle tional race. Its members are encouraged, dent, city council and the Majlis, was shot and political power through illegitimate means rather, to vote for 'in-group' candidates. seriously wounded by right wing zealots. 2) have been overshadowed by the people's de- Therefore, regarding the policy of choosing Seventeen reformist daily and weekly publi- sire for genuine political development. between 'the lesser of two evils', the third The Conservative cations were shut down following a speech group, at least partially, has expressly sided Guardian Council by the supreme leader and upon conserva- Run-off elections with the reformists in all of the past three n u l l i f i e d tive judiciary orders. 3) Several reformist and The final tally on run-offs took place on 19 e l e c t i o n s .6 The reformist slogans of 'Iran for hundreds of prominent liberal writers and journalists, in- May 2000 for the 66 remaining seats. Re- all Iranians' and 'rule of law' have served to ballet boxes to cluding two women, (Mehrangiz Kar, an at- formists won 44 and the rest were evenly di- contrast the Islamic policy of dividing society change the torney and author of several books, and Shala vided amongst conservatives and indepen- into 'in-groups' and 'out-groups' and have election results. Lahiji, writer and publisher) were arrested. 4) dent candidates. Similar to the first round, encouraged secularists to participate in the A plot to assassinate President Khatami was the GC did not approve all elected candi- e l e c t i o n s . In the recent elections, almost 70% (26.8 mil- d i s c o v e r e d .2 dates. On 27 May 2000, when the new parlia- lion) of 38.7 million eligible voters cast bal- After three months and just days prior to ment was convened, there were 22 elected The trend of democracy lots. More than 6,000 candidates, including the opening of the new Majlis, the GC la- reformists still waiting for official GC ap- c o n t i n u e s 504 women and 35 non-Muslims, competed belled the elections fraudulent and officially proval. The Majlis opened with only 257 of its The 1997 presidential election in Iran con- for 290 seats of the Majlis-e Shura-ye Islami, disapproved them, leaving the final decision 290 members. As was expected, the most stituted a watershed marking a clear break or parliament. (Five seats are reserved for to Ayatollah Khamenei. Khamenei, realizing conservative cleric of the pro-reform groups, with the past. It signified the failure of Islamic non-Muslim religious minorities)1 Despite ef- the extent of tension surrounding the situa- Mehdi Karubi, was elected the provisional ideology to govern a society by force and forts of the Guardian Council (whose princi- tion, however, demanded that the election speaker of Majlis. His victory was the result of marked the end of violence as a means of pal responsibility is to ensure that all the results be respected. The GC did indeed an- a compromise between conservatives and re- achieving power by opposition. Furthermore, sanctioned laws and regulations of the parlia- nounce the results, but with a few changes, formists. Karubi was the speaker in the 3rd it opened an indirect political dialogue be- ment conform to the Islamic standards and including the cancellation of 534 boxes con- Majlis for a period of three years. As many tween the opposition and the government constitutional laws) to prevent reform candi- taining 726,366 votes. It was due to this that argue, he does not fully represent the reform (or part of the government). The elections dates from entering in the race, the hard-line Rafsanjani was moved from 30t h to 20t h p l a c e ; m o v e m e n t .5 brought repressed popular sentiments to the conservative candidates lost their 20-year- Alireza Rajaei, a liberal reformist elected in fore, which led to public empowerment. The long majority hold in the Majlis to pro-Khata- 2 8t h place, was eliminated; and Golamali Had- S e c u l a r i s t s outcome of the presidential, city council, and mi reformists who unified their policies under dad Adel, a conservative who was ranked in Thus far, the reform movement has created now more obviously, parliamentary elections reform slogans in 18 political parties and 3 3r d place, was moved to 27t h place. Rafsan- opportunities for pro-reform factions of the thus undermined the position of the conserv- fronts. In the final months before elections, jani, in a surprise move, gave up his seat IRI and their associates to compete with rul- ative religious leaders. Pushing Iranian soci- the Guardian Council (GC), along with conser- under the pressure of public opinion. As a ing conservatives for power. A third group ety to the point of violence is their way to jus- vative members of the 5t h parliament, passed powerful figure in the IRI, he is assumed to be (secularists) that completely opposes the 're- tify a repressive policy in defense of Islam and various laws in a rush move – mainly concern- responsible for all actions taken against the ligious-state' was not allowed to enter the national security. Elections, however, are now ing the free press – aiming to block the r e f o r m i s t s . race due to being considered an 'outsider' accepted as a means of change for the oppo- change. In doing so, the GC extended its su- Rafsanjani, a two-term speaker of the g r o u p . sition. The dominant view among the reform- pervision of the elections to supervision of House and two-term president of Iran, cur- One may ask why the hard-line monopolist ers is that reforms can be realized within the the candidates. These tactics, however, were rently holding the powerful position of Expe- conservatives are willing to allow the 'in- current system, rather than through the to no avail. diency Council Chairman, had entered the group' of reformists to enter the circle of painful, risky processes of revolution and civil race perceiving it an easy victory. He wanted power? The answer is simple. The IRI has lost w a r . Elections 'Iranian style' to regain his position as speaker of the parlia- its legitimacy that was once based on a tradi- Revolution does not guarantee democracy, Approximately 10% of the candidates (571 ment while holding his current job, so as to tional and charismatic leadership. Now, in the and repressive policies may continue regard- individuals) – the most outspoken critics of have control over legislation. He wanted to absence of such leadership, the IRI needs less of the replacement of an old regime by a the Islamic regime and popular figures – were keep it from going beyond the 'redline' – as legal recognition. However, the ruling con- revolutionary one. Today, in Iran, the public rejected by the GC as 'unqualified' or not suf- some, including himself, may dare to ques- servatives were not able to win more than 15 attitude has become predominantly support- ficiently religious to sit in Majlis. Of course, tion the IRI leaders of doing – in terms of to 20% of the popular vote. Therefore, in ive of reforms, hence shifting the catalyst of the reasons were political. The GC considered abuse of power during 20 years of rule. Con- order to govern they mainly rely upon the change from the state to the level of society critics as 'outsiders'. Having foreseen this, re- servatives dominant in the Majlis passed a military forces' capacity to maintain a con- itself. This grassroots phenomenon may just formists had many substitutes among the law exclusively for Rafsanjani, allowing him to stant tension within the society. Moreover, make the difference necessary for genuine 6,000 candidates. Despite counteractive stay in his governmental position while run- the economy is in a deep crisis from which change. ◆ measures by the conservatives, the primary ning for the parliament. These IRI leaders the youth suffer the most. The conservatives poll indicates that in the first round some 150 wish to continue to rule society as the 'godfa- may risk the entire regime if they continue to N o t e s seats were won by reformists (mostly from thers' of the revolution. Rafsanjani and a exclude 80% of the population. Participation 1 . Samii, A.W. (2000), 'Iran's Sixth Parliamentary the Islamic Iran Participation Front), 40 by group of intellectuals and technocrats sur- of reformists in the government could poten- Election', Middle East Review of International Affairs conservatives, and 35 by independent candi- rounding him, collectively known as the Ex- tially reduce the tension between the state (MERIA) 4 (1). dates whose political identities have yet to be ecutives of Construction Party (ECP), perceive and society. Also, it may allow space for the 2 . Bahar Daily News, 30 May 2000, p. 2. determined. Sixty-six seats were left to be the reform movement as 'bargaining chips' secularists to respond to some of the civil and 3 . See my article, 'The Impasse of Power and the filled in the run-off elections. for negotiating with their rival groups in the political demands currently not being met. Failure of Strategy of Violence in Iran', M e h r e g a n : Of the 225 candidates who obtained the government, rather than believing in a gen- A comparative analysis of election results of An Iranian Journal of Culture and Politics 8 (2/4), minimum requirement of 25% of the votes, uine political democracy.3 the past three years for president, Assembly Summer/Fall 1999. the GC disapproved the election of 11 re- Rafsanjani finished with a humiliating 30t h of Experts, city council and the parliament, 4 . In Tehran, voters had to choose 30 people from a formists and changed 2 in favour of conserv- place among 30 elected members of parlia- testify to the following distribution of peo- list of 861 candidates. atives in various cities. But the main difficulty ment in the district of Tehran.4 Even his 30t h ple's support for each political group in Iran: 5 . Saeed Laylaz, Iran Daily News, 28 May 2000. was found in Tehran, where 29 out of 30 seats place was questioned as many believe that Conservative groups enjoy between 15 to 6 . For details see my article, ibid. were won by reformists. The GC placed an un- there was some 'miscounting' in his favour. 20%; The pro-Khatami reformists that partial- precedented 3-month hold on the election Consequently, a recount was ordered. How- ly hold power in the government receive be- Kazem Alamdari is a sociologist teaching at results. During this period, the conservatives ever, the Guardian Council decided to put an tween 35 to 40%; All independent groups California State University, Los Angeles, USA. launched a new set of oppressive measures end to this, for after 50% of the votes were (collectively referred to above as the 'third E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Regional Issues 23

Middle East AZADEH KIAN-THIÉBAUT Women's Religious

The implementation of the s h a r ica h and the institu- tionalization of gender inequality in the aftermath of the Iranian Revolution have provoked general dis- content among women and triggered their mobiliza- Seminaries in Iran tion against segregation laws. As a response to their demands, Islamist women parliamentarians have deprived women in order to boost their activ- ijtihad (interpretation). Without these Nahid Shid is a lawyer who has both a reli- been forced to prepare motions to defend more ade- ity in the public sphere. The seminary has es- obstacles, which seriously hinder their gious and a university education and has ini- quately women's needs and rights in both the private tablished a credit system which collects training, we could have had at least 50 tiated several amendments to the divorce sphere of the family and the public sphere, money from the pious rich and grants inter- women mujtahids since the revolution. A law, in particular ojrat-ol mesl, the principle maintaining that the teachings of Islam are not re- est-free loans to the poor: lot of young women study at these that says when a man files for divorce his s p e c t e d . Our interview was constantly interrupted seminaries but nobody encourages them. wife can ask to be compensated by her hus- Women not only challenge the institutional- When I came to Tehran nobody [no band for the housework she has carried out ized gender inequalities by emphasizing 'In Tehran and Qom we assist several religious authority] supported me either during the marriage. She maintains that 'the their activity in the economic, social, and po- poor families who have lost their heads of although they all knew me for years. A bulk of the enforced laws can and should be litical realms that are not forbidden by the households. We pay for the educational bazari provided me with a basement flat changed because they are not divine orders. religious and political elite's reading of the and other expenses of their children, and a factory owner paid my teachers. They are based on secondary orders. Blood s h a r ica h, but they also assert their authority prepare dowry for their daughters, equip One of my students then suggested that money is one of them; it was determined in the religious and judicial realms where their homes with water and electricity, we move to avenue Dowlat and when men were valorized as warriors who women are denied power. Because authori- etc. We also provide financial assistance introduced me to the imam of the contributed to the expansion of Islam. ties justify such prohibitions by referring to to a school with 2000 students in a poor neighbourhood mosque who agreed to Women, however, were devoid of such so- the Qur'an, the s h a r ica h, the h a d i t h ( s a y i n g s neighbourhood of Tehran. We also help me. He gave me this building, which cial values. Times have changed and the law and practices attributed to the Prophet and provide several female university was falling apart. I worked hard for two should reflect this change. This law cannot the imams) and Islamic tradition, the chal- students with financial assistance, one of months to renovate it and began our be functional in a society in which women lenge for women necessarily entails debates whom just graduated in engineering. We courses shortly afterwards. We are are medical doctors, university professors, that revisit and reinterpret Islamic principles. have established free loans.' independent and have over 250 students, engineers, and the like. Blood money should To this end, women m u j t a h i d s (doctor of ju- many of whom are also university or high be the same for men and women.'4 risprudence) are needed more than ever. by women who called or came by to seek ad- school students. Like at other religious By questioning traditional gender roles Following the death of Mrs Amin-Isfahani, a vice on practical and spiritual matters. Some seminaries, they study for four years. In and identities, and by advocating equal woman m u j t a h i d, in the early 1980s, Iran has had serious family problems, others asked addition to ordinary curricula, common to rights, these women are also constructing religious questions. Fatemeh Amini believes other religious seminaries, we also offer their own religious models, thereby acquir- that a woman m u j t a h i d should be capable of courses on public health, ecology, home ing autonomy v i s - à - v i s male religious au- solving a multitude of problems. The follow- management, and the like. These are thorities. ◆ ing is a brief account of her involvement: taught by university professors. Owing to 'With the support of the late Grand Ayatollah the lack of financial means, I have not Kazem Shari'atmadari, I created Maktab-e been able to hire an adequate number of T a w h i d in Qom. I then founded three more teachers. As a result, many of my students N o t e s seminaries there before moving to Tehran, have been enrolled for five years without 1. The 1996 National Census of the Population and where I founded Fatemeh-ye Zahra religious being able to finish all courses. Our aim Housing, p. 77-81. seminary in 1988.' here is to educate women mujtahids as 2. Héritier, Françoise (1996), Masculin/féminin, la A divorced woman and a mother of two well as women capable of finding pensée de la différence, Paris: Odile Jacob. daughters, Fatemeh Amini is convinced of solutions to women's problems, including 3. Ebn-Eddin, Forouq (19 Shahrivar 1371/10 women's capabilities but regrets the low their social problems. Our goal is to September 1992), Luzum-islah-i qavanin-i talaq, self-esteem of her counterparts: contribute to women's development by t'addud-i zujat va hizanat (The necessity for the giving impetus to their creativity, thereby reform of laws concerning divorce, polygamy, and 'Our Prophet raised the status of women also increasing their self-esteem.' child custody), Payam-i Ha¯ j a r, pp. 28-29. but many of them are still ignorant. 4. Personal interview, Tehran, February 1996. Women's been devoid of female religious authorities. Women have not acknowledged their meeting place This shortage has led some religious women, own capabilities yet. They do not value The challenging of dominant for prayer and who believe that such undertakings necessi- themselves. They have not yet realized i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s c o m m e m o r a t i o n tate the training of women in relevant fields, that they can be everything they want to Women's mobilization against 'the dispos- of the Moharram to create religious seminaries for women. be: doctors, engineers, mujtahids. They session of women of their power in the in Gonbad-e One of the implications of this undertaking is [men] have not wanted to make women realm of the sacred'2 is not limited to training Kavous the autonomization of women in the realm believe in themselves. I am 61 and work women m u j t a h i d s. Because several articles (Northern Iran). of religion. Young women, including univer- over 12 hours a day. I obtained my divorce of the Civil Code (e.g. men's unilateral right sity or high school students, increasingly in 1965 less than two years after my to divorce and polygamy) find their origins seek religious training and enrol in religious marriage. I worked and raised my children in the Qur'anic verses, especially that of A l - seminaries. In 1996, out of 62,731 students in alone with a lot of hardship. But I'm proud N i s a (Women), women challenge the domi- religious seminaries, 9,995 (or 16%) were of myself because they are both well nant readings by the clergy which they con- women, 34% of whom were in the age group educated and successful. One is a medical sider as distorted. By presenting their own 20-24, and 20% in the age group 15-19. Al- doctor and the other is an engineer. My interpretations, they intend to show that most 90% of these women resided in urban own parents were against women's Islam accommodates the equality of rights a r e a s .1 education and did not let me go to school. between women and men. Women who I actually obtained my high-school have religious training are better equipped Fatemeh Amini: founder diploma after the revolution at the age of to deal with religious issues. For example, of the earliest women's 47. I was even admitted to university but Payam-i Ha¯ j a r, edited by Azam Taliqani, the s e m i n a r i e s decided not to enrol. I then worked as a daughter of the late radical cleric Ayatollah The first religious seminary for women was schoolmaster in Qom for 6 years but was Mahmoud Taliqani, was the first to publish founded in Qom in 1972 by Fatemeh Amini. I not satisfied with my new job and an article (in 1992) refuting the legalization met her in 1994 at her fifth religious seminary, preferred to go back to religious seminary. of polygamy and proposing a new interpre- a modest two-story building in a ba z a r i ne i g h - But I had serious disagreements with tation of the A l - N i s a verse: bourhood in northern Tehran. Unlike her stu- others on educational methods and how dents who wore a ma q n a >eh (headgear), she to manage a religious seminary for 'The analysis of the Qur'anic verse on wore a black chador. They all take their shoes women. As a result, my working polygamy shows that this right is off before entering the main hall and walk conditions were not satisfactory in Qom. recommended in some specific cases and around with slippers or socks. While several Besides, my daughters were studying in exclusively in order to meet a social need older women were sewing a traditional Iran- Tehran. I therefore decided to join them in view of expanding social justice. […] ian blanket for the trousseau of a poor bride, and founded Fatemeh-ye Zahra religious Contrary to the ancient time, the modern younger ones were doing paperwork, answer- seminary. Our main aim here is to form state and its social institutions are ing the phone or serving tea. Mrs Amini led me women mujtahids. According to the conceived to assist needy families. Azadeh Kian-Thiébaut is associate professor of to a huge room serving as a classroom with no Qur'an, men and women are equal. […] Therefore, polygamy has no social political science at the University of Paris 8, and furniture, covered with cheap Iranian carpets The society needs women doctors and function to fulfil. […] It has been shown researcher at CNRS. She is author of Secularization of offered by a ba z a r i . We sat on the floor and she engineers as well as women mujtahids. that in reality it is pleasure rather than Iran: A Doomed Failure? The New Middle Class and explained that in addition to training women, But there is an important resistance charity that motivates men to become the Making of Modern Iran, Paris and Louvain: the Mujtahids Fatemeh-ye Zahra religious against women attaining the degree of p o l y g a m o u s .'3 Peeters, 1998. seminary also financially and morally assists E-mail: [email protected] 2 4 Regional Issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

Middle East MAI GHOUSSOUB P h o t o g e n i c

There are a few trees left in Beirut, but their branches are no longer to be seen. Large pictures of men are hanging on them. There are many grey concrete buildings in Lebanon (we call them boxes). They are Elections, now quite colourful thanks to the multitude of men's portraits covering their facades. There is a wonderful old building on Sodeco square: a magnificent skele- ton reminding us incessantly of the civil war and its destructive power. It is no longer proudly defying Men and Status the developers who want to erase it to plague Beirut with another concrete box. It stands there like a des- olate past looking helplessly at the ridicule it has to endure: its ornate old columns have been turned into hangers for the pictures of more men, more wishful in Lebanon candidates in the Lebanese parliamentary elections of August 2000. in Arabic is the same as face). Could we be nitely present in some faces that are project- The various tales of looking at an exuberant, Mediterranean ex- ing a secure middle-aged man behind re- m a s c u l i n i t y plosion of masculine self-presentation? Are spectable moustaches and the advent – just The photo-portraits present a large array these thousands of faces telling us some- a touch – of greying hair near his temples. of masculine traits, from the wise intellectu- thing about Lebanese politics today and the The large, if not gigantic, size of the poster is al behind professional glasses, to the secur- state of democracy in post-war Lebanon? aiming not only at taking our attention away ing smile of a friendly candidate. One candi- from the multitude of middle-sized portraits, date in the Bekaa Valley decided to present Elections are not always but also at making us feel like children look- himself doing fitness exercises in his gar- about politics ing up to their father. The same moustaches3 den! If the photographs of the candidates 'When something is about masculinity, it above a large smile are definitely aiming at tell us something about men and politics in isn't always about men' wrote Eve Sedgwick projecting a cool, brotherly atmosphere. The Lebanon, they speak of conflicting images in Constructing Masculinity.1 Looking at the candidate may be the son of an old b e y, he or more accurately of juxtaposed value sys- pictures of these male candidates hanging may be just a rich fellow, or a returning mil- tems and of a democracy torn between above and around the city, trying to con- lionaire emigrant, but he is still like us. He some of its rooted traditions and its congen- vince us to vote for them in the parliamen- seems to be so easy-going that we could ital infirmities. The posters speak of men tary elections, it is tempting to say: 'In give him a tap on the shoulder. Yes! Lebanon who call for your democratic vote while giv- Lebanon, when something is about parlia- is a republican fraternity. Lebanon is indeed ing in to clientelism and dictatorial imposi- mentary elections, it is not always about a modern country, a universal democracy – tions from higher instances. The few female politics'. What are these pictures, which look at the portraits: all the candidates are candidates hardly change anything in the have changed the landscape and colour of dressed in Western-type suits with austere male panorama that dominates the facades Lebanese streets, roads and public places, ties; they are trying to charm us, normal mor- of the country. telling us about the state of the country, its tals, into voting for them. They are all pre- It is significant that the written messages, real or imagined identities, the anxieties of senting themselves as free and autonomous when available, are as insipid as possible: its citizens and the responsibilities of its individuals. There is no mention of coali- Ma bi sih illa as-Sahih (Only the right thing is leaders and representatives? Do they reflect tions, of Syrian veto or the influence of large right!) is the slogan under the Prime Minis- the changing patterns of power and domi- families on these portraits. Like all photo- ter's electoral portrait. Sometimes the mes- nation after the trauma of war or are they graphic pictures, they express an indis- sages betray a ridiculous paranoia: the slo- merely caricatures of its old traditions and putable truth, but not all of it. gan of an incognito candidate tells us 'Don't uncertain modernity? On the surface, one is Perhaps we can try to read what the pic- be afraid, I am with you'. Many large posters tempted to believe that these pictures, tures do not say. The following are state- on the road to Tripoli contained different often carrying no written message except ments made by 'citizens' conversing about landscapes of Lebanon placed, thanks to for the name of the candidate, seem to be the elections in August: photo-shop techniques, as a background to saying: 'Look at me, I am here, I am a candi- the candidate's portrait. One rich immigrant date. Thus I exist. I am not a nobody'. But raised slogans calling, out of the blue and in this simple message is very revealing and 'X has made a small fortune in Africa, he full contradiction with his Clark Gable pos- essential to the assessment of the place of thinks that now he can stand on a list tures, for women's emancipation. the individual in Lebanese society today. instead of the traditional notable of his Lebanon, in this new landscape, seems to This visual message is an outcry for prestige a r e a . ' be preparing for a carnival rather than for its and social status in a small Mediterranean new parliament. The words of the poet society, where concepts like reputation and 'This candidate is hoping to make some Nadia Tueni come to mind: 'My country tells Sodeco Square, Walking through the streets of Beirut, dri- 'what the neighbours say or think' are still money, he is only there in order to be paid me…do take me seriously'. In order to feel Beirut, Lebanon. ving through the 'autostrade' that takes you very effective and determining factors in off to retract from the race (by a better about it all, I recall the days, those ter- to the north of the country or going south of people's behaviour. It is a longing for power prestigious candidate whose prestige is rible days, when the facades of my country the capital, you cannot avoid looking up to- that is now reconciled with the idea of hurt by the presence of an opponent). were covered with the pictures of martyrs wards these large portraits. You are looking being reduced to a much smaller scale (the Indeed a real notable should not have and when the red colour of blood was pre- up, but they do not seem to be looking big matters being increasingly decided opponents, his prestige and authority dominant. Then, I look at the pictures of our down towards you. For despite their thick upon by non-elected forces and often in the alone should intimidate any pretentious candidates and indulge in a little smile of moustaches and their desperate efforts, interest of neighbouring countries). This vi- c a n d i d a t e . ' amusement. ◆ they fail to emanate a sense of authority, of sual exhibition tells us about a society that traditional notability and status, a tool es- has not cut its umbilical cord with its old tra- 'Who ever heard of … before the war? His N o t e s sential to any z a i m, or leader of men. Per- ditions in which its leaders and rulers ex- father was an office boy. Heads of militias 1 . Berger, Maurice, Brian Wallis and Simon Watson haps this failure is caused by the multitude celled at negotiating authority, gaining ac- and thieves are now filling our (eds.) (1995), Constructing Masculinity. New York: of juxtaposed and competing pictures. A cess to benefits and wealth through net- p a r l i a m e n t . ' R o u t l e g e . notable or a leader should, after all, be easi- works and alliances be it under Ottoman 2 . Thompson, Elizabeth (2000), Colonial Citizens, ly distinguishable from 'all the others'. But rule, during the French Mandate or in the Republican Rights, Paternal Privilege, and Gender in with so many pictures of candidates exhibit- post-colonial era. People argue, they make cynical remarks, French Syria and Lebanon. New York: Columbia ed and so many candidates wishing to be but they end up voting. They will vote in their University Press. selected, are the individual and his message Lebanon as a republican village or town of origin. They may have lived 3 . On the significance of moustaches and their (on the rare occasion when there is a mes- f r a t e r n i t y ? and worked for ages in a town where their symbols, see Daoud, Hassan (2000), sage behind the candidacy) not totally lost 'By the end of the 1920s, three conflicted parents were not born, it does not matter. 'Those Two Heavy Wings of Manhood', I m a g i n e d and submerged? These candidates seem to modes of reconstituted authority emerged This system has hindered the development of Masculinities. Male be projecting their image more than they and stood in tension with one another, Lebanese democracy and tied the individual Identity and Culture in the Modern Middle East, ed. project their candidacy or express any soci- based on paternalistic privilege, republican to his or her family's allegiances and con- by Mai Ghoussoub and etal concern. According to Freud, 'The ego is fraternity and universal democracy' wrote cerns. When an engineer, a teacher or a state Emma Sinclair Webb. London: Saqi Books. first and foremost a bodily ego…. The pro- Elizabeth Thompson.2 It is frightening how employee goes to vote for a candidate born jection of a surface'. Are we not witnessing this description of Lebanon in the 20s could in the same place as his father and father's fa- Mai Ghoussoub is a Lebanese writer and artist who here a festival of bodily egos, a clumsy and be repeated when looking at our candidates ther, the concerns, hopes and frustrations of has written widely on adolescent projection of faces? – face (as in and the multitude of expressions they are the large family are more at stake than the de- culture and Middle Easter issues. Her latest façade) as in w a j i h a and w a j i h (wajih = no- bestowing upon us from their studio made cisions and policies of the candidate and his publications include Leaving Beirut and Imagined table or man of status; the root of the word or photo-shop portraits. Paternalism is defi- influence on the parliament. Masculinities (co-edited with Emma Sinclair Webb). I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Regional Issues 25

Middle East LISA WEDEEN Ambiguities

The announcement of Syrian President Hafiz al- Asad's death on Saturday, 10 June 2000, prompted panegyrics to his greatness and public displays of grief. Syrians – those who genuinely admired him after Asad and even those who feared him – may have experi- enced sadness at his passing. Death has a way of gen- seminating credible t h r e a t s of punishment. these orchestrated acts of 'spontaneity' at- may also emerge. If resistance to economic erating mournful feelings, or at least of inducing ap- The images of citizens delivering panegyrics tested to people's fluency with the language changes occur, they would most likely be in- prehension about the future. Yet the political rituals to Asad's rule, collectively holding aloft of the cult. Streets were plastered with the fa- stigated by those who are hurt directly by praising his rule, likening his brilliance to the sun's placards forming his face, signing oaths in miliar pictures of the three Asads – Hafiz, his market reforms. To the extent that the Asad and stressing his role as a 'man of the people', were blood, or simply displaying his picture in dead son Basil, who was killed in a car acci- regime, as opposed to the cult, was able to not new to Syrians. Asad's image was omnipresent their shop windows, communicated to Syri- dent in 1994, and Bashshar. Under Hafiz al- distribute goods and services in return for for much of his rule (1970-2000), and the rhetoric of ans throughout the country the impression Asad's picture the caption typically read, 'The some measure of genuine loyalty, a widening flattery was commonplace. In newspapers, on televi- of Asad's power independent of his readi- Leader'; under Basil's, 'The Example'; and gap between rich and poor in a market-ori- sion and during orchestrated events, Asad was re- ness to use it. And the greater the absurdity under Bashshar's, 'The Future'. These pictures ented, post-Asad era may produce political peatedly lauded as the 'father' and the 'gallant of the required performance, the more of the trinity have, for the last six years, sig- conflicts among groups that had previously knight'. If only by dint of its repetition, all were fluent clearly it demonstrated that the regime naled the regime's dynastic ambitions at the been protected by welfare policies, such as in this symbolic language of the Syrian state, which could make most people obey most of the same time that they have worked as guide- students, teachers, and salaried professionals. had become a hallmark of Asad's rule. t i m e . lines for acceptable public speech and con- The obedience-based strategies that char- It is after the regime's defeat of the Mus- duct. The fact that the transition has thus far acterized Asad's Syria may well give way to Asking why a regime would spend scarce re- lim Brotherhood at Hama in 1982, and been peaceful suggests the effectiveness of market mechanisms of social control in the sources on a cult whose rituals of obeisance Asad's younger brother Rifcat's attempt to the official rhetoric in generating political long-run, but building market-based compli- are transparently phony, I have argued that seize power in 1984, that the sacred im- compliance. ance takes time. Cultivating desires for com- Syria's cult of Hafiz al-Asad operated not to agery and patently spurious content of offi- The new regime's first policy initiatives modities, firing employees who fail to per- produce belief or emotional commitment – cial rhetoric left the confines of the Bact h have been mixed. Bashshar's interests in the form efficiently, introducing incentives that which the concepts of legitimacy, charisma, Party and became part of ordinary Syrians' Internet and his worldliness imply an opening foster competition among people who other- and hegemony presuppose – but to specify political lexicon. Although the proliferation in discursive space and expanded access to wise might collectively organize in opposi- both the form and content of 'civic' obedi- of posters beginning with Asad's coup in information. But the introduction of new tion – these are the sorts of disciplinary ef- e n c e .1 Beyond the barrel of the gun and the November 1970 implied a new personifica- technologies does not necessarily undermine fects that liberal markets tend to generate.4 confines of the torture chamber, Asad's cult tion of power, his cult went increasingly into a politics of 'as if', for public dissimulation ac- Were they to be adopted, liberal markets served as a disciplinary device, generating a operation as a mechanism of civic discipline quires its force by working not on what peo- would also undoubtedly produce novel occa- politics of public dissimulation in which citi- when the rhetoric became both flagrantly ple think or know, but on how they act. Nev- sions for transgression, inventive ways of zens acted 'as if' they revered their leader. fictitious and thoroughly familiar to most ertheless, Bashshar's influence in construct- staying safe, and new limits to what appears By inundating daily life with instructive sym- Syrians. By the mid-1980s and throughout ing a new Syrian government headed by reasonable, questionable, sayable – or maybe bolism, the regime exercised a subtle, yet the 1990s, the regime depended heavily on Muhammad Mustafa Miro suggests some even thinkable. ◆ effective, form of power. The cult worked to the disciplinary-symbolic mechanisms con- new political and economic possibilities. enforce obedience, induce complicity, iso- stitutive of the cult. Overt coercion – incar- There are ambitious plans to use new invest- late Syrians from one another, and set ceration and torture – declined in the 1990s, ment laws to attract funds from the Gulf and guidelines for public speech and behaviour. effectively displaced, although not re- from Syrian capital abroad, to liberalize the Syrians under Asad both recognized the placed, by the insidious forms of social con- banking system, to encourage private sector disciplinary aspects of the cult and found trol characteristic of Asad's cult. activity, to revamp the higher education sys- ways to undermine them. The fact that so The de-politicizing effects of Asad's cult tem, to curb corruption, and to develop many politically critical cartoons, films, and on ordinary citizens suggest that to the ex- tourism. Yet there are no guarantees that television comedies were published or cir- tent that political contestations are likely at these plans will be realized. culated raised the question of why a regime all in post-Asad Syria, in the short-run they Bashshar also seems less willing than his fa- would tolerate symbolic affronts to its offi- will probably occur among Syria's ruling ther to engage in cult practices. He has re- cial claims of omnipotence. On the one elite. Political challenges to Bashshar's rule portedly ordered the removal of his picture hand, these practices were politically effec- could come from within the family, from from all non-governmental buildings, and a tive to the extent that they counteracted among members of the cAlawi intelligence new and relatively open Minister of Informa- the atomization and isolation public dissim- networks, and/or from disaffected parts of tion has been appointed to enliven the state ulation fosters. Whereas seeing others obey the upper echelons of the Sunni bour- media. These measures indicate the decline in may make each feel isolated in his/her un- geoisie. Although there are some who antic- a cult of personality and the emergence of belief, a shared giggle, the popularity of a ipate that Rifcat will return to Syria and lead new, perhaps more liberal mechanisms of so- comedy skit, the circulation of cartoons and what he termed 'the greatest democratic cial control. As technocrats supplant the Old transgressive stories enabled people to rec- revolution', it seems unlikely that Rifca t Guard, the political iconography of paterfa- ognize that the conditions of unbelief were would be able to take or hold power even if milias seems to have ceded considerable widely shared. Both permitted and prohibit- he were to try. He is reviled by members of ground, to be replaced by advertising images ed methods of registering resistance were the Sunni commercial classes, as well as by and by new techniques of population man- thus partially effective to the extent that many cAlawi military men. One of the family agement. Bashshar's promise to activate the they reasserted this widely shared unbelief. members on whom Bashshar critically relies National Front – a coalition of political groups At the moment when a joke is told and is his brother-in-law, General Asif Shawkat. dominated by the Bacth party – may signal laughter resounds in the room, people are In the intelligence services, Bashshar's key the regime's readiness to entertain more di- cancelling the isolation and atomization ally is General Bahjat Sulayman, who heads verse opinions in Syrian political life, but it manufactured by a politics of 'as if'. They are the Internal Branch of the State Security Ser- may just mean that citizens and politicians affirming their shared status as unwilling vice; he monitors the ministries, the univer- will be expected to act 'as if' Syria is a multi- conscripts. On the other hand, it is precisely sity, the press, the parties, and intellectuals. party state. A recent amnesty granted to po- this shared acknowledgment of involuntary According to Asad's biographer, Patrick litical prisoners, including members of the N o t e s obedience that can make a cult so powerful. Seale, Bahjat is credited with being the Muslim Brotherhood and some communists, 1 . See my Ambiguities of Domination: Politics, Or to put it differently, Asad's cult was pow- '”main manager” of the transition, the “mas- continues a trend begun under Asad. In De- Rhetoric, and Symbols in Contemporary Syria, erful, in part, b e c a u s e it was unbelievable. ter of ceremonies”', for the new regime.3 cember 1995, as part of an amnesty marking Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999. The philosopher Slavoj Zizek points out that the 25th anniversary of Asad's rule, approxi- 2 . Zizek, Slavoj (1992), The Sublime Object of Ideology, even if people keep their ironical distance, Continuing strategies of mately 1200 political prisoners were released London: Verso, p. 33. even if they demonstrate that they do not c o m p l i a n c e on condition that they sign an oath of loyalty. 3 . Seale, Patrick, 'Bashar's new generation can rouse take what they are doing seriously, they are In the immediate aftermath of Asad's funer- Bashshar's recent announcement to increase the country from its long slumber', still complying, and compliance is what ulti- al, the regime initially seemed committed to salaries for public sector employees by 25% The Independent, 12 June 2000, p. 3. mately counts politically.2 continuing the symbolic strategies that nor- means that workers will now earn 100 dollars 4 . See Michael Burawoy (1979), M a n u f a c t u r i n g Asad's cult cluttered public space with malized external compliance under Asad. In a a month – still too little to live on. Indeed, the Consent: Changes in the Labor Process under monotonous slogans and empty gestures, characteristic moment of acting 'as if', one of optimism that seems to attend the an- Monopoly Capitalism, Chicago: University of draining citizens' political energies. The in- Rifcat's sons appeared on television and pub- nouncement of such moves harks back to his Chicago Press; For a contrasting view see Adam sinuation of formulaic rhetoric and self-serv- licly distanced himself from his father. Invok- father's early days when Asad's Corrective Przeworski (1985), Capitalism and Social ing state symbolism in the daily lives of citi- ing a well-known familial metaphor from the Movement ushered in the man who was him- D e m o c r a c y, Cambridge: Cambridge University zens habituated people to perform the ges- official rhetoric, he stated: 'We have no father self viewed as more open and pragmatic than P r e s s . tures and pronounce the slogans constitu- other than Hafiz al-Asad.' Crowds shouting his Bacthist counterparts. tive of their obedience. Representations of 'Bashshar we love you', Syrians carrying black On the assumption that state socialism will Lisa Wedeen is assistant professor of political science power and obedience in Syria also operated flags through the streets of Damascus, increasingly give way to the effects of global at the University of Chicago, USA. to produce power and obedience by dis- women kissing Bashshar's photographs – capitalism, new opportunities for rebellion E-mail: [email protected] 2 6 Regional Issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

East Africa SHAMIL JEPPIE Islamic Law

Because of calls in northern Nigeria for the full imple- mentation of sharia, Islamic law in Africa has re- ceived much attention recently. The spotlight usual- ly falls on the other side of the continent – on the in Africa Sudan – since the promulgation of the 1983 'legal revolution' of Numayri and where no constitutional Islamic law in colonial East thor of a recent ethnography on women into narrowly defined areas minus its au- debate has been free of major political struggles A f r i c a and the Kadhi courts,2 presented recent tonomous logic. The role and corpus of the over the question of sharia. But apart from these two Some common themes emerged from the work on the state bureaucracies, Islamic law legal and missionary scholars who pro- sub-Saharan countries, there is very little general papers. The heritage of British colonialism and women in Kenya and Tanzania. She was duced the standard works on Islam and Is- knowledge on or scholarship about the history, has shaped the legal regimes in each coun- particularly concerned with showing how lamic law in Africa, such as Anderson, Coul- ethnography or politics of Islamic law on the conti- try with the exception of Mozambique, law expresses particular concepts of gender son, Fitzgerald, and Trimingham, need criti- nent. Yet because of the Muslim presence, in large or which was under Portuguese rule, and and constructs gender identities. Yet she cal study – as suggested Professor Bruce small numbers, in the populations of all African Ethiopia, which had no Western colonial demonstrated how women find their own Lawrence. These authors were present in countries, recognition of Islamic laws in many power ruling it except, briefly, Italy. The legal authority through the Kadhi courts the contents or footnotes of virtually every African states has, since independence, been fraught British colonial experience and legacy thus even though these courts are run by men. paper, yet there was no discussion of the with political controversy. In certain cases, it is part features strongly in any discussion of post- While Islamic law is symbolically connected way in which they constructed the field of of 'customary law', in others it stands independently colonial law in East Africa. Was there a uni- to men, in Kenya the Islamic courts are seen 'Islamic law in Africa'. but always secondary to state law and maintains a fied British colonial policy regarding sharia as places of women; the courts have been The state and law are closely connected curious relation to customary law. 'Muslim personal and specifically Muslim personal law? There 'feminized', as Hirsch argued. spheres. The contraction and weakening of law' has been and continues to be a focus of debate was no unified colonial approach although Islamic law is an issue of great importance the African state also witnesses growing in Muslim communities and often a source of tension there were unifying elements, most promi- in East Africa, both within the Muslim com- claims for more recognition of cultural dif- in national politics. nent of which was the determination to give munities and in the relations between these ference and its inscription into law. Muslims Islamic law as narrow a range of jurisdiction communities and their governments. It has have come to voice their grievances loudly A project to investigate the history, politics as possible. Its applicability was also defined always been and will remain an issue that and energetically against a perceived un- and current situation of Muslim personal by arbitrary geographical 'facts'. Thus, politicians and social movements can use to sympathetic state, often recreating an law in Africa is underway at the Centre for coastal Kenya and Zanzibar could have Is- mobilize Muslim constituencies. This oc- imagined idyllic African Islamic past as was Contemporary Islam at the University of lamic laws but not the Kenyan interior (i.e. curred in Tanzania in 1998 when a Member clear in the papers on Uganda which dealt Cape Town. With the support of the Ford beyond the 10 miles that defined the coast) of Parliament from the opposition party in- with the Domestic Relations Bill of 1998. At- Foundation, the project, under the direction or inland Tanganyika. In the latter, after troduced a motion for the introduction of tempting to exit from the established order of Professor Ebrahim Moosa, entails a series World War I, 'Mohammedan law' was per- Kadhi courts. This has been an issue for ma- is another option. Implicit in many papers of studies on the subject. The project has mitted as part of customary law. The meth- nipulation in the Tanzanian elections this was the growth of an 'anti-state' discourse begun by commissioning country surveys ods and texts used in 'Mohammedan courts' y e a r . among various sectors of the Muslim public, and thematic studies from African scholars in British India played an influential role in The experience of the Muslim communi- and calling for 'Islamic law' expressed this with follow-up conferences and consulta- the way Islamic law was implemented in ties of Kenya, Tanzania and Zanzibar are d e s i r e . tions. The first conference was held in Dar- East Africa. There was also some cross-fertil- strikingly different to those of Mozambique, The second conference of the project will es-Salaam in the middle of July on Islamic ization of colonial practices from other parts where both under Portuguese colonialism be held early in 2001 in Senegal and will law in East Africa (with papers on Mozam- of Britain's African empire. The colony of and Frelimo rule only state law was recog- focus on Islamic law in post-colonial West bique, Mauritius, Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, Natal was once looked to for precedents on nized. However, in March 2000 a draft of the Africa. The various conference proceedings Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, and a paper on how to deal with South Asian Muslims in family law recognized 'traditional' and 'reli- will be edited and published. ◆ Z i m b a b w e ) .1 K e n y a . gious' marriages. In Ethiopia, Muslim per- sonal law operates under a system of Feder- Islamic law in independent al Shariat Courts, which are currently being East Africa re-organized. In the Sudan, the state has ef- The major concern of the project is Islamic fectively nationalized Islamic law. law in post-colonial Africa. After indepen- While the statutory acceptance of Muslim dence, there was the dominant common personal law has always been part of the law, passed on from the colonial powers, broader political process, Muslims them- A N N O U N C E M E N T and in most cases customary law, in terms of selves have not all been equally concerned which Muslim personal law was given scope with its recognition by the state. In Mauri- and/or accepted as an independent set of tius, Muslims had their personal laws recog- I S I M laws. Tanzania adopted a single unified nized in 1981 but this was repealed in 1987, legal system in 1964, and after the revolu- causing widespread Muslim reaction. Yet, tion in Zanzibar, parallel secular and Islamic only 10% of Muslim marriages were sancti- O n l i n e systems were introduced to the island. On fied in terms of official Muslim personal law. the mainland, while there are no courts to In Zimbabwe, the Muslim minority has not The ISIM website (www.isim.nl) is in handle Muslim issues, a magistrate is re- raised the issued – unlike their counterparts the process of establishing itself online quired to sit with at least two Muslim asses- in South Africa, where the question has in the field of the study of Islam and sors. Customary law is recognized in both been subject to heated debate among Mus- Muslim societies. One of the main func- places and there have been cases of conflict lim organizations since the early 1980s, tions of the ISIM website is to provide a between Muslim personal and customary without much consensus. Indeed, in South 'cyber-secretariat' offering the latest on laws. On the mainland, customary law takes Africa, the newest government-appointed ISIM activities and programmes. This precedence over Islamic law. The former commission recently issued its report and means that, even more so than the I S I M Chief Justice of Zanzibar, Augostino Ra- awaits the responses from the community. N e w s l e t t e r, the ISIM website offers up- madanhi, reflected on the problems and Furthermore, in East Africa, ethnic and sec- date information on calls for papers and prospects of what he called the 'dual trends' tarian divisions have determined various at- application deadlines, as well as specific in the Tanzanian-Zanzibari legal systems. In titudes. Muslims from South Asian back- and more elaborate information on Kenya, after independence in 1963, Kadhi grounds, and who are Ismaili or Ithna Ashari, workshops and conferences. Moreover, courts were given a constitutional guaran- generally do not use the Kadhi courts and after such events have taken place, the tee of continuation but the question since have informal structures for their communi- ISIM publishes the outcome and papers then has been the jurisdiction of these ties while also using the state law. on the website so as to further dissemi- c o u r t s . nate results and follow-up activities. The locus of the practice of Islamic law Conceptual questions Application forms for all ISIM activities was, and is, the Kadhi courts, known under The structural effect of colonialism on the can be downloaded from the site so as British rule as 'subordinate native courts'. substance, practice and institutions of Is- to facilitate the application process. Fur- The history, structure and contemporary lamic law was a recurring theme throughout N o t e s thermore, the ISIM questionnaire, which role of these courts throughout East Africa the conference. Professor Issa Shivji sug- 1 . For more information on the project contact the serves as the basis for the ISIM database featured strongly in most of the papers and gested that notions such as 'Muslim person- administrator at the Centre, Ms Nazrina Teladia at and mailing list, can be printed out from discussions. The Kadhi of Nairobi, Kadhi al law' were inventions of a dominant colo- c c i @ h u m a n i t i e s . u c t . a c . z a . the site and sent into the ISIM. The ISIM Hammad Qasim, was present at the confer- nial discourse foisted onto Muslim subjects. 2 . Hirsch, Susan F. (1998), Pronouncing and aims at offering its Internet services to ence and spoke about his experience as a He called for greater suspicion of the terms persevering: gender and the discourse of disputing in all relevant institutes world-wide. In Muslim judge and the challenges facing of the debates about law. In a similar vein, an African Islamic court, Chicago: The University of order to do so, we ask that you send any these courts. He spoke especially about the Professor Mahmood Mamdani suggested Chicago Press. relevant hyperlinks to the following e- experience of dealing with Nairobi Muslim that just as 'customary law' was largely a mail: [email protected] women and covered pressing issues rang- construct of colonialism, so too did British Shamil Jeppie is visiting research fellow at OCIS and ing from divorce to AIDS. Susan Hirsch, au- colonial authorities aim to freeze Islamic law Somerville College, Oxford. I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Regional Issues 27

West Africa DOROTHEA E. SCHULZ Muslim Women's

Since 1991, when multi-party democracy was estab- lished in Mali, there has been a remarkable prolifera- tion of Muslim associations that call for moral renewal of Malian society and for spreading the teachings of Associations, Mass Islam. Some associations make extensive use of broad- cast technology, helping them create transnational communities of believers at an unprecedented rate. Women play a prominent role in these associations, not only as followers, but as self-appointed spokes- Media, and Morals women and models of a new 'Islamic' way of life.

Many members of the Western-oriented elite explain the Muslim associations' current suc- cess by the substantial financial support they in Urban Mali receive from the Arab world, but the reasons for their prominent position in the national ers by presenting these difficulties as a matter antecedents of these female initiatives date women's 'better' conduct. Thus, one implica- arena are far more complex. They are the of moral decadence, proposing individual back to colonial times, but they were then re- tion of women's use of broadcast media is most recent expression of a long history of in- moral betterment as the remedy. Very similar stricted mostly to elite women.3There are that it allows them to very audibly accord tellectual and material exchange between to the moral wars waged in other countries in now far more women from various back- themselves a prominent role in the moral re- Muslim West Africa and the Arab world – and response to radical changes in living condi- grounds publicly proclaiming and enacting newal. more recently, cities of the West.1 Contrary to tions, women, in their roles as responsible their faith. In their claims and teachings, they Broadcasting changes the character of the their supposed literalist readings of written mothers and dutiful wives, are given a central deal with the dilemmas and difficulties arising sermons, because it dislocates the site of re- sources and claims to authentic ritual prac- role as guardians of tradition. Women's dress from modern life in towns. Their teachings ception, expands the audience, and allows for tices – seen by the associations themselves as code and bodily enactment of chastity be- place a strong emphasis on their roles as a recombination of various narrative styles. countering the corrupting influences of the come central icons of moral conduct. mothers and wives, invested with greater re- Audio-taped sermons can be dissociated West – these Malian initiatives can be under- The movements differ substantially in their sponsibility as guardians of Islamic values. from the original, often public and male-dom- stood as locally variable incorporations of relationships with current political leadership Self-restriction, patience, modesty, frugality, inated, setting of its deliverance and may be Western consumer culture and notions of and its decidedly secularist orientation. They and submission to the will of one's husband circulated among a wider audience and in subjecthood and achievement, and of reli- also set themselves apart from the leading and in-laws are the norms that should guide various settings, such as at home, on the mar- gious symbols and accessories from the Arab marabout clans and representatives of the and express the newly found Muslim identity ket and in the street. As women have easier world. This heterogeneous and sometimes Sufi brotherhoods that form a substantial part of these women. In the face of the difficulties access to the sermons, they can debate their contradictory legacy of current Muslim move- of the religious establishment. The new Mus- and moral dilemmas of everyday life, commu- contents and turn the message into some- ments in Mali is clearly expressed in the field lim initiatives are especially critical of the nal prayers and learning give women a sense thing meaningful to their lives. As many of education, where the struggle for access to practice of curing illnesses attributed to oc- of spiritual empowerment and, occasionally, preachers blend various oral genres, religious political and economic resources in the post- cult forces, which they perceive as corruption of moral superiority. sermons turn into a type of popular entertain- colonial state is predominant.2 of Islamic practices. That they distance them- Women's group activities can be seen as an ment broadcast on the media and consumed There are but a few associations that call for selves does not necessarily imply that they do attempt to create emotional certainty and during work and leisure time activities. the introduction of the sharica. Most of them not believe in occult forces causing misfor- normative orientation in a situation where The audio-taped (and increasingly video- emphasize faith as a matter of personal con- tune and illness. Rather, they condemn that patriarchal authority and ideology are in- taped) sermons and proclamations of an 'Is- viction and moral conduct. Their view strong- many self-appointed marabouts turn the fab- creasingly questioned. Women's increasing lamic renewal' address an audience that is no ly individualizes religious identity. This con- rication of amulets and other protective contributions to family maintenance, in par- longer defined by territorial boundaries, but cern with individual conviction offers an ex- 'medicines' into an expanding, lucrative busi- ticular among the lower classes, collides with reaches out to a transnational community of plicitly 'modern' element to the associations' ness. the ideal of man as the principal provider. A believers, with the Arab world as its centre of search for identity in a public arena where the The new Muslim associations are primarily major incentive for women to attend group reference but including expatriates in North government, although controlling education- an urban phenomenon, both in their social meetings is that they offer social, emotional America and Europe. In this sense, Malian al and broadcasting institutions, does not basis and in that they address concerns ema- and some financial support. Socializing with Muslim associations not only respond to lo- A women's hold the monopoly over resources of ideolog- nating from life in the city. The social back- women with similarly modest life-styles liber- cally specific dilemmas of Malian urban life, association was ical orientation. In fact, the government is ground of members varies considerably: ates women from the social pressure to prove but are constitutive of a transnational com- invited to deeply ambivalent about the whether, and while some groups recruit their followers pri- sociability through their capacity to spend. munity that promotes 'religious identity' as perform at a the extent to which, a 'Malian' path towards marily from graduates from Western schools, Also, the small contributions collected during part of a modern life-style reflected in the b a p t i z i n g modernity should be based on 'occidental ' or other groups are composed of people from group meetings are given out to members to eclectic incorporation of icons of Western c e r e m o n y . 'Islamic' values. lower urban classes (artisans, petty traders, enable them to overcome financially difficult consumer and 'Islamic' religious culture. ◆ people working in the informal sector of situations or to start a small-scale trade enter- town). Apart from regular attendance of prise. The meetings provide a sanctioned group meetings and celebrations, a person space for informal interaction, the exchange manifests his or her membership by adopting of information, and even gossip. Many men a dress and behavioural style considered 'dis- strongly oppose their wives' joining a credit tinctively Muslim'. savings group (which even many women dis- trust because of the many stories of failure A sanctioned space for women and misappropriation of group funds), but no Membership in an association provides ac- husband can prevent his wife from joining cess to a network that facilitates income-gen- such a group without risking being called a erating activities across national boundaries, 'bad Muslim.' N o t e s spreading from Mali to its neighbouring 1 . Brenner, Louis (1993a), 'Constructing Muslim countries and the Arab world. While this com- Reaching out to a Identities in Mali', in: L. Brenner (ed.), M u s l i m bination of religious and occupational identi- transnational community Identity and Social Change in Subsaharan Africa, ties and the resulting economic networks per- A major factor facilitating Muslim women's London: Hurst and Company, pp. 59-78; Amselle, petuates a long-standing tradition, some new public prominence is the extensive use of Jean-Loup (1985), 'Le Wahabisme à Bamako (1945- exchange items have been added to older local radio stations and audio-cassettes to dis- 1985)', Canadian Journal of African Studies 19 (2), commodities. These include home-made arti- seminate to a larger public their visions of an pp. 345-357; cf. Otayek, René (1993), 'Introduction', cles that recombine elements of Western, Islamic renewal and of the role that women in: R. Otayek (ed.), Le radicalisme islamique au Sud The public debate over Malian West African and Arab consumer style, such should play. These women's credibility as du Sahara, Paris: Karthala,.pp. 7-20. moral values as all-purpose religious 'print' media in the spokeswomen of 'Islamic morals' is widely ac- 2 . Brenner (1993b), 'Representations of power and The competing versions of what constitutes form of T-shirts, dresses, scarves, posters and knowledged – and often more appreciated powerlessness among West African Muslims', in: the basis for 'authentically Malian' moral val- stickers featuring surats, religious leaders and than that of male representatives of Muslim Jean-Pierre Chrétien (ed.), L'invention religieuse en ues constitute a central field of contention their most famous citations. Women's re- associations. Although these female speakers A f r i q u e, Paris: Karthala, pp.213-234. and ideological struggle among Muslim asso- markable public visibility and engagement in articulate their call for moral renewal in ways 3 . Sanankoua, Bintou (1991), 'Les associations ciations and socio-political interest groups. group activities show that their significance that support male authorities' conservative féminines musulmanes à Bamako', in: Louis Central to the public debate is a concern with extends beyond the limited status they are outlook on gender roles and conduct, Brenner and Bintou Sanankoua (eds.), what is seen as the dissolution of traditional accorded by male authorities as emblems of women's sermons appeal to many men and L'enseignement islamique au Mali, Bamako. values and social solidarity under the on- an untouched Islamic tradition. Some older women, not only members of associations, slaught of Westernization. Instead of criticiz- women from wealthy families, having ac- because they articulate a widespread concern Dorothea E. Schulz is assistant professor at the ing the degrading living conditions which are quired literacy in Arabic, hold gatherings at with the loss of social solidarity. Moreover, Department of Anthropology, Free University of a source of growing intergenerational and least twice weekly to teach women appropri- they represent current difficulties of urban life Berlin, Germany. gender conflict, Muslim leaders attract follow- ate ritual conduct and Arabic. The historical as something to be resolved by individual E-mail: [email protected] 2 8 Regional Issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

West Africa FABIENNE SAMSON Youth, Sufism,

If the Senegalese youth have, in majority, always manifested great fervour for their religion by strong involvement in t u r u q,1 it seems that today they are rather investing their energies in the new Islamic and Politics movements that are specific branches of their origi- nal Sufi orders. While retaining close ties with and even reproducing the teachings of the latter, these movements address a specifically targeted audience – urban youth. in Senegal

Islam in Senegal, by virtue of its historical Moustapha Sy intervened in a meeting with regime, and also to recruit adepts for his fa- as they did during the last election. It seems implantation, is generally practised within Abdoulaye Wade and declared his support ther by explaining that the political posi- that religious leaders' efforts to influence the t u r u q, the greatest numbers of followers of the Senegalese Democratic Party (Parti tioning of the movement was a decision citizenship are no longer within their reach: of which belong to the Tijaniyya and the Démocratique Sénégalais – PDS) for the emanating from Sheikh Ahmed Tidjane Sy following their advice, people did indeed Mouridis. For more than a century, re- presidential elections against Abdou Diouf. h i m s e l f . vote, but also demonstrated political matu- searchers have shown particular interest in His discourse was remarkable since, for the The strategy of politicization brought with rity by considering the act of voting as in in- the latter, indigenous to Wolof territory and very first time, Moustapha Sy presented it changes in the movement's proclaimed dividual act. Does the end of the n d i g a l s a l s o fascinating for its economic activism and its himself incontestably as a young, modern religious education. From Tijan apprentice- mean an end to political Islam in Senegal at capacity to adapt itself to social change. marabout breaking with the attitudes of the ship, strictly religious, the movement orient- the very moment that the religious leaders However, the Tijaniyya, originating in the spiritual guides of Tivaouane. He involved ed its teachings in such a way as to trans- are more mobilized than they have ever Maghreb and divided over several himself in the electoral game, haranguing form adherents into Muslim patriots. The been? ◆ marabout families in Senegal, remains the the crowd like a politician and showing a latter learned to rationalize their daily acts t a r i q a with the most adepts. certain attraction for reformist discourse on in order to correspond to a type of 'perfect' The Dahiratoul Moustarchidina wal Islam – despite his being the heir of a Sufi behaviour and to act in service of the com- Moustarchidaty, gathering at its base young t r a d i t i o n . munity. They became ambassadors of an followers of the Tijaniyya (Tijans) who have Since then, the leader of the Moustarchi- ideal Islamic society yet to be constructed. taken an oath of allegiance to the Sy family dine has never left the political scene, which The non-religious state was to be combat- of Tivaouane, has set itself apart since 1993 was to lead to his imprisonment and the ed, society lost in Western atheism to be by its political orientation. This has meant prohibition of his movement by the govern- changed. It became necessary to return to severing ties with its affiliated brotherhood ment in 1994. In 1996, he reconciled with the real values of Islam. and has transformed the Dahiratoul the Socialist Party (Parti Socialist PS) and the Moustarchidina wal Moustarchidaty into a d a a i r a was rehabilitated. By 1999, he had Consequences of politico-religious movement. announced his desire to found his own po- p o l i t i c i z a t i o n litical party. With the Senegalese constitu- The Dahiratoul Moustarchidina wal From religion to politics tion not allowing religious-based parties, he Moustarchidaty is composed of two types of The main caliphs of the Tijaniyya in Sene- rejoined an already-existing party, the Unity followers: those from a relatively wealthy gal are all members of the Sy family, a and Rally Party (Parti de l'Unité et du social background and/or those with an oc- marabout lineage based in Tivaouane. It is Rassemblement, PUR) of the Diouf cupation allowing them to participate in so- thus in this city that the Dahiratoul Caliphate. He became president of the party cial life (artists, journalists, academics, etc.); Moustarchidina wal Moustarchidaty was and declared, in January 2000, his candidacy and those from less wealthy backgrounds born in 1973. Its origins as well as its real for the presidential elections of February that generally have an occupation involving founders are vague and discourse on the 2000. But this was not to last more than them to a lesser degree in social activities. subject contradictory. Nonetheless, it is three days for Moustapha Sy immediately The former, which constitute a sort of elite highly probable that the caliph of that peri- retreated under the orders of his father. within the movement, are close to od, Abdoul Aziz Sy, encouraged his grand- Moustapha Sy in his political choices; while children to regroup themselves in a d a a i r a Explanations of this the others, who constitute the majority of to learn the Qur'an. One of the grandsons, p o l i t i c i z a t i o n followers, are often not completely in step Moustapha Sy, moral leader of the current During the reign of Ababacar, father of with the positions assumed by their leader, movement, began to follow in this direction Sheikh Ahmed Tidjane Sy and caliph from whom they have difficulty in understand- in the early 1980s. In this same period, fol- 1922 to 1957, serious contention broke the ing. Most adepts, in fact, consider the move- lowing the Iranian Revolution, numerous Sy family in two: the father and son on one ment first and foremost of a religious nature movements of Muslim youth (notably the side, openly opposed to other members of (which is why they adhere to it). They feel Mourid youth movement) were created in the family, half-brothers of the caliph. This that political matters are not of their con- Senegal. Moustapha Sy, in response to this crisis worsened with the succession to the c e r n . competition, spread the Dahiratoul throne since Abdoul Aziz Sy, opposed to How can a movement, declared as politi- Moustarchidina wal Moustarchidaty Ababacar, was elected caliph. Sheikh co-religious by its leaders, be non-militant throughout the territory (from then on the Ahmed Tidjane Sy, who was always consid- at its base? How can one explain the move- d a a i r a became a genuine movement) more ered the successor of his father, has since ment's incessant political turnarounds? particularly in Dakar, where he established unceasingly claimed his right to the How can one understand its discourse, his headquarters. He created a pyramid- caliphate. As Villalon explains,2 his entire more concerned with social aspects than shaped hierarchy. Moustapha Sy, uncon- marabout and political career are interpret- with political ones? How can one approach tested leader aided by his advisors, lead his ed under the angle of his will to compete such a closed movement, which threatens followers with extreme precision in his with Tivaouane by regrouping his father's its detractors while maintaining an image of teachings (e.g. the way one was to dress and followers so as to found a sort of parallel openness and tolerance? to behave). His orders were transmitted to b r o t h e r h o o d . The attitudes and desires of the the leaders of each sector, zone and section, The coming together of Sheikh Ahmed Moustarchidine leaders are difficult to read. from the top to the bottom of the pyramid. Tidjane Sy and his son Moustapha was ac- However, Moustapha Sy does not seem to Until the 1980s, the doctrine taught to companied by the latter's break with genuinely want to take power. Politics adepts was that of the Tijaniyya, and Tivaouane. The new political line of Dahira- would be for him a way in which to distin- Moustapha Sy maintained close relations toul Moustarchidina wal Moustarchidaty guish himself from other religious guides with Tivaouane from his base in Dakar. In should also be understood as a strategy still and to make himself heard at the level of the N o t e s the early 1990s, he improved relations with aiming to position the father in the state: the movement is composed of thou- 1. T u r u q (plural), t a r i q a (singular): Arabic term his father, Sheikh Ahmed Tidjane Sy, who, as marabout field. In 1993, during the presi- sands of followers – and thus thousands of designating Islamic brotherhoods. a result of a family disagreement, lived in dential elections, Sheikh Ahmed Tidjane Sy v o t e r s . 2. Villalon Léonardo (1996), 'The Moustarchidine of Dakar cut off from Tivaouane. Moustapha Sy was removed from the public scene. Yet in It is quite apparent that religious leaders Senegal: The Family Politics of a Contemporary aligned himself according to the directives that period the caliph of the Tijans was are increasingly directly involved in the po- Tijan Movement', paper prepared at the workshop of his father, who then – in his son's shadow aging. The question of succession was soon litical sphere in Senegal. This was confirmed 'Tijaniyya Traditions and Societies in West Africa in – became the veritable leader and was to be posed. Sheikh Ahmed Tidjane Sy thus during the last presidential election: the reli- the 19t h and 20t h Centuries', Urbana: Illinois, pp. named spiritual guide of the movement. had to reinforce his marabout status in the gious discourse was extremely present dur- 1 8 - 2 1 . Since then, the line of conduct of the eyes of his followers. But his position of re- ing the electoral campaign and, in addition 3. Wolof term designating the voting instructions Dahiratoul Moustarchidina wal Moustarchi- treat prevented him from doing so. At the to Moustapha Sy, two other Muslim guides given by religious leaders to their followers. daty has changed: being clearly defined as same time, Moustapha Sy needed to consol- presented their candidacies. Many wanted apolitical in its preamble, it suddenly be- idate his legitimacy. Allying with the oppo- to clearly demonstrate that, as citizens, they Fabienne Samson is a doctoral candidate at the came a religious movement with political sition allowed him to re-establish ties with too had the right to participate in politics. Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), involvement. On 13 February 1993, urban youth, unhappy with the current Nevertheless, the n d i g a l s3 have never failed Paris, France. I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Regional Issues 29

T u r k e y ELISE MASSICARD Uncovering Alevism,

The Hacibektas¸ festival has become, in the last decade, the main public event of Alevism in Turkey. It is characterized both by its undetermined nature between religion, culture, folklore and politics, and Covering Difference by the diversity of its participants and scenes. The process of assertion of a contested identity and ne- ing the festival. More and more ministers and gotiation of public space are vital to understanding representatives from all parties began attend- Alevism as it exists today. ing, making speeches or sending messages – even the President has been attending since Alevis are a large heterodox Islamic syncretis- 1994. Hacibektas¸ has become a place for po- tic minority, consisting of approximately 15 litical bargaining, expressing demands and million Turkish and Kurdish-speaking mem- promises. bers. Isolated communities with a wide range Alevi associations too have been increas- of local customs were bound together by a ingly active in the festival and use this occa- segmentary structure until massive migra- sion to mobilize participants and to discuss tion, beginning the 1950s, brought with it important issues. The festival has increased in (mainly to the cities of Turkey and Europe) the scope with the 'Alevi revival'. Quite interest- Semah ritual loss of traditional means of transmitting her- ingly, new pilgrimage practices to Hacibekta¸s d a n c e itage, the weakening of the socio-religious have appeared in recent years. The newspa- p e r f o r m a n c e structure and secularization. per Cumhuriyet stated that some 500,000 par- during the A revival movement began at the end of ticipants were expected to attend in 1998. o p e n i n g the 1980s under the influence of the fall of the As a result, this event has managed to im- ceremony of USSR, Islamization of state and society, and pose its centrality, both within the Alevi com- the Hacibektas the Kurdish movement. Breaking the century- munity and without. Still, its very develop- f e s t i v a l . old tradition of secrecy, some Alevis have ments show its undetermined nature, lying been trying to assert a collective identity and somewhere between a pilgrimage, festival, to re-define their place in society, which has and commemoration. This imprecision is re- by the use of shared symbols – like Atatürk, late values and self-definitions and to negoti- resulted in a process of re-construction of flected in the differing names given to it: Haci Ali, Pir Sultan, Haci Bektas¸ himself (represent- ate the relationships with these 'others'. Actu- community structures, beliefs, and rituals. Bektas¸ Veli Kültür-Sanat Senlikleri,¸ Etkinleri, or ed by various sculptures and images), slo- ally, the festival is, through its centrality and However, this process became very con- Anma Törenleri. gans, semahs, and even words like 'Alevi' – media publicity, the main public point of rep- flictual due to the lack of both a binding text since the assertion of Alevism and one's iden- resentation of Alevism to the outside world and of a central authority able to lead Alevism Diversity of actors and scenes tification with it are more important, in this and, through its politicization, of negotiation and to determine its signification. Many intel- This indeterminacy also reflects the diversi- framework, than the definition of its content. of public space for Alevism in Turkey. lectuals from the newly educated middle ty of actors, activities, and logics coexisting By their very nature as vehicles for simplifying Although the multi-vocality of the event class with various ideological backgrounds during the festival. Visitors come from all over a variety of meanings, symbols are imprecise permits diverse participants to communicate have been trying to define Alevism, thus com- Turkey, Europe and beyond (many taking ad- and thus provide scope for interpretation. with different outside audiences, the public peting with the holy lineages. As a result, very vantage of their summer holiday to Turkey), Thus, the same symbol may communicate dif- negotiation of Alevism with these audiences different conceptions of Alevism coexist and from very diverse backgrounds – from ferent things to different people, but com- as transmitted by the media is quasi-monop- nowadays, and are asserted through a selec- peasants to the President. In contrast to an in- mon affective sentiments towards it create a olized by state agents, who also use celebra- tive use of history and traditions: some claim stitutionalized pilgrimage like the one to symbolic consensus. For instance, some may tory and symbolic language in order to gain a Alevism to be a purely religious matter – a Mecca, there is no rigid procedure to be fol- hold the figure of Haci Bektas¸ Veli because large audience. Alevism is officially interpret- branch of Islam, a religion of its own, or even lowed and no obligation to visit all sites. Actu- they see in him a religious saint, others be- ed as a tolerant form of Islam reduced to its atheist – while others prefer defining it politi- ally, visitors pursue different activities and cause he is a progressive thinker, or a carrier folkloristic characteristics and is presented as cally, as a philosophy of resistance, a way of concerns. Thus, the festival is characterized of Turkish values. Symbols are, therefore, being in keeping with the republic. Haci life characterized by tolerance, or the very tra- by a great variety of scenes (both official and ideal media through which people with di- Bektas¸ is presented as a state-loyal figure as- dition of democracy. On an ethnic scale, some un-official), of constituencies and participato- verse backgrounds and concerns can speak a sociated with Turkism, which provokes bring its (Turkish) Shaman features to the ry modes.1 'common' language, behave in apparently protests against political recuperation of the fore, while others emphasize the (Kurdish) The most massive scene is the official open- similar ways, and participate in the 'same' rit- festival and of Alevism. Many Kurdish Alevis, Zoroastrian elements. Moreover, the fact that ing ceremony, with political speeches and uals, for different or even incompatible rea- refusing the assimilation between Alevism this issue has also been argued outside Ale- semah (ritual dance) performances, reported sons. and Bektashism, boycott the event. Thus, vism has increased its politicization. by the media on a national scale. But there are In the frame of the festival, the use of com- Hacibektas¸ is also an occasion where the In this context, while many local rituals and many other places with different activities: mon symbols permits the assertion of com- image of an inclusive, tolerant state is creat- pilgrimages are being re-activated, mostly by the lodge/museum, where some 'perform munity. Thus, the diffusion of objects carrying ed, for which Alevism is a source of authentic- city dwellers, the main Alevi meeting point their rituals regardless of curious tourists and standardized images of Ali or Haci Bektas¸ and ity and Turkishness and a resource against Is- and public event, the annual Hacibektas¸ festi- the objections of museum officials'2; private functioning as signals of identity, as well as lamist and Kurdist movements. But on the off- val, is far from being a 'traditional' ritual. houses, where Bektashis from all over Turkey their discursive use, do contribute to this as- scenes, competitive interpretations of Ale- and beyond gather, exchanging news and sertive process. Further, a symbolic consen- vism and (both symbolic and real) articula- Historical developments views; the streets, mainly a place for commer- sus on community is created by the folkloris- tions with the rest of society are proposed. The dervish lodge at Hacibektas,¸ the head- cial and political publicity for parties and tic objectification of culture, and made cele- ◆ quarters of the Bektashi order, was closed – movements, through tracts and books; ritual bratory through the pastoral allegory of cul- like all Sufi orders in Turkey – in 1925. Howev- places, where sacrifices and 'superstitious' tural loss and the rhetoric of authenticity. er, the site continued to be a place of pious practices are performed by a chiefly rural Symbols are used to re-assert Alevi commu- visits due to both its ritual functions and the population; the public seminar rooms, with nity and its boundaries when the process of location there of the mausoleum of the leading academicians, writers and leaders of change threatens its integrity, when the actu- order's founder, Haci Bektas¸ Veli. In 1958, after associations; the encampments where politi- al geo-social boundaries are undermined, a relaxation of the anti-religious drive, the cal groups, mostly illegal left-wingers, dis- and especially when its members have been N o t e s restoration of the lodge began, and a muse- seminate their publications in order to recruit dispersed.3 Each individual is able to define 1 . Bauman, G. (1992), 'Ritual implicates "Others": um was opened in 1964 as a result of a local without being caught by security forces; and the community for himself using the shared rereading Durkheim in a plural society', in: initiative strongly influenced by Bektashi cir- concert halls overcrowded with young peo- symbolic forms proffered by the festival. Ritu- D. de Coppet (ed.), Understanding Rituals, London: cles. In August of each year since then, cere- ple. al helps in the reconstitution of the communi- Routledge, pp. 97-116. monies of commemoration have been held in The divergent opinions on Alevism coexist ty, because it permits its participants to as- 2 . Norton, J. D. (1992), 'The development of the honour of this saint. peacefully during the festival, although most similate symbolic forms to their individual ex- annual festival at Hacibekta¸s 1964-1985', in: The organizers had to deny any religious participants are conscious of these differ- periences and social and emotional needs. In A. Popovic, G. Veinstein (eds.) 'L'ordre mystique motives in order to persuade the authorities ences and criticize the 'others': 'these young a context of migration and of individualiza- des Bektachis et des groupes relevant de Hadji to allow their 'purely touristic' initiative. Thus, people don't even know the signification of tion and diversification of the constructions Bektach', Revue des études islamiques LX (1), pilgrims come together with folk dancers in the semah they are performing, they are per- of Alevism, the Hacibektas¸ festival is a prime pp. 187-196. 'traditional' costumes of varying degrees of verting Alevism'. Interestingly enough, these occasion where the Alevi community is as- 3 . Cohen, A. P. (1985), The Symbolic Construction of authenticity and folk musicians. differences are rarely publicly expressed dur- serted both on a collective and on an individ- C o m m u n i t y, London: Routledge. In the 1970s, along with a general political ing the event, yet they manifest constantly ual level. polarization in Turkey, the festival organiza- through private discussions. Elise Massicard is a PhD candidate in Political Science tion passed into the hands of young men Negotiating public space at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques, Paris, France, and yearning for radical political change, and left- Central role of symbols and Public folklore, as the representation of folk a research fellow in the working group 'Transplanted wingers swept in to disseminate their views. the assertion of community traditions in new contexts, is used to symbol- Islam, Migrations' at the Centre Marc Bloch, Berlin, After 1980, the municipality, assisted by the The lack of consensus concerning the na- ize Alevi identity to oneself as well as to oth- G e r m a n y . state, took over the responsibility of organiz- ture of Alevism is covered during the festival ers; thus, public ritual also serves to reformu- E-mail: [email protected] 3 0 Regional Issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

T u r k e y MUCAHIT BILICI Caprice Hotel: Transforming Islam on the Aegean Coast In summer 1996, Turkish newspapers, especially those addressing a religious audience, reported the introduction of a new space of consumption: a five- Being the first organized and institutional beach'. This section is open to all couples in- Hotel is no longer the only – though it was star hotel in Didim (Aydin) designed on the basis of attempt to serve leisure to an public with a dependent of their religiosity and use of the first – five-star hotel to serve religious Islamic rules. Fadil Akgunduz, owner of the hotel, an- particular social base, that is, a newly headscarves. The third and the most inter- Turks. A dozen hotel complexes, among nounced in a press release on the opening of the fa- formed religious-conservative upper middle esting section, though adjacent to the other them Gulnihal and Sah Inn hotels, followed cility that this investment was an attempt to enable class, Caprice Hotel assumed a symbolic im- two beaches, is segregated from them. This suit as a response to the boom in the market religious-conservative people to benefit from the portance in the understanding of Islam in part of the beach serves, but is not exclu- of Islamic-oriented spaces for leisure. blessings of God and use their right to enjoy the Turkey during the 1990s. It also highlighted sively for, women with headscarves. Those By emerging as the locus of a new Islam worldly pleasures in accordance with their religious the multiplicity of possible trajectories that women who want to swim in female-only cooperating with consumerism in the age of beliefs (Yeni Safak D a i l y, 3 July 1996). Islam may take. In this sense, Caprice Hotel beaches also use this beach. Despite expec- globalization, Caprice Hotel is a challenge to symbolizes the autonomization of a particu- tations of strict moral control of the public the construction of Islamic identity based lar formulation of Islam by a consumption- sphere by Islam(ism), the case of Caprice on discourses of exclusion and oppression. oriented middle class from that form which Hotel indicates that Islam carves its own It also problematizes the Kemalist under- could be called 'intellectual Islam'. Unlike space within the existing socio-cultural set- standing of Islam and challenges its version the Islam of Muslim intellectuals which al- ting by pluralizing its content. It also shows of modernization by symbolically introduc- most always is taken for granted by over- how the meanings and practices attributed ing alternative trajectories of be(com)ing representational and reductionist ap- to Islam are contested. Actors from different modern. ◆ proaches as the decisive form(ulation) of social and economic backgrounds construct Islam, the Islam constructed and performed different Islamic discourses. by emergent Islamic middle classes is far Discussions over the legitimacy of the from being critical of consumerism. Yet, ap- Caprice Hotel highlights the tension be- propriation of consumer culture by rich tween the 'theory' of those (such as Ali Bulac Muslims who enjoy the Caprice Hotel can- and Ahmet Tasgetiren) who attempted to not be reduced to a mere embrace of con- forge Muslim public opinion with an em- sumerism disseminated by globalization. phasis on piety and solidarity and the 'prac- Rather, it requires an ideological justifica- tice' of the post-1980 religious bourgeoisie tion which accompanies the re-organization which articulated a consumer culture in har- of spaces like beaches. As an entrepreneur- mony with Islamic principles. Ahmet Tasge- Caprice Hotel, ial attempt, Caprice Hotel finds, in the words tiren, a columnist of the Yeni Safak Daily, ar- Didim, Western of its owner, its discursive justification v i s - à - gued that as far as the sufferings of Muslims Research on Caprice Hotel was conducted by T u r k e y . v i s established forms of construction of Is- in Chechnya are concerned, the practices in- Mucahit Bilici within the framework of a workshop lamic identity. As already mentioned, troduced by Caprice Hotel are not morally directed and supervised by Professor Nilüfer Göle. Caprice Hotel is presented as a natural and acceptable for Muslims. (See A. Tasgetiren, Workshop papers were later edited by Nilüfer Göle legitimate instrument of enabling rich Mus- 'Can you see the Chechnya through the win- and published in Turkish as Islamin Yeni Kamusal lims to benefit and enjoy the worldly plea- dows of Caprice Hotel?' Yeni Safak, 16 Au- Yuzleri (New Public Visibilities of Islam) by Metis sures created for them by God. gust 1996). By juxtaposing Chechnya with Publishers in Istanbul in January 2000. The beach at Caprice Hotel is divided into the Caprice Hotel, he concluded that the lat- three sections. The first section is for males ter is not compatible with the basics of Mucahit Bilici is a graduate student at the Political only. The second section is designated as a Islam. Despite the criticisms of opinion lead- Science Department, University of Utah, USA. mixed beach and is called as the 'family ers of Turkish Islamic polity, the Caprice E-mail: [email protected]

A D V E R T I S E M E N T I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Regional Issues 31

Western Europe PATRICK HAENNI Divergent Trajectories

The relations between Islamic revival and ethnic alle- giances are all too often presented as being in oppo- sition. Islamic identity – and this dimension is very present in Islamic discourse – is by its very nature Islam and Ethnicity dedicated to transcending the centrifugal tenden- cies of ethnicity, of nationalism or of any form of seg- mentarism. In the face of ideological discourse, the social imaginaries of the interested parties are con- tradictory. Arab nationals in Switzerland affirm an in Switzerland engaged Muslim identity by a rejection of national and cultural ethnicities, while the Turks affirm their Muslim identity by borrowing the paths of ethnicity. chosen to play the card of the 'reborn Mus- These divergences from the trajectory of 'Islamiza- lim'. For these young people, it is not a ques- tion' have less to do with cultural differences be- tion of returning to the traditions of their tween places of origin than with forms of social parents, generally rejected for their old- change that have diversely affected these two popu- fashioned ways, nor is it a way to launch a lations of Muslim origin since their settling on Hel- community project. Neither the demand for, vetic territory. nor the offer of, Islam in the Arab-speaking Islamic groups in Switzerland is fundamen- In the framework of the Turkish immigrants, tally destined for 'separate development' the reference to Islam was imposed at two (even if certain tendencies of this sort do points in time. Firstly, by the establishment exist). All members of the Arab-speaking Is- of a fragmented network of mosques, in- lamic network insist upon the necessity of scribed in both community and religious participation in the Swiss social domain and strategies followed by small groups that upon cooperation with Swiss authorities. sought to preserve religious practices of the Thus the affirmation of an Islamic network – migrants' home community. Later on, the open to the host society and socially active network of Turkish mosques in Switzerland – is at the root of the decrease in traditional became politicized along ideological lines, social control. Islamization, advocating but ethnicity continued to play a determin- specificity by dialoguing with the host soci- Turkish mosque ing role. In the 1970s, while immigration ety, and individualization are not conflict- in Lausanne. was essentially a male phenomenon not in- ing. In this case, they mutually reinforce one tended to become a permanent situation in a n o t h e r . Switzerland, religious practice did not mat- the community, far from the universalism Arabs Islam in Switzerland ter much. It was simply placed aside while displayed by their Arab co-religionists (to Arab Islamic institutions emerged in The forms of Islamization amongst the the immigrants awaited their return home. be dealt with further on). This was to Switzerland from 1960-1970. Two dynamics, populations of Muslim origin in Switzerland Religious association, not hegemonic in the change at the end of the 1980s. From then one political, the other social, contributed are thus diverse – this is no surprise – but least, served as a space for remembering on, the substance which brought them to- to this: in the first place, Islam in French- the interest lies less in plural Islam than in one's origins (the religious space coexisting gether was to fall prey to a double dynamic speaking Switzerland initially developed in the syncretisms that the unique situation (of with friendships, sporting associations, of politization and fragmentation. With the the wake of conflicts that formed the Arab ethnic heterogeneity under the Islamic ref- game rooms, and cafés), destined to facili- population increasing, political and reli- political landscape. Saïd Ramadan, son of erence, while spatial differences are abol- tate the return of an immigrant population. gious networks lost no time in implanting Hassan Al-Banna, founder of the Muslim ished) risks engendering. Islam in Europe is In the 1980s, the Islamic reference progres- themselves in this population fully in the Brothers, created the first Islamic centre in confronted with the challenge of internal di- sively acquired greater status as the plans process of establishment. This continued 1961 in Geneva, fleeing from repression in versity (and not so much with seculariza- to return became increasingly illusory. This until the Turkish community stabilized its Egypt. When relations deteriorated be- tion), that is to say with intra-religious multi- was due to, on the one hand, the political core, having reproduced itself within the tween the Muslim Brothers and the Saudis culturalism amongst ethnic or national and economic hardship in their country of main lines of the ideological spectre of the in the 1970s, Saudi Arabia founded its own communities placed in contact by their mi- origin and, on the other hand, the arrival of political and/or religious field of their coun- mosque in Geneva. The polarization be- gratory experience. After 30 years of main- families and the entirely Swiss education of try of origin. In Zurich, the immigrant asso- tween official and unofficial religious insti- taining particularisms, that ideological una- their children (the second generation). The ciations were to either join up with partisan tutions which, until the present, remain a nimism will manage to impose a vision of mosque, having been a place of remem- or religious networks, or be directly put in central point of conflict of the political sys- Islam that is both particularist and homoge- brance of ethnicity and a functional space place by militant immigrants. Zurich was tems in the Arab world, reproduced them- nous is highly unlikely. ◆ for 'preventative asocialization' (Dassetto) thus to witness the emergence of 'indepen- selves in the crucible of Arab Islam in for the first immigrant men awaiting their dent associations'. With the creation of Milli Switzerland. The dynamic of Islamization return home, became in the 1980s a protec- Görush (European wing of the Islamist Party amongst Arab immigrants did not take the tive structure, as much for regrouping fami- of the Prosperity of Islamist Obedience) in same path as that of Turkish populations. In lies as for preserving the identity of the sec- 1973 in Germany, some associations were the Arab-speaking community, there exists B i b l i o g r a p h y ond-generation immigrants heavily ex- to re-attach to this organization. Soon after, a direct constitution of a religious field rela- – Bamba, A. (1992), 'L'islam en Suisse et à Genève', posed to the host society. The reproduction the Dyanet, State Ministry of Religious Af- tively unified both ideologically and in post-graduate thesis, Institut Universitaire d'Études of cultural and social identity of the group fairs, with its imams and places of worship, terms of identity, and in clear opposition en Développement, Geneva. thus became the principal function of the appeared on the Swiss scene. The fragmen- with the pre-migratory heritage and identi- – Basset, Jean-Claude (1989), 'Le croissant au pays de mosques. The pennants of the football tation was not to stop at this bi-polarity of ty. Contrary to the situation amongst the le croix fédérale. Musulmans et chrétiens en Suisse', team in the cafeteria of in the place of state Islam / Islam of opposition. Contrary to populations of Turkish origin, the Arab na- Islamochristiana 15. prayer, posters of the regions of origin, and what was occurring in French-speaking tionals experienced a rapid alteration of – Baumann C.P.& Jäggi (1991), Muslime unter uns. the systematic presence of a parabolic an- Switzerland, the fragmentation was then to their pre-migratory social structures. This Islam in der Schweiz, Luzern: Rex Verlag. tenna, all demonstrate the strength of par- continue simultaneously along religious occurred as part of the process of individual – Haenni, Patrick (1994), 'Dynamiques sociales et ticularistic identities and allegiances. Turk- and political lines. The Nurcu movement assimilation. By tradition, however, parents rapport à l'Etat. L'institutionnalisation de l'Islam en ish Islam from 1970-1980 was an Islam of (see p. 7 of this N e w s l e t t e r, Yavuz), known as still endeavour to prevent their children Suisse', Revue européenne des migrations an ideological 'think-tank' of Rifah, was to from marrying Swiss partners, although the internationales 10. Islam in Switzerland: a few statistics leave the Milli Görush, for its ideology was notion of free choice, having been assimilat- – Idem (1995), 'Les déterminants anthropologiques de In a 1980 census, the population of Muslim origin in Switzer- too dogmatic in their eyes. The Suleyman- ed by that generation, means that the fami- la réislamisation en Suisse', Lausanne, unpublished. land had tripled within 10 years, passing from 17,000 to 56,000 cies, a third important network in Turkish ly directives are not accepted without con- – Idem (December 1995), 'Musulmans de Suisse et persons. In the 1980s, nationals of Muslim origin continue to Islam both in Turkey and elsewhere in Eu- testation. Many young people have opted Religion. D'un islam à l'autre', Cahiers d'histoire et de flow in at the same rate as in the 1960s: 157,000 people af- rope, proposing a popular Sufism, was also for individual integration in the host society science des religions 4. firmed their membership to Islam in the national census, which to secede, just as the Grey Wolves, an ultra- either parallel to, or as a substitute for, fam- – Waardenburg, Jacques (1995), 'Muslims as means 2.1% of the entire population. By 1996 Switzerland nationalist political party which already in ily ties. This can be the result of marking dhimmis. On the emancipation of Muslim counted approximately 200,000 Muslims – slightly more than 1978, founded its second Swiss political an- one's position in relation to parents or sim- immigrants in Europe', Leiden, unpublished. 2.5% of the entire population. Amongst them, 40% have per- tenna in Zurich. Nurcus, Dyanet, Milli ply because one has come to the host soci- manent residency, 15% are refugees or asylum seekers, 45.7% Görush, and Suleymancies contribute to the ety alone for study or for work. However, it Patrick Haenni is currently finishing his PhD at the are of Turkish origin, 36.4% are of Yugoslav origin, and 9.2% are complexity of Turkish Islam in Switzerland, has not necessarily rendered the youth laic. Institut d'Etudes Politiques on grass-root political from Maghreb or Machrek countries. 76% are based in German- but all seem to come together on one point: Some, whether stirred by such occurrences mobilizations in urban Egypt. He previously speaking Switzerland, 14% in French-speaking Switzerland. they make Islam congruent with Turkish as the Gulf War, the stigmatization of Islam conducted fieldwork on 'transplanted Islam' in France Turkish nationals are mostly found in German-speaking culture, where the Arabs tend to render by the media, or simply because of repeated and Switzerland and is currently working as a Switzerland, while the Arab-speakers are concentrated in Islam autonomous from other aspects of questioning about their origins or their reli- delegate of the International Committee of the Red French-speaking Switzerland. their heritage and identity. gion – a quest for an existential ethic – have Cross in Yemen, Algeria, Bahrain and Western Sahara. 3 2 Regional Issues I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

B a l k a n s XAVIER BOUGAREL The New

The appearance of Muslim populations in the Balka- ns dates back to the presence of the Ottoman Empire in the region (14t h century – beginning of the 20t h century) and is due to the conversion of local popula- Balkan Islam tions to Islam (essentially Albanians and Slavs) or to the settlement of Turkic-speaking Muslim popula- tions from Anatolia.

In the early 1990s, the number of Muslims in The political awakening of tural rights explain the moderation of their such intellectuals as Ismaïl Kadare or Ibrahim the Balkans was estimated at 8,250,000, or Balkan Muslims political leaders and their progressive inte- Rugova, is characterized by its rejection of approximately 13% of the total Balkan pop- Indeed, the emergence of the Balkan Mus- gration into Bulgarian political life. Islam and the Turko-Ottoman heritage. ulation. Muslims represented the main reli- lim populations as autonomous political ac- Likewise, throughout the Balkan countries, Nowadays, however, it has to compete with gious community in Albania (approximately tors is one of the most important develop- this political mobilization of the Muslim pop- a new 'Islamo-nationalist' ideology that 70%) and in Bosnia-Herzegovina (45%), an ments of the last decade. In the interwar pe- ulations was accompanied by the reshaping seeks to associate national Albanian identity important minority in Macedonia (30%), in riod, these populations remained withdrawn of the relationship between national identity and Muslim religious identity, by presenting the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (20%, into their religious identity and their reli- and religious identity. In Bosnia-Herzegov- the conversion of Albanians to Islam as a de- concentrated in Kosovo and in the Sandjak) gious institutions, and maintained a clien- ina, the Party of Democratic Action (SDA) fence mechanism in the face of assimilation and in Bulgaria (12.5 %), and a small minori- telistic and obedient relationship to the new constituted itself around a pan-Islamist efforts of the orthodox Greeks and Serbs. ty in Greece (1.5%) and in Rumania (0.2%). Balkan states. Only the Muslims of Bosnia- movement that had appeared at the end of They were divided into three main groups, Herzegovina had their own political party. the 1930s, and of which the main figure is The paradoxes of re-Islamization namely the Albanian Muslims (4,350,000, in Communist modernization allowed for a Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic himself. Nevertheless, this re-Islamization of Albania, Kosovo and Macedonia), the Bosn- cristallization of Albanian, Bosnian Muslim or Elsewhere, the parties representing the Mus- Balkan Muslim national identities should in ian Muslims (2,350,000, in Bosnia-Herzegov- Turkish national identities as well as the lim populations were created by members of no case be conceived as linear and based on ina, in the Sandjak and in Kosovo) and the emergence of new secularized Muslim elites the new secularized elites which had ap- consensus: on the contrary, it is accompa- Turks (1,050,000 in Bulgaria, Macedonia, (teachers, physicians, etc.), but it was not peared during the communist period. In nied by virulent conflicts within each com- Greece et Rumania), to which other smaller until the 1980s that the first mass mobiliza- general, however, national identity and reli- munity and appears to be paradoxical in groups can be added: Muslim Romas spread tions of Muslim populations were to occur in gious identity tended to come closer togeth- several ways. First of all, this re-Islamization all over the Peninsula, Slavic-speaking Mus- favour of a 'Republic of Kosovo' (in 1981 and er. This tendency is most clear in Bosnia- of collective identities does not really re- lims in Bulgaria (Pomak) and Macedonia then in 1989-90) or against the brutal assim- Herzegovina where, paradoxically enough, verse the results of a half century of author- (Torbesh), and Turkish-speaking Tatars in ilation campaign of the Bulgarian commu- the replacement of the national term 'Mus- itarian modernization and secularization. the Dobrudja (Rumania). nist party between 1984 and 1989. lim' by that of 'Bosniak' was coupled with an Following the re-establishment of religious From the Turks of Bulgaria in 1989 to the After the collapse of the communist increased insistence upon Islam as a found- freedoms, the Islamic religious institutions Albanians of Kosovo ten years later, not to regimes in 1989-90, the mobilization of the ing factor of national Muslim/Bosniak identi- were of course able to resume some reli- mention the Bosnian Muslims between Muslim populations resulted not only in the ty, and a bringing to the fore of the religious gious activities (opening of mosques and re- 1992 and 1995, Balkan Muslims figure constituting of political parties in all Balkan dimensions of the war (cult of c h e h i d s – mar- ligious schools, resumption of Sufi pilgrim- amongst the main victims of the forced de- states, but also in the formulation of nation- tyrs of faith, evocations of jihad – holy war – ages, etc.), but nowhere they were able to portations and the massacres that have al claims – going as far as demands for an in- and creation of re-Islamized 'Muslim recuperate legal competencies (sharia marked the region in the last decade. These dependent state (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Koso- brigades' within the Bosnian army). courts) or real estate (w a q f s) which had dramatic events were presented in a rather vo) or an autonomous territory (Macedonia, Amongst the Turks (Bulgaria, Macedonia, been taken away after the war. Even in simplified manner: whereas some raised the Sandjak). It should, however, be noted that Greece) and the Albanians (Albania, Kosovo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, the tight collaboration menace of a 'green diagonal' linking fanati- this wave of national claims amongst the Macedonia), the re-Islamization of national between the state apparatus and religious cized Muslim populations, others presented Muslim Balkan populations is for the most identity remains more limited and discrete. Islamic institutions did not result in a true Balkan Islam as a haven of tolerance threat- part reactive: the awakening of an intolerant In the Turkish case, the transformations of religious revival, but on the contrary in a ened by an orthodox Crusade. In both cases, and aggressive Serb nationalism, in particu- identity currently taking place reflect the de- strong resistance to the attempts of the SDA the internal diversity and the recent trans- lar, has largely contributed to the desires for bate which, in Turkey itself, occurs between at re-Islamizing everyday life. formations of Balkan Islam were neglected, independence of the Bosnian Muslims and the partisans of Kemalist secularism and The Bosnian example also shows that the even denied. These two points are thus in- the Kosovo Albanians. Inversely, the end of those of a 'Turko-Islamic synthesis'. In the Al- arrival in the Balkans of m u d j a h i d i n and Is- sisted upon here by demonstrating that the the forced assimilation of Turks in Bulgaria banian case, the classical nationalist ideolo- lamic humanitarian organizations did not Muslim populations are not only victims, and the recognition of their political and cul- gy of the 19t h century, incarnated today by lead to an 'Iranization' or a 'Saudization' of but also actors in the current Balkan crisis. society, but rather to a widespread incom- prehension and multiple incidents between the local population and foreign preachers. More generally, the development of new links between Balkan Islam and the rest of Continued from front page: Downveiling… / by linda Herrera the Muslim world has favoured the renewal of religious activities (translation and edi- tion of religious literature, opening of mosques or religious schools, sending of something she would have considered in- enced social exclusion from peers following out, the Islamic uniform was imposed on students to Islamic universities in the Mus- conceivable just a year ago. their decision to downveil, in both subtle them; they did not adopt it of their own will lim world, etc.), but also has confronted offi- Many of the women with whom I spoke, and dramatic ways, it appears that as more as their teachers had. cial religious institutions with new competi- both inside and outside the school, cited a women engage in downveiling, it is becom- In more complex ways, however, many tors supported by various Muslim states number of largely profane reasons for ing an increasingly more socially accepted women took on higher degrees of veiling not (Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Iran, etc.) or re-Is- downveiling: some noted that the tight p r a c t i c e . so much because it was imposed on them, lamization movements. It has thus con- nylon k h i m a r caused their hair to thin and in The trend of downveiling has caused but because it had become the normative tributed to the internal pluralization of some cases resulted in their getting bald something of a crisis of moral authority on practice of their professional and community Balkan Islam and compelled the Balkan Mus- patches; others who routinely walked long the school grounds. One seventh grade stu- milieus. Women began downveiling due to a lim populations to better define the fea- distances to and from work complained of dent remarks, 'Our school has changed. In complex process involving state interven- tures of an 'European Islam' which is largely excessive sweating under the k h i m a r; and the beginning it was very strict and all our tion, changes in community and public yet to be invented. still others pointed out that their form of teachers wore the k h i m a r or the n i q a b. Now norms, and mundane and sacred considera- Although Islam remains at the founda- dress was too cumbersome and restricted a lot of our teachers who once wore the k h i- tions. The recent trend of downveiling tions of the Muslim collective identities, them from moving about as they required. m a r wear very tight clothes with a little among Cairene women is suggestive of the faith itself is thus becoming increasingly in- A number of unmarried n i q a b-wearers (m u- scarf', to which her friend adds, 'a very, very ways in which gendered practices respond dividualized, and the renewal of certain col- n a q a b a a t) felt their prospects of being ap- little scarf'. An eighth grade girl complains and contribute to socio-religious change and lective and ostentatious forms of religious proached for marriage were diminished that the vice-principal scolded her for wear- indicates a relaxation, or changing of form, of practice should not mask a strong tendency when men had no chance of seeing their ing a uniform skirt that fits too snugly the Islamist trend in Egypt. ◆ towards secularization shared with all other faces. The decision to downveil, in other around her hips and for not buttoning her European populations. ◆ words, was never explained in association blouse to the neck and asks, 'How can she with a crisis of faith or a retreat from reli- comment on my appearance when she her- gion, and the women routinely emphasized self used to wear the k h i m a r, took it off, and Xavier Bougarel is a researcher at the Centre that they continued to perform their reli- now only wears a scarf? She tells us not to National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS, gious rituals as before. Rather, downveiling wear tight clothing, but she sometimes Linda Herrera is currently Senior Associate Member Research unit : Turkish and Ottoman Studies). He is appears to be more of a relaxing of socio-re- wears very tight skirts with sandals.' These at the Middle East Centre, St. Anthony's College, the author of Bosnie, anatomie d'un conflit and Le ligious practices spurred largely by practical same students do not see any conflict in Oxford, UK. nouvel islam balkanique. reasons. While some women have experi- their own downveiling since, as they point E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Regional Issues 33

Latin America PEDRO BRIEGER Muslims

Most studies on immigration to Argentina1 tend to associate Muslims with Arabs, without distinction. This error has its origins in the way immigrants from Arab countries arrived, especially from Syria and in Argentina Lebanon. Before the Ottoman Empire territories were divided by national frontiers, all Arabs that arrived here were considered Turkish for the simple reason that they carried Turkish documents. Still today, Argentina went virtually unnoticed. Their al connection and a 'local' connection that N o t e s Arabs in Argentina are popularly known as 'Turks', institutions were only known in the neigh- would necessarily imply participation of 1 . The first Muslims to arrive in Argentina were without necessarily any pejorative connotation. Ar- bourhoods in which they functioned, or by members of the Islamic community in Ar- probably descendants of the Moors that came gentina having been composed by waves of immigra- the members of the community who at- gentina, although no one was incriminated. with the first Spanish conquistadors before the tion, most new incoming groups were donned sobri- tended the small Arabic or Islamic study With the objective of finding information country became independent. This, however, is quets: Jews were 'Russian', Italians 'Tanos', the c e n t r e s . on the 'fundamentalist Islamic' cells at any u n c e r t a i n . Spaniards 'Gallegos', and the Arabs 'Turks'. However, this was to change when Carlos cost, Argentinean journalists travelled en 2 . Morandini, Norma (1998), 'El harén, los árabes y el Saul Menem became President of Argenti- masse to Ciudad del Este, a Paraguayan city poder político en la Argentina'. Ed. S u d a m e r i c a n a, The first official data on Arabs in Argentina na. Of Syrian origin, his father, Saul Mene- near the border, since it presumably har- Buenos Aires, p. 22. mentions '17 Ottomans' who arrived at the hem, and his mother, Mohibe Akil, had ar- boured terrorists. But no one found any- 3 . Imam Mahmud Hussain is ex-president of the port of Buenos Aires in 1887.2 In the first rived from distant Yabrud at the beginning thing besides merchants of Lebanese origin. Asociación para la difusión del Islam en América censuses Muslims do not even appear in the of the century and settled in La Rioja, a Latina (Association for the diffusion of Islam in registers, since only Jews and Christians small, rather poor, province close to Chile. Muslims in Argentinean Latin America), and director of the Centro de Altos were offered specific categories. Muslims Menem's entry into power, beyond any ide- m e d i a Estudios Islámicos de la Argentina (Centre of were considered as 'others', and were thus ological issues, revolutionized the country. The Islamic community – which up to then Advanced Islamic Studies of Argentina) and the i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e . Argentina now had a president of Muslim had been ignored by the media – as well as magazine Sufismo Viviente, and is currently Today, the Republic of Argentina has only roots. Although Menem had embraced the words Shia and Sunna began appearing translating the Koran into Spanish. Interview by a small Muslim minority, and obtaining a Catholicism, which he repeated whenever almost daily in the Argentinean media. Cer- the author, 11 august 2000. clear picture of the Islamic community is still given the chance (up until the 1994 consti- tain community leaders were invited to ap- 4 . Interview by the author, 30 August 2000. somewhat of a problem, although the na- tutional reform demanded that the presi- pear on major television programmes to ex- 5 . Peralta, Santiago (1946), 'Influencia del pueblo tional census does offer Islam as a clear dent be a Roman Catholic), to people he was plain the purported link of Islam with terror- árabe en la Argentina, apuntes sobre inmigración', choice. According to Imam Mahmud Hus- still a Muslim. His wife, who never aban- ism. The term 'fundamentalism' began to be Buenos Aires, p. 297. s a i n ,3 there are currently about 450,00 Mus- doned Islam, professed her religion openly, used synonymously with Muslim, and the Is- 6 . Public conference of Imam Mahmud Hussain, lims in Argentina – less than 25% of the pop- and his son, who died in 1995, was buried in lamic community became stigmatized be- Buenos Aires, 24 September 1996. ulation – and only 40,000 consider them- an Islamic cemetery. cause of its 'apparent' link to the attacks. In 7 . 'Bring the Muslim gorilla so he can see that this selves believers. According to Mujamad The 'Arab-Muslim' aspect of the presi- the first six months of 1996, Diario Clarín, people changes no ideas, struggle or fight with Hayer, director of the Oficina de Cultura y dent's origins and close environment also the most important newspaper in Argenti- the flags of Evita and Perón.' The expression Difusión Islámica (Office of Culture and Is- began to acquire public resonance. Menem na, mentioned the word fundamentalism in 'gorilla' refers to a contemptuous expression lamic Diffusion), there are between 650,000 promised to visit Syria after becoming pres- 104 articles as a synonym for fanaticism, ex- against the military that overthrew General Juan and 700,000.4 ident, and one of his assistants admitted tremism and, in more general lines, religious Perón. The enemies of Perón's followers are Arab immigration to Argentina was quite that Colonel Muammar Ghadafi had con- Muslim extremism. In those 6 months, only usually called gorillas. Although Menem comes considerable in the late 19t h century, after tributed 4 million dollars to the electoral 3 articles failed to associate fundamentalism from the peronista movement, many consider that World War I and up to the mid-20t h c e n t u r y , campaign. In addition, his sister-in-law with Islam,8 thus marking a tendency with his government has left the political banners of having become its third most important im- Amira Yoma became government staff regard to the association of a phenomenon Perón and his wife Eva Duarte, better known as migration wave. Of these immigrants, 40% member, and her Syrian husband Ibrahim al with a community as a whole. E v i t a . are estimated to have been Muslims or chil- Ibrahim – despite not knowing a word of 8 . Brieger, Pedro (1996), 'Some Reflections on the dren or grandchildren of Muslims. Spanish – accepted a high position at the Islam today Diario Clarín and Fundamentalism'. MSANEWS Buenos Aires International Airport (until he The number of Muslims in Argentina is de- ([email protected]), Ohio. Late 19t h – early 20t h c e n t u r y resigned in the middle of a scandal and fled creasing, and this is due to several factors. Syrian-Lebanese immigrants in Argentina the country). His brother was president of Firstly, in families of Muslim origin, customs created institutions that denoted their cul- the Senate and his other brother, Emir are being lost, from the Arabic language to tural-geographic, more than their religious, Yoma, was his private secretary until he fell food and drink. Secondly, there is relatively origins. Indeed, Muslims, Jews and Chris- from grace due to money laundering accu- little reading material on Islam available in tians comprised these institutions, joined by sations. His cousin Rima Siman was appoint- Spanish. There is a growing tendency to- their 'Arab' identity. There were, however, ed to the Argentinean Embassy in Italy, ward mixed marriages in which children properly Islamic institutions. These were es- while another cousin, Amira Akil, was em- lose all references to Islam, and there are tablished to preserve the religious legacy, ployed at the embassy in Syria. These are too few study centres for disseminating including the Arabic language, that was but a few examples. Islam. This may, however, change in the fu- being lost as years went by: most children of Menem played on ambivalence, not com- ture with the construction of the new Islam- Syrian-Lebanese immigrants no longer pletely denying his roots. He even said that ic Cultural Center King Fahd, financed by spoke Arabic at home and were not interest- he was a descendant of Mohammed and ap- the Saudi government, which includes a ed in learning it. They clearly manifested an peared on very popular television pro- school and a mosque with a minaret in the increasing tendency toward adopting the gramme dancing with an Arab odalisque. heart of Buenos Aires. It is considered to be culture and customs of their host country. Meanwhile, k e b b e, l a b a n and a r a k w e r e the largest of its kind in Latin America. Chronicles from the 1940s mention that it being served at the presidential residence The 1990s marked the 'public' appearance is rare for a Muslim Arab not to drink wine.5 when entertaining guests. of Muslims in Argentina but, because of the And while the 'melting pot' tendency ex- The controversial government of Carlos attacks and the stereotypes created, Mus- pressed itself in many ways, each immigrant Menem resulted in its being rejected by cer- lims were more worried about proving their group (even to this day) claimed its own tain sectors of Argentinean society. It also innocence than about spreading their reli- specific part of the national mythology. For spurred scornful chanting about his Muslim gion. But despite all of this, the last few example, the gaucho, a farmer whose sym- roots in street demonstrations by the oppo- years have witnessed an entirely new phe- bolic image includes the horse, the spear sition: 'Traigan al gorila musulman para que nomenon: Islam has incorporated itself into and his equestrian skills, is claimed by cer- vea, que este pueblo no cambia de idea, Argentinean society as something more tain Muslims as their own, as they see simi- lucha y pelea con las banderas de Evita y natural and acceptable. There is no longer larities between the gaucho and the P e r ó n . '7 an element of surprise when someone pub- Bedouin. Some even maintain that the ob- Still, it was not until the attacks on the Is- licly claims to be a Muslim. Besides, the chil- scure origins of the word 'gaucho'6 are root- raeli Embassy and the central building of dren and, especially, the grandchildren of ed in Arabic. the Jewish community that Muslims made Muslims are beginning to look for their their grand public appearance in Argen- roots and are trying to get closer to their Carlos Saul Menem's tinean society. On 17 March 1992, a bomb own history and that of their ancestors, a p r e s i d e n c y destroyed the Israeli Embassy in Buenos phenomenon common to the both North The diffusion of Islam as such began as re- Aires, killing 29 people. About two years and South America. ◆ cently as 1973, with the foundation of the later, on 18 July 1994, an attack caused the Centro de Estudios Islámicos (Centre of Is- death of almost 100 people at AMIA (Aso- Pedro Brieger, sociologist, is chairperson of the lamic Studies) headed by Imam Mahmud ciación Mutual Israelita Argentina – Joint Middle East Department (DEMO) at the Institute of Hussain, and has also served to attract Ar- Jewish Argentinean Association). Iran was International Relations of La Plata University, gentineans of non-Muslim origin to Islam. accused of being responsible from the very A r g e n t i n a . But until the 1989 elections, Muslims in beginning. There was talk of an internation- E-mail: [email protected] 3 4 Publications I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

Book Presentation NADJE AL-ALI Secularism, Gender and

In Egypt, as in many other parts of the formerly-colo- nized world, numerous tensions and conflicts re- volve around gender issues. Women are often caught between the pursuit of modernization, attempts at the State liberalization, a pervasive nationalist rhetoric of 'au- thenticity', processes related to Islamization and on- going imperialist encroachments. Those women who are actively engaged in contesting existing gender relations and social injustice are particularly vulnera- The Egyptian ble to being stigmatized as anti-nationalist and anti- religious. Indeed, contemporary women activists in Egypt have increasingly been accused, particularly by Islamist movements and conservative nationalist forces, of collaborating with Western imperialism by Women's Movement importing alien ideas and practices and disseminat- ing them throughout society. variation in terms of understandings and West divide and its implications as it is manifestations of secularism among Egyptian about secular Egyptian women's movement But how do the women themselves perceive women's activists. Rather than juxtaposing and the political culture it is embedded in. these tensions and conflicts? How do they secular with religious, the research reveals the By focusing on one specific, yet heteroge- cope with accusations of being 'Western- continuum of religious and secular beliefs neous, segment within postcolonial Egypt, ized'? What do 'the West' and 'authenticity' and practices in women's every day lives. namely secular women's activism, I hope to mean to Egyptian women activists? These Often, as in my own assumptions prior to unravel many of the tensions and conflicts and many other questions were paramount fieldwork, non-religious frameworks of politi- that mark the complex processes of decolo- in my mind when I embarked upon PhD re- cal action are presumed to derive from com- nization and continue to shape contempo- search on which my recently published book prehensive worldviews and doctrines, like so- rary political culture. Egyptian women's ac- is based.1 My own involvement in the Egypt- cialism, or specific documents, such as the in- tivism today is very much shaped by the fear ian women's movement (from1992 to1994) ternational convention of human rights. of transgressing the norms and values provided the initial impetus to pursue acad- Many of the leftist-nationalist activists inter- deemed permissible within the national emic research. Yet, my specific focus and in- viewed explained that they would still take a fabric. The question of identity is as central terests grew out of a sense of disenchant- Marxist approach in their analyses. However, to their activism as concrete struggles over ment with depictions of secular constituen- most emphasized that they had moved away women's rights and aspirations. Much is at cies in much of the literature on the Middle from earlier certainties concerning the direct stake for secular women activists as their re- East. If not omitted altogether, secular con- relationship between economic exploitation jection of Islam as the only possible frame- stituencies tend to be essentialized (those and women's liberation. Their own experi- work for political struggle and nation-build- who are not Islamist) and portrayed in a ho- ences within the political parties and with ing evokes suspicion and doubt about their mogenized manner (thereby glossing over their 'progressive' husbands at home belonging within the indigenous landscape political, social and cultural differences with- changed their outlooks in a way that, today, of 'traditions' and 'authenticity'. ◆ in secular constituencies). they argue for the necessity of an indepen- to transcend notions of cultures being dent women's struggle. A number of women bounded entities and to acknowledge the Redefining secularism in interviewed stressed that their values and entanglements and creative encounters be- Egypt and the Middle East concepts were not based on a specific doc- tween and within cultures. Being of mixed My research, then, reflects the pursuit of trine or on the international declaration of cultural background myself (Iraqi-German), I several aims. On one level, it presents the at- human rights, but emerged out of the various have been extremely sensitive to and sad- tempt to problematize and re-define the no- experiences of collective and individual dened by the essentialized rhetoric of 'us vs. tion of secularism in Egypt and within the struggle. As Hania K.,3 a member of Markaz Di- them'. I do, of course, understand the histor- wider context of the region and the 'Muslim rassat Al-Mar›a Al-Gedida (The New Woman's ical and current power relations, colonial world'. In addition to exploring the range of Research Centre) told me: and neo-colonial configurations and imperi- interpretations, politics, lifestyles and beliefs alist policies upon which these notions and of one specific secular-oriented constituency, sentiments are based. Yet, to my mind, nei- N o t e s the book provides a detailed ethnographic Islamists solely use the text and this is ther orientalism nor 'occidentalism' – essen- 1. My main fieldwork took place in Cairo in 1995 and account of the context, content and political their framework. Their judgement of the tialist constructions of the West – appear to 1996 over a period of 14 months. I have since then significance of contemporary women's ac- value system comes through the text. My be constructive ways forward. returned several times. In addition to gathering tivism.2 This is mainly achieved through an frame of reference is based on certain Unfortunately the attempt to legitimize data through interviews and conversations, I analysis of interviews with more than 80 abstract concepts, such as egalitarianism, their struggle and defend themselves participated in many activities and events members of women's groups and individual humanism, human rights, pluralism, against charges of 'aping the West', often re- organized by various women's groups and activists. In these interviews, questions per- tolerance, etc., which have come from my sults in women activists reproducing essen- networks. I also visited several projects run and taining to women activists' goals and motiva- everyday experiences. Of course, these tialist notions of 'our culture' vs. 'Western organized by women activists, which aim at tions, their political outlooks and affiliations, concepts did not come out of a void, but culture'. For Egyptian women activists, the improving the living conditions of women from their activities as well as allegiances and ani- emerged from different schools of notion of 'cultural specificity' becomes more low-income areas in Cairo. mosities were asked. In this context, women's thought. However, I do not uphold a than a tool in the attempt to demarcate 2. My use of the term 'women's activism' rather than activism cannot be analysed without contex- certain ideology, because it would reduce themselves from 'the West'. It is also em- 'feminism' is related to the fact that many of the tualizing it in the wider political culture in the forms of oppression and the ployed to affirm positively one's own cul- women I interviewed reject the label of 'feminist' which it takes place. Therefore, a range of fac- complexity of reality. My values and ture, somehow homogenized and defined for pragmatic and ideological reasons. The English tors was explored, such as the historical and concepts are as much part of my personal as a monolithic entity, thereby discarding term 'feminism', evokes antagonism and political development of the Egyptian state development as they grew out of cultural differences within Egypt among dif- animosity, and sometimes even anxiety. A great and its relation to the women's movement, collective struggle. (p.146) ferent social classes, generations, gender, number of women seem to have internalized the the role of Islamist constituencies and the po- rural and urban people and so forth. Yet, way feminists are being portrayed in prevailing litical left, as well as international organiza- there is also evidence to the various ways in Egyptian – but also European and North-American tions and agendas. All these elements, in one In this context, Hania K. and other activists which some women attempt to overcome discourses, namely man-hating, aggressive, way or another, have an impact upon the complained about the tendency among the prevalent 'culturalization' of political is- possibly obsessed with sex, and certainly forms, content and discourses of contempo- Western scholars conducting research in sues. Randa K., for example, is one of numer- Westernized women. The resistance of many rary women's activism. Egypt to dismiss individual everyday experi- ous women who believe that the notion of Egyptian women to identify themselves with But what is actually meant by 'secular-ori- ences and the capacity to creatively synthe- cultural specificity is used as a tool by men feminism is not only related to its negative image ented' activists? Initially, a working definition size from various value systems. Human to reinforce their power over women. Raga in society, but it is also linked to the conviction was used referring to those who advocate a agency is mainly framed in terms of collective N., on the other hand, deeply despises the that it detracts from 'larger issues' such as separation between religion and politics, ideologies – whether secular or religious – eclecticism and selectivity of intellectuals imperialism, class struggle and Zionism. which does not necessarily denote anti-reli- and very little space is given to individual im- and political activists when deciding what is 3. All names have been changed. gious or anti-Islamic positions. Furthermore, provisation and resistance. universal and what is not. As she states: 'We it was expected that secular women activists scream: “Our values!” when it clashes with Nadje Al-Ali is a lecturer in social anthropology at the do not endorse sharica as the main or sole Overcoming the cultural- existing power positions, but when it is ben- Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, University of source of legislation, but that they would also ization of political issues eficial to the same group, they adopt it, de- Exeter, UK. She is the author of the recently published refer to civil law and human rights conven- Throughout my analyses of the notion of spite it being Western.' (p. 213) Against the book Secularism, Gender and the State in the Middle tions as frames of reference for their struggle. secularism and the political culture in which backdrop of these and many other views ex- East: the Egyptian Women's Movement. Cambridge: However, the research findings indicate that the Egyptian women's movement is embed- pressed by the women I talked to, this book Cambridge University Press. this definition glosses over a great level of ded, I attempt to achieve a further goal, i.e. is as much about unsettling a rigid East- E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Publications 35

Book Presentation ELISABETH ÖZDALGA The Naqshbandis

The Naqshbandi order constitutes one of the leading Sufi orders ( t a r i q a ) in the Muslim world. Baha'al-Din Naqshband (d. 1389), the order's eponym, originated from Bukhara in Khorasan. During the 15t h and 16t h in Western and centuries, the order developed into a world-wide or- ganization, spreading to areas as culturally and geo- graphically distant as Central Asia, Eastern Turkestan, India, China, Afghanistan, and the then Ottoman Empire (including the Balkans). Central Asia

that a Sufi order like the Naqshbandiyya has Algar, where attention is drawn to how process of reconstructing the Naqshbandi been able to preserve its traditions since the 'global' people, living many generations be- tradition in Uzbekistan. He also discusses 1 5t h century. This highlights the fact, so eas- fore us, in fact were. Hamid Algar presents the dilemmas facing today's Uzbek authori- ily overlooked in times of powerful secular- an analysis of how Sheikh Nidai of Kashgar ties, who in their newly begun nation-build- ization, that religion represents a strong (d. 1760), in the capacity of a wandering ing projects, are anxious to support the new force in the formation of social and cultural mendicant, for more than 40 years travelled interest in Islam, without leaving the fields identity – even in modern society. to a large number of holy sites in Turkestan, open to religious radicalism and fanaticism. Outsiders trying to understand the role of later on turned to Kirkuk, Mosul, Aleppo, the Naqshbandi order in today's society Jerusalem and the Hicaz, and how he finally Outside Central Asia often mistake its members' involvement in settled in Istanbul, where he was appointed This volume also contains chapters on the worldly affairs (as economic entrepreneurs, the first sheikh for a newly opened t e k k e Naqshbandis in three areas outside of Cen- state officials, or political activists) for sim- (lodge) in Eyüp. This example illustrates tral Asia, namely the Kurdish areas of Iraq ple worldliness; as if religious involvement how the Naqshbandi order, for many cen- and southeast Turkey, Syria, and was nothing but a pretext or cover for their turies, bound together the three main re- Afghanistan. Ferhad Shakely gives a de- economic or political power interests. How- gions of the Sunni Muslim world: the Ot- tailed description of the relation between ever, this picture is over-simplified. A char- toman Empire, Central Asia, and the Indian the sheikhs of Hawraman and other Sufi or- acteristic feature of the Naqshbandi is in- s u b c o n t i n e n t . ders like the Qadiriyya and their cultural and deed the emphasis of a double responsibili- Dhikr (zikr) – the repetitive invocation of political influence in the Kurdish areas until ty: towards this world a n d the other world. the name of Allah – is widely practiced today. Leif Stenberg analyses the Syrian This position seems to be as valid now as it among Sufis. The z i k r ritual is most often branch of the Naqshbandi order, centred at was hundreds of years ago and constitutes practiced collectively, with intensive and the Abu an-Nur Foundation in Damascus, an important key to the remarkable perse- emotion-laden expressions, where the par- led by Sheikh Ahmad Kuftaro, and the verance and integrity of the movement. takers move their bodies rhythmically as Grand Mufti of Syria. Bo Utas' account of the The Naqshbandi order could not have pre- they loudly pronounce the names of Allah. Naqshbandi order in Afghanistan is unique. served its core identity so persistently, had In contrast to such expressions, members of Having spent time in Afghanistan in 1977 it not been for a good share of flexibility. Its the Naqshbandi order have generally been and 1978, he happened to be in the country capacity to adjust to changing social condi- regarded as being more sober and orderly, on the very day of the coup d'état, 27 April tions is just as remarkable is its endurance. practicing the so-called 'silent' rather than 1978. For a couple of months, he travelled The openness towards change has been es- the 'loud' z i k r. However, even if silent z i k r around and visited 12 k h a n a q a h s , 7 of which pecially observable during the last century, generally has been referred to as one of the are Naqshbandi. Bo Utas' observations took and especially the last couple of decades, most characteristic marks distinguishing place at a very critical point in time and con- when representatives for the Naqshbandi the Naqshbandis from other Sufi orders, tain information about groups and social t a r i k a t have been involved in a range of such as the Qadiriyya ('whispering' as op- networks that are now lost forever. Cover of Sheikh Of great importance for the diffusion of the high technology enterprises, advanced in- posed to 'jumping' dervishes) historical The book also contains three chapters on Ahmad Kuftaro's Naqshbandi order was Sheikh Ahmad stitutions of higher education and the latest records show that both forms of zikr in fact modern Turkey. Hakan Yavuz problematizes bestseller Sirhindi (d. 1624) from India, who, at the innovations in media technology. Studying have been practiced by Naqshbandi the role of different Naqshbandi groups in from 1997. turn of the first millennium (Hijra) became the Naqshbandi raises intriguing questions dervishes themselves. This intriguing ques- terms of economic, political and intellectual one of its great innovators, thence gaining not only about how change and continuity tion is addressed by Isenbike Togan, who, life in post-war Turkey, placing this against the epithet m u j a d d i d (re-newer). He is, as so are balanced against each other, but also by referring to developments in Eastern the background of an historical exposé of many other leading Naqshbandi figures, how concerns for this world and the next Turkestan and China of the 17t h and 18t h the Naqshbandi order. Fulya Atacan pre- well-known both for his great wisdom and are combined against the challenges from centuries, draws attention to the fact that sents a portrait of a contemporary Naqsh- his powerful involvement in social and po- an increasingly secularized society. the question of 'silent' versus 'loud' z i k r bandi sheikh, Osman Hulusi Ate_ (1914- litical affairs. Ahmad Sirhindi had an influen- could even stir up controversy between var- 1990), who was born in a small town in the tial predecessor in Khoja 'Ubayd Allah Ahrar Background and content ious Naqshbandi groups. province Malatya. (d. 1490) from Samarqand, who is also re- The articles on which the book, The Naqsh- Jo-Ann Gross discusses the well-known Korkut Özal, former MP for the National membered as a great religious personality bandis in Western and Central Asia: Change w a q f (foundation) of Khoja Ahrar (d. 1490) in Salvation Party and Minister of Internal Af- and powerful community leader. and Continuity, is based are papers read at a Samarqand, and its reorganization after the fairs in one of the coalition governments of Another prominent Naqshbandi sheikh conference entitled 'Patterns of Transforma- Russian conquest of Central Asia in the the 1970s, focuses on yet another leader, and re-newer was Mawlana Khalid (d. 1827), tion among the Naqshbandi in Middle East 1860s. Khoja Ahrar was an influential and namely the well-known Sheikh Mehmed who belonged to a Kurdish tribe in what is and Central Asia' held at the Swedish Re- venerated Naqshbandi sheikh, whose Zahid Kotku (1897-1980). Professor Özal of- today northern Iraq. Since he spent his most search Institute in Istanbul from 9-11 June k h a n a q a h , or tomb complex, has been a fers more than just a portrait of a prominent influential years in Baghdad, he has been 1997. The conference was part of a two-year place of pilgrimage for over 500 years. The Sufi leader. He also gives an account of his endowed with the epithet 'Baghdadi'. Like programme of activities at the Institute fo- fact that the Russian colonial administra- own experience of being Kotku's m u r i d ( d i s- Ahmad Sirhindi, he was influential enough cusing on 'Islamic culture'. The aim of the tion, for the sake of control, initiated a spe- ciple) for a period of 20 years. to initiate a new Naqshbandi sub-branch, conference was to address problems of re- cial investigation of the w a q f, bears witness This book was intended as a modest fol- the Khalidiyya. It was to a great extent under cent change among the Naqshbandi in the to the social and economic importance of low-up of the impressive work , The Naqsh- the influence of the Khalidi branch that the Near East and Central Asia. Keeping in mind the w a q f holdings. The effect of Russian b a n d i s (Gaborieau, Marc, Alexandre Popoviç Naqshbandi order markedly increased its in- the long history of this institution, the aim colonialism was, however, that the Naqsh- and Rierry Zarcone (1990) It is hoped that as fluence over 19t h century Ottoman society. was to encourage analyses in a longue durée bandi communities, for the first time in their such it will help in carrying the scholarly dis- Its legacy is still strong in both present-day perspective. In light of that objective, stud- long history, were seriously threatened. Fol- cussion of this powerful branch of Islamic Turkey and Syria. ies focusing on Central Asia gained special lowing is a chapter by Butros Abu-Manneh, mysticism a bit further. ◆ significance, since these areas are the origi- which approaches this w a q f leader from a Preserving tradition nal homeland of the Naqshbandi. But it was different point of view, namely through a In today's world, where social relation- crucial to focus on Central Asia for yet an- widely read hagiography, Rashahat Ain al- ships are highly fluid, it is remarkable to no- other reason, which concerns the fact that H a y a t (Trickles from the Fountain of Life), tice the existence of a viable religious move- its peoples have only very recently come written by Kahshiifi, one of Khoja Ahrar's ment with roots several hundred years back out from a 70-year-long communist dicta- d i s c i p l e s . in history. It is only by reflecting over the im- torship, in which religion was severely sup- Questions related to what happens to mense transformations taking place within pressed. Stemming from this fact are many Naqshbandi networks in Central Asia after economic relationships, political structures, questions related to what will happen to the collapse of the former Soviet Union are Elisabeth Özdalga is professor of Sociology at the settlement patterns, communications, sci- Islam in general, and the Naqshbandi in par- discussed by Vernon Schubel. Based on his Middle East Technical University, Ankara, ence, technology and even family relation- ticular, as conditions in this part of the world own recent research, Schubel discusses how and is currently director of the Swedish Research ships over the last 100 to 150 years, that one have the opportunity to normalize. written sources in the form of popularized Institute in Istanbul. can truly appreciate the extraordinary fact The book opens with a chapter by Hamid hagiographies play an important role in the E-mail: [email protected] 3 6 Organizations I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0

Muslim Centres in Europe In the last decades, Muslim centres have been estab- Muslims in Northern Ireland: lished all over Western Europe. Apart from being cen- tres of religious, social, and cultural activities, the inten- tion is often to establish and maintain relationships The Belfast Islamic Centre with non-Islamic surroundings, such as local govern- ments, churches, and schools. Through these institu- tional embodiments, active spokesmen try to meet the The Muslim Community Belfast Islamic Centre ber of the Muslim Council of Britain, estab- needs of Muslims as citizens of host societies. Islamic It is difficult to know when the first Mus- The current Centre was established in the lished in 1997. It is also a member of the Eu- centres in Europe thus play an important role in the lims arrived in Northern Ireland, but there early 1980s, and it serves the Muslims in ropean Council of Islamic Cooperation in emancipation of Muslim communities. The ISIM Newslet- are some indications that this was in the Northern Ireland. It is registered as a charity Strasbourg. It has a close relationship with t e r is now launching a series of articles on Muslim cen- 1940s. We know that some Muslims cele- organization, and has a mosque, a small Is- the Muslim communities in the Irish Repub- tres in Europe, the first of which is authored by Mamoun brated Eid al-Fitr in 1953 at a small house on lamic library, a few rooms for teaching, and lic, and throughout UK. Mobayed, director of The Belfast Islamic Centre in Cromwell Street in Belfast. Early Muslims a section for women. It holds the usual ac- The Centre is run by volunteers, consisting Northern Ireland, introducing his centre. were mainly students from the Indian sub- tivities of a mosque and an Islamic centre, of three trustees and an Executive Commit- continent, South Africa and the Middle East, ranging from worship, Qura'nic teaching, tee, elected every two years. studying at Queens University of Belfast. e i d prayers and celebrations, as well as so- B I C The Muslim Community has grown in size cial and cultural activities. It holds a Month- Future projects MAMOUN MOBAYED since then. There is no accurate statistical in- ly Meeting when a guest speaker is invited. The Muslims in Northern Ireland are active- formation on the exact number of Muslims, On the first Sunday after Eid al-Fitr, the Cen- ly involved in the building of a new mosque. but the estimate is approximately 3000. The tre holds the Annual e i d Dinner when many They would like it to combine the Islamic ar- majority live in Belfast, while the rest are in non-Muslim friends of Belfast Islamic Centre chitecture with the Northern Irish heritage, Northern Ireland, which is known for its 300-year re- Craigavon, Londonderry, Ballymena, Col- are invited, including the Lord Mayor of and this should reflect their Islamic Irish iden- ligious conflict, is now going through what is called eraine, Bangor and Lisburn. They belong to B e l f a s t . tity. 'The Peace Process'. It has become a pluralistic soci- different ethnic groups from Pakistan, India, The Centre has a Sunday school (m a d r a s a) The Centre would like to arrange an 'Open ety with multi-religious diversity. The Muslim Com- Middle East, Africa, Malaysia, Gulf, Turkey called Dar al-Uloom, where Muslim children Day' to invite non-Muslims to visit the munity forms the second largest religious group and others. There are also small numbers of attend three sessions: Qur'an, Islamic Stud- mosque and see first hand what type of work after Christianity and has always supported the Irish/British that have recently become Mus- ies and Arabic language. it offers to the community at large. peace in Northern Ireland. lims, yet have not formed a unified commu- Belfast Islamic Centre has a Women's Muslim children in Northern Ireland still nity. All of these Muslims are fully integrated Group which organizes various activities or have unmet needs regarding their Religious together by sharing of mosques and Sunday training for the Muslim women in Northern Education, as the Syllabus of Religious Educa- school (m a d r a s a) yet they have diverse cul- Ireland. Belfast Islamic Centre also has a tion in Northern Ireland is exclusively Christ- tural traditions and customs. Many of the popular website.3 ian. It is under review now, and Muslims are Muslims have either Irish and/or British citi- The Centre has established good relation- working with other minorities to identify the zenship, some of them through marriage. ships with the Northern Irish Community, needs of their children, and subsequently to The Muslim Community in Northern Ire- and institutions, such as universities, several meet them. Many Muslims are not in favour of land has certain features which distinguish colleges, and the police. The Queen's Uni- segregated schools provided that their chil- it from other Muslim minorities in Europe. versity of Belfast has recently run a short dren receive Islamic religious education at Since Northern Ireland did not bring over course on 'Islam and Islamic Cultures', and their local schools. cheap labourers, as is the case with England, the Ulster Museum, for the first time, recent- The Muslim Community in Northern Ireland France and Germany, for example, the ma- ly had an Exhibition on Arabic Calligraphy. is an example of the peaceful coexistence of jority of the Muslims are professionals who Along with other ethnic and religious mi- different cultures and religious systems. ◆ decided to come voluntarily. They work in norities the Belfast Islamic Centre has estab- medicine, university teaching, engineering, lished two important organizations. The N o t e s or business. The students form the biggest first is the Northern Ireland Interfaith Forum 1 . Ibn Khaldun, M u q a d d i m a h . group among the non-residents. It is a (established in 1993), with the first chairman 2. Nonneman, G., T. Niblock and B. Szajkowski (1997), young community, as they represent the from the Muslim Community.4 This Forum Muslim Communities in the New Europe. Three The famous Muslim historian and sociolo- upcoming third generation. These factors has recently opened a multi-faith prayer 3. The address of the website: www.iol.ie/~afifi generations gist Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) called the is- make it possible to prevent some social, ed- room at Belfast International Airport, the 4. Maurice Ryan (1996), Another Ireland. of Muslims land of Ireland r e s l a n d a h in his M u q a d d i m a h ucational and economical difficulties which first of its kind in Northern Ireland. The sec- 5. Maurice Ryan (1996), Another Ireland. outside Belfast (the introductory volume to his Kitab al-Ibar are faced by Muslim communities else- ond organization is Northern Ireland Coun- Islamic Centre. (Universal History).1 where in Europe.2 cil for Ethnic Minority (established in 1994.)5 Dr Mamoun Mobayed, is an Associate Psychiatrist, Belfast Islamic Centre is a founding mem- lecturer, author and President of Belfast Islamic Centre.

P U B L I C A T I O N S

Book Presentation ISHTIAQ AHMED Islam Outside the Arab World

Islam originated in the Arab peninsula in the 7t h c e n- such as fasting during the month of Ramadan istan, China, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Sri lim social and political orders. Special empha- tury. Currently, of the 175 million speakers of the in places as far-reaching as Anchorage, Rio de Lanka, Maldives, Indonesia, Malaysia, Aus- sis is given to Sufism as an alternative ap- Arabic language, some 90% are Muslim. The fact is, Janeiro, Cape Town, Stockholm and tralia and New Zeeland; proach to Islam. however, that they constitute only 15% of the esti- Christchurch. – Europe and the Americas, including Bosnia- Islam Outside the Arab World is a very ambi- mated 148,750,000 Muslims of the world. As the sec- The contemporary processes of economic Herzegovina, Germany, Austria, France, tious undertaking. Each author has produced, ond major proselytizing religion (second only to globalization, on the one hand, and political Great Britain, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, in an easily accessible language and style, in- Christianity) to emerge within the Semitic tradition, universalization of human rights issues and Finland, Russia, Transcaucasia, the United formation-rich descriptions and sophisticated Islam, in the past, spread to the various regions of democracy, on the other, are exerting contra- States, Canada, the Caribbean Islands, analyses of their particular case studies. His- the world through peaceful as well as military means. dictory pressures on states and societies to Trinidad and Tobago, Central Americas, torical backgrounds are provided, but the In that very long phase, it established itself primarily develop appropriate mechanisms for dealing Venezuela, Guyana, Surinam, Brazil, Ar- main emphasis is placed on the current peri- in Asia and Africa. Of the six most populous Muslim with an increasingly variegated and complex gentina and other places where significant od. In this sense, the book is a unique work of countries of the world – Indonesia, Pakistan, India, social order consisting of diverse faiths, prac- Muslim presence exists. scholarly collaboration, which is likely to be- Bangladesh, Turkey and Iran – none are Arab, and in tices, attitudes and aspirations – a new situa- come the standard reference on this vast sub- sub-Saharan Africa, Nigeria has more Muslims than tion to which both Muslims and non-Muslims About the authors ject. French and German translations are soon any of the Maghreb countries of North Africa. have to respond. The responses are not al- The authors, who have been selected from to follow. The introduction to this work is au- ways benign and productive, but adjustment all over the world and are country or area spe- thored by Dr Ishtiaq Ahmed. ◆ Since the Second World War, a major route to and understanding have been improving. cialists, belong to disciplines as diverse as his- the internationalization of Islam has been the Islam Outside the Arab World fills a major la- tory, anthropology, political science, theolo- migration of Muslims in large numbers to Eu - cuna in the study of contemporary Islam and gy, peace and conflict research, history of reli- rope, North America, Latin America, Australia Muslims, which hitherto has concentrated on gions, linguistics and languages, ethnogra- Islam Outside the Arab World, David Westerlund and and New Zealand. The Muslim immigrants the Middle East or the Arabic-speaking world, phy, and Islamic and comparative religions. Ingvar Svanberg (eds.), Richmond: Curzon, 1999. comprise various sorts of economic migrants by its focus on all regions of the non-Arab They probe, within a comparative framework, 476 pages including index. as well as political and humanitarian world. The following areas are examined: common themes such as the Islamic revival, ISBN 0 – 7007 – 1124 – 4 (Hbk) refugees. Today Muslims are to be found in all the sectarian divisions within Islam, the com- ISBN 0 – 7007 – 1142 – 2 (Pbk) corners of the world. They form the second – Africa, including Somalia, Nigeria, Senegal, mon rites and rituals of the various groups major religious group in almost all European Tanzania and South Africa; and sub-groups, the position of women and Dr Ishtiaq Ahmed is associate professor of Political countries as well as in the United States and – Asia and Oceania, including Turkey, Turkic religious minorities within Muslim-majority Science, Stockholm University, Sweden. Canada. They observe the Islamic obligations Central Asia, Iran, Afghanistan and Tajik- states and of Muslim minorities in non-Mus- E-mail: [email protected] I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Obituary 37

O b i t u a r y LIZ KEPFERLE Hanna Batatu: 1926-2000

Hanna (John) Batatu passed away on Satur- Apart from research fellowships at Har- have received the distinction of having an sights into this critical Arab country. The day, 24 June 2000, in Winsted, Connecticut, vard, MIT, and Princeton, Batatu held two entire conference held to discuss its impli- noted political scientist Rashid Khalidi after a brief battle with cancer. Batatu was major teaching appointments: at the Ameri- cations – at the University of Texas at Austin writes: 'This is a profound and comprehen- born in 1926 in Jerusalem; his first employ- can University of Beirut (1962-1981), and at in March 1989. The proceedings of this con- sive study of modern Syria that is unlikely to ment was as a staff officer with the Palestine Georgetown University's Center for Con- ference were later published as a book enti- be surpassed for a very long time. It is a Mandatory Government in Jerusalem in the temporary Arab Studies (1982-1994). At tled The Iraqi Revolution of 1958: The Old So- model of how social history should be writ- 1940s. Following the creation of the State of Georgetown, he held the Shaykh Sabah Al- cial Classes Revisited, edited by R. Lewis and ten, and of how it can be used to explain the Israel in 1948, Batatu immigrated to the Salem Al-Sabah Chair of Arab Studies, and R. Fernea (London: Tauris, 1991). Batatu's politics of a complex society like Syria.' United States, living with relatives and was named Professor Emeritus upon retire- masterpiece has been described as 'an in- Hanna Batatu is survived by his brother working as a manager of a carpet company ment. He remained in the Washington area dispensable foundation for any thoughts re- and sister-in-law, Anthony and Bertha Rey- in Stamford, Connecticut, until 1951, when, until the fall of 1999. Dr Batatu was to be ho- garding the creation of a new Iraqi political naud of Winsted, Connecticut, and many at the age of 25, he entered Georgetown noured on June 28 by the American Univer- order' (L. Bushkoff, Christian Science Monitor, nieces and nephews. ◆ University's Edmund A. Walsh School of For- sity in Beirut as one of their Millennium 3 / 4 / 9 0 ) . eign Service. After earning his BS degree S c h o l a r s . Last year, Dr Batatu published a counter- (summa cum laude) from Georgetown in Hanna Batatu's detailed published re- part to his Iraq study, Syria's Peasantry, the 1953, he continued his higher education at search is invaluable to students and schol- Descendants of Its Lesser Rural Notables, and Harvard University, where he earned a PhD ars of the modern Arab East. The first of his Their Politics (Princeton, 1999). Dedicated in Political Theory in 1960. two major works, The Old Social Classes and 'To the People of Syria', the book traces the Dr Batatu's early scholarly interests in- the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq ( 1 2 8 3 rural roots of Syria's ruling Ba'th party, ex- volved the United States and the Soviet pages, Princeton, 1978), is regarded by ploring the characteristics and power struc- Union. In his doctoral programme he shifted many scholars as one of the most significant ture of the Asad regime. As in his study of Liz Kepferle works at Georgetown University, where his focus to the Soviet Union and the Arab works of recent times dealing with Middle Iraq, Batatu relies heavily on extensive inter- since 1993 she has helped East. His dissertation was entitled 'The Eastern society and politics. Actually three views with individuals at all levels of Syrian coordinate the Master of Arts in Arab Studies Shaykh and the Peasant in Iraq, 1917-1958'. volumes in one, it is one of the few books to life, in the process providing valuable in- p r o g r a m m e .

P r o g r a m m e GILLES KEPEL Institut d'Etudes Politiques Doctoral Programme on the Muslim World

The Doctoral Programme on the Muslim tured to meet the new challenges of the In February 2000, students and instructors in other languages as well. Generally half of World, created in 1985, is a part of the doc- field. It recruits a dozen students per year, went to Southern Morocco: they mixed with the student body is foreign – whether from toral school of the Institut d'Etudes Poli- offering them a syllabus which includes students of the doctoral programme in Po- European countries or other countries of tiques in Paris. It has given many young courses and seminars on politics, economy, litical Science from Casablanca University the Muslim world. Interviews for admission francophone academics and researchers religious and social issues, together with and shared their experience and world- are conducted in late June and mid-Sep- training in both epistemology and in field- Arabic language lessons (students willing to views. In May and June, students will go in- tember. The academic year commences in work. The most prominent among them, study other languages of the Muslim World dividually to such countries as Lebanon, mid-October. ◆ Malika Zeghal, Mounia Bennani-Chraïbi, register for that purpose in other Parisian Yemen, Sudan, Libya, Algeria, Morocco, and Dina El Khawaga, Luis Martinez, Yves Gonza- universities, to which the programme is Mauritania. Upon their return, they will lez-Quijano, Séverine Labat, Xavier linked) and a tutorial in English. write a circa 100-page paper, to be publicly Further inquiries: Bougarel, Philippe Droz-Vincent, Laetitia Professors Ghassan Salamé, Olivier Roy, defended in the fall. The best students will- Programme Monde Musulman, Institut d'Etudes Bucaille and others have gained status and Malika Zeghal, Christian Décobert, Ruth ing to specialize in academia will then be in- Politiques de Paris, 199 Boulevard Saint-Germain authored major works in this field of knowl- Grosrichard, amongst others, teach and give vited to join the PhD programme. 75007 PARIS, France edge. The programme also aims to train tutorials together with Professor Kepel. The Admission is conditional to the comple- Tel: +33-1-45 49 51 40, Fax: +33-1-45 44 95 49 professionals who will staff private corpora- duration of studies is one year for the tion of a master's degree in the humanities, E-mail: [email protected] tions or work in public service, in sectors rel- Diplôme d'Etudes Approfondies (DEA), and the knowledge of one of the languages of evant to the modern Muslim world. three to four years for the PhD dissertation. the Muslim world, and a TOEFL level of Eng- Professor Gilles Kepel is the director of research at the Launched by Professor Rémy Leveau, the The DEA year includes a collective two- lish. French is the main language of instruc- Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique and programme is now headed by Professor week fieldtrip, and an individual four to six- tion, though students are encouraged to professor at the Institut d'Études Politiques in Paris, Gilles Kepel, and has been widely restruc- week fieldwork journey to a Muslim country. develop their writing and speaking abilities F r a n c e .

Conference Report SUSAN RUTTEN 1 8t h RIMO Conference

The Dutch Association of the Study of Islam- in Islamic law. The second lecture was pre- sion was presented by Jamila Bargach. Her can women. ic Law and the Law of the Middle East (RIMO sented by Wael Hallaq, who spoke about lecture concerned the k a f a l a in Morocco. The RIMO Conference 2000 provided stim- Association) held its annual meeting on 26 changes in Islamic law: Has it ever been Since adoption is not legally recognized in ulating and interesting presentations and May 2000, in Leiden, the Netherlands. Ap- changed? Can it be changed at all? Or can Moroccan (and Islamic) law, other means discussions about issues related to Islamic proximately 55 individuals from various dis- we speak of a structural change? Who is had to be devised in order to assist aban- law. The texts of the lectures will be pub- ciplines, such as law, Middle Eastern Studies, qualified to change Islamic Law? What doned, orphaned or neglected children. lished in English and in Dutch by the RIMO Islamic Studies and Islamic Law, participat- methods can be used? These and other Other individuals can then take over the Association. ◆ ed in the conference. Five lectures were pre- thought provoking questions were raised care of these children by means of k a f a l a. In sented by specialists who attended the con- and discussed by Hallaq. practice, this 'gift of care' is often offered to ference from different parts of the world. The afternoon sessions of the conference young girls as they can be of practical use Each lecture was followed by discussion opened with a lecture by Maurits Berger, within their new families. with the audience and was presided over by who engaged the audience in his presenta- The conference was closed by Frans van the conference chairman, Ruud Peters. The tion of Egyptians' inter-religious choice of der Velden of the Dutch Ministry of Justice morning session began with two lectures laws on marriage and divorce. According to who spoke of the cooperation between the devoted to theoretical aspects of Islamic Berger, if one spouse is Muslim, Islamic law Netherlands, the Moroccan Embassy and law, while the afternoon sessions were de- will prevail and the marriage will be gov- the Government of Morocco. Specifically, he voted to an exploration of issues of the ap- erned by it. Christian or Jewish law can only spoke of the cooperation designed to re- plication and practical relevance of Islamic be used in the case of both spouses sharing solve issues emanating from marriages and Susan Rutten is secretary of the Association for the l a w . the same religion. The lecture was en- divorces of Moroccan citizens residing in Study of Islamic Law and Law of the Middle East The conference was opened by Muham- livened by many illustrative and practical the Netherlands. He also mentioned Moroc- (RIM) and lecturer in law at Maastricht University, the mad Khalid Masud, academic director of e x a m p l e s . can proposals to modify Moroccan family N e t h e r l a n d s . ISIM, who spoke about the doctrine of s i y a s a The second lecture of the afternoon ses- law in order to improve the status of Moroc- E-mail: [email protected] 3 8 Info Pages I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Art & Culture Agenda

THE NETHERLANDS B E L G I U M 16 October – 8 December 2000 Through 29 October 2000 Museum of Islamic Art The Tareq Rajab Museum • Strokes of Genius. Throughout • The Heroic Past: The Persian Book of Exhibitions E x h i b i t i o n s M u s e u m i n s e l Hawelli 32036 history, Mesopotamia has been Kings looks at the historical figures B e r l i n - M i t t e K u w a i t referred to as the 'Cradle of who became legendary in the great Theater Cosmic Royal Museums for Art and T e l: +49-30-20 90 54 01 T e l: +965-531 73 58 Civilization' and its art, treasured in Persian epic Shahnama, composed in Nes 75, Amsterdam H i s t o r y F a x: +965-533 90 63 museums worldwide, is praised as 1010 by the poet Firdawsi. Coins, C o n t i n u i n g T e l: + 31-20-623 72 34 Jubelpark / one of the greatest achievements of paintings, metalwork and ceramics • This continuing exhibition is C o n t i n u i n g Parc du Cinquantenaire, 10 mankind. Today, Iraqi art forms an are on display. 6 – 8 October 2000 1040 Brussels dedicated to the art of Islamic • Arts of the Islamic world: Qur'ans, important part of global • Maroc opens its doors. This Festival peoples from the 8t hto 19t hc e n t u r i e s . calligraphy, pottery, metalwork, contemporary art to which the artists 3 May 1998 – Indefinitely features Moroccan music, stand-up 17 October – 29 October 2000 The works of art originate from an glass, ivory and jade carvings, contribute with a diverse, yet distinct, • Arts of the Islamic World. Some 60 comedy theatre, lectures, a suq, fash- • Modernity and Authenticity in area stretching from Spain to India. costumes, textiles, embroideries and vocabulary formed by their unique works – Qur'an pages, metalwork, ion show and for children Berber sto- Harmony. Exhibition on the occasion jewellery. The exhibitions include also artistic, cultural and religious roots. ceramics, glass, paintings, and ries and food. t h t h of 30 years of Renaissance in Oman. relevant objects from Tibet, Nepal calligraphy – from the 9 to 17 B a y e r i s c h e s and Bhutan. Egee Art Gallery centuries, explore Islamic artistic World Art Delft C A N A D A A r m e e m u s e u m 9 Chelsea manor studios traditions. Themes include the forms Rotterdamseweg 205, Delft Neues Schloß M A L A Y S I A Flood Street and functions of the works of art, the T e l: + 31-15-285 01 14 E x h i b i t i o n s 85049 Ingolstadt London SW3 5SR role of calligraphy, the use of T e l: +49-841-350 67 69 T e l: +44-171-351 68 18 figurative decoration, and the 3 September – 23 December 2000 E x h i b i t i o n s Musée de la Civilisation F a x: +44-171-376 85 10 meaning of abstract designs. • Arabesk. Contemporary art from Iran, U R L: http://www.egeeart.com/ Iraq, Lebanon. Art from non-western 85, rue Dalhousie Through 15 October 2000 Islamic Art Museum C.P. 155 • Islamic Art from private collections in Pusat Islam Malaysia C o n t i n u i n g countries as source of inspiration for C o n t i n u i n g • Metalwork and Ceramics from Dutch artists. Lectures, music, work- Québec G1K 7A6 Germany. An exhibition to Jalan Perdana • Arabic Calligraphy 2000 – The Saudi Ancient Iran: 45 metal and clay shops and for schoolchildren the op- T e l: +418-643 21 58 commemorate 10 years of the Society 50480 Kuala Lumpur Show. Presentation of a breathtaking artefacts, created in western Iran portunity to work with mosaic. Pro- F a x: +418-646 97 05 of Friends of Islamic Art and Culture. T e l: +60-3-22 74 20 20 gramme on request. beauty and diversity collection of between 2300 and 100 BC are closely Through January 2001 Museum fur Islamische C o n t i n u i n g calligraphy. Contemporary and linked technically and aesthetically. Den Haag • Syria, Land of Civilizations, assembles Fliesen und Keramik • Collections of local and international antique Middle Eastern art. Metalwork influences ceramic forms, colours and surface treatment; works G e m e e n t e m u s e u m more than 400 cultural treasures to W e s t e r h o f - K l i n i k Islamic art objects. The museum UNITED STATES in both media share shapes and Stadhouderslaan 41, present one of the oldest cultural cen- Olaf-Gulbransonstrasse 19 periodically holds local and decoration inspired by images of 2517 HV The Hague tres. The exhibition views 12,000 83684 Tegernsee international exhibitions. T e l: +31-70-338 11 11/365 89 85 years of history from various view- E x h i b i t i o n s animals or imaginary creatures. T e l: +49-80 22 18 10 Objects in the exhibition are on loan points: political, economic and spiri- R U S S I A 25 November – 11 March 2001 Harvard University Art from private collections and from the tual. It also highlights the West's in- C o n t i n u i n g • Glass from the Orient. Islamic Museums Sackler Gallery's permanent tellectual and scientific ties to Syria. • Dr Theodor Sehmer collected, since E x h i b i t i o n s g l a s s w a r e . 'Contemporary Syria' explores every- Arthur M. Sackler Gallery c o l l e c t i o n . the 1950s, Islamic ceramics, in Cambridge, Massachusetts day life, particularly from the per- particular tiles from Turkey, Iran and The State Hermitage C o n t i n u i n g spective of young people. T e l. +1-617-495 94 00 C o n t i n u i n g • Islamic crafts. The renewed exhibition Iraq. Some 300 pieces of this very M u s e u m • Luxury Arts of the Silk Route Empires: from its own collection, in particular interesting collection dating from the St Petersburg 8 June – 15 October 2000 In these two galleries connecting the F R A N C E t h t h ceramics. Other objects illustrating 1 0 – 19 centuries are to be admired T e l: +812-110 90 79/96 25 • A Decade of Collecting: Recent Freer Gallery of Art and the Arthur M. Islamic art. E x h i b i t i o n s at the Westerhof-Klinik. F a x: +812-312 15 50 Acquisitions of Islamic and Indian Art Sackler Gallery, examples of U R L: http://www.hermitage.ru/ showcases important works of art metalwork and ceramics from the Zijdemuseum Grijpskerke Ifa-Galerie Stuttgart from the Stuart Cary Welch collections of each museum illustrate Kerkstraat 1, 4364 AJ Grijpskerke Institut du Monde Arabe Charlottenplatz 17 C o n t i n u i n g 1, Rue des Fosses St-Bernard C o l l e c t i o n . the effect of multicultural interaction T e l: +31-118-59 33 05 70173 Stuttgart • Art of the Near East is represented in 75236 Paris on the arts of the first millennium AD E - m a i l: [email protected] T e l: +49-711-222 51 73 the museum by an excellent T e l: +33-1-40 51 39 60/33 10 C o n t i n u i n g Ornaments, bowls, cups, bottles, jars, F a x: +49-711-222 51 94 collection covering the 7t h– 19t h • Harvard's collection of Islamic and mirrors, ewers, and ritual objects in 30 May – 30 September 2000 U R L: http://www.ifa.de centuries, including several exquisite later-Indian art is small but gold, silver or silver and gilt, • Oman: Silks from the desert 21 September – 12 November 2000 m a s t e r p i e c e s . magnificent. It comprises a broad earthenware, or porcelain from Iran, Wereldmuseum Rotterdam • Gaza Mediterranée. Exposes the re- C o n t i n u i n g range of works, from Samanid China, Turkey, Syria, and Afghanistan (before: Rotterdam sults of archaeological excavations • Exhibitions and contemporary art S I N G A P O R E pottery and Mamluk calligraphy to are included in this exhibition. Museum of Ethnology) in Gaza since 1994. This event is a re- from the Middle East Qajar lacquers and Ottoman textiles. Willemskade 25 sult of the French-Palestinian coop- E x h i b i t i o n s Its masterpieces include a group of Yerba Buena Center 3016 DM Rotterdam I R A N miniatures from the extraordinary for the Arts eration. The most spectacular ex- t h T e l: +31-10-270 71 72 hibits are mosaics from the Byzant- Asian Civilisations 1 4 century Great Mongol San Francisco F a x: +31-10-270 71 82 ian period. E x h i b i t i o n s M u s e u m ('Demotte') Shahnama, the Safavid E - m a i l: mediatheek@wereld- 39 Armenian Street masterpiece; Mir Sayyid-'Ali's Night- 30 September – 1 October 2000 m u s e u m . r o t t e r d a m . n l Islamic Period Museum Singapore 179939 time in a Palace, and the miniatures • Silk Road Festival features lectures, F e s t i v a l s T e h r a n of the 'pocket-size' Divan of Anvari dance, theatre, books and regional 26 November 2000 – From November 1997 produced for the Mughal emperor c u i s i n e . 25 March 2001 Rue de Rivoli C o n t i n u i n g • Calligraphy from the Tareq Rajab Akbar. The department also has one • Buitenlandsche Zaaken (Foreign Af- 75001 Paris • Continuing exhibition of e.g. Qur'anic Museum Kuwait. The Qur'an was of the most important The Saint Louis Art fairs). The exhibition concerns rare T e l: +33-1-53 45 17 00 manuscripts, ceramics, metalwork central to the development of the art representations of Rajasthani Museum documents from diplomatic and F a x: +33-1-53 45 17 01 and textiles of beautiful writing. This exhibition painting in the world. 1 Fine Arts Drive trade contacts between the Nether- explores the various scripts that St. Louis, Missouri lands and the Islamic world since E - m a i l: w w w . f e s t i v a l - a u t o m n e . c o m I S R A E L developed over the centuries, and Wexner Center for the Arts 63110-1380 USA. 1600. The often exquisitely decorated The Ohio State University T e l: +1-314-721 00 72 documents belong to the Dutch State 20 September – also calligraphy as a decorative motif 30 December 2000 E x h i b i t i o n s on various media, such as ceramics 1871 North High Street F a x: +1-314-721 61 72 Archives and include manuscripts Columbus, Ohio from the Dutch East India Company. • The Festival d'automne is partly and metalwork. devoted to Iran. Performances of the The Israel Museum T e l: +1-614-292 35 35 1 August – 25 February 2001 Paintings, engravings and maps illus- F a x: +1-614-292 33 69 • Oriental Carpets from the James F. Tazieh, a unique form of traditional P.O. Box 71117 trate the longstanding historical con- T U R K E Y U R L: http://www.wexarts.org/ Ballard Collection. This manufacturer nection.The museum will reopen on tragedy from the Muslim world and Jerusalem music from Khorassan, a region in from St Louis was one of the most 26 November 2000 with a permanent Israel E x h i b i t i o n s 16 September – prominent American collectors of exhibition of Islamic art from its own north Iran. T e l: +972-2-670 88 11 31 December 2000 Oriental carpets at the turn of the c o l l e c t i o n . F a x: +972-2-563 18 33 The Museum of Turkish Musée Goya • Shirin Neshat: Two Installations. This century. The exhibition includes rare U R L: http://www.imj.org.il and Islamic Art Iranian-born artist first commanded examples of a 16t hcentury Mamluk Galerie A C a s t r e s I s t a n b u l t h Oldenzaalsestraat 256 F r a n c e attention through photographic carpet, a 15 century Spanish carpet 26 September – December 2000 series questioning the representation and early Turkish pieces known as 7523 AG Enschede • 'Have a Nargileh' – Water Pipes from C o n t i n u i n g T e l: +31-53-341 37 88 of women in Islamic culture. She then Holbein and Lotto rugs. Through 8 October 2000 the Islamic World. This exhibition • Exhibition of Ottoman and Islamic • Music and Figurative Arts: Music and turned to moving images, such as C o n t i n u i n g shows the origins of the water pipe, Art, Folk Art and Folk Life these video installations exploring UNITED NATIONS Society in Spain from the Middle Ages an object closely associated with the • Intercultural art to the Year 2000, presents more than relationships between men and Orient, which has recently become UNITED KINGDOM women in Islamic culture. M a g a z i n e s 100 old, or reproductions of, musical popular among certain sectors of L e c t u r e s / S o c i e t i e s instruments as well as paintings, Israeli youth. In addition to a wide sculptures and other music-related E x h i b i t i o n s The Detroit Institute of Museum International variety of some fifty ancient and N e d e r l a n d s - A r a b i s c h e objects. The importance of the A r t s UNESCO, Paris elaborate water pipes, the exhibition K r i n g travelling musician and the large British Museum and 5200 Woodward Avenue Blackwell Publishers also presents Orientalist paintings Secretariat: contribution of Arabo-Andalusian Museum of Mankind Detroit, Michigan 48202 108 Cowley Road H. Zwaardecroonstraat 17 music in repertoire, rhythms and depicting images of smokers. Great Russelstreet T e l: +1-313-833 79 00 Oxford, OX4 1JF 2593 XK Den Haag instrumentation, are highlighted. London WCIB 3DG F a x: +1-313-833 14 54 United Kingdom J O R D A N T e l: +44-171-412 71 11 NAK Magazine: F a x: +44-171-323 86 14/84 80 30 July – 8 October 2000 Korte Jufferstraat 42 G E R M A N Y E x h i b i t i o n s • Empire of the Sultans: Ottoman Art 3512 EZ Utrecht C o n t i n u i n g from the Khalili collection. The T e l: +31-30-231 95 53 Darat al Funun Amman • Continuing exhibition of the Oriental magnificence of the Ottoman Empire E - m a i l: [email protected] E x h i b i t i o n s U R L: http://www.daratalfunun.org/ collection. Its Islamic pottery is comes alive in the major exhibition. The Agenda is produced by Vorderasiatisches Museum considered the best outside the Over 200 objects ranging from • Organizes lectures and other Qur'ans adorned with elegant t h e Centre of Islamic Culture activities in five regional branches: Entrée Pergamonmuseum 20 September – Islamic world. calligraphy, to scientific instruments, in Rotterdam, The Nether- Amsterdam, The Hague, Groningen, M u s e u m i n s e l 17 November 2000 carpets and textiles, embrace every Nijmegen, and Utrecht. Am Kupfergraben • Artists from Bilad al-Sham, Part 2, Victoria and Albert lands. Please send all highlights Lebanese, Palestinian and M u s e u m aspect of Ottoman art of more than B e r l i n - M i t t e information with regard to M u s i c T e l: +49-30-20 90 54 01 Syrian artists in a survey of Cromwell Road six centuries. contemporary Arab-world arts, with London SW7 2RL activities related to culture The Arthur M. Sackler RasaNetwerk Tentatively 15 May 2001 – an emphasis on painting. T e l: +44-171-938 85 00 and art in the Islamic World Non-Western Music 30 September 2001 U R L: http://www.vam.ac.uk/ Gallery and Freer Gallery Pauwstraat 13a • Agatha Christie and the Orient. K U W A I T of Art t o : Smithsonian Institution 3512 TG Utrecht Criminology and Archaeology traces C o n t i n u i n g The Centre of Islamic Culture, T e l: +31-30-233 01 23 those two strands in the life of the E x h i b i t i o n s • The collection includes a rich Washington, DC, 20560 T e l: +1-202-357 48 80 P.O. Box 361, F a x: +31-30-233 01 22 'Queen of Crime', displaying diaries collection of Islamic metalwork. E - m a i l: [email protected] and hitherto unpublished Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah 3 0 0 0 AJ Rotterdam, 17 September 2000 (long term) photographs of Christie and her M a h b o u l a Brunei Gallery Throughout the years 2000-2001 • Fountains of Light. Islamic Metalwork T h eN e t h e r l a n d s husband, archaeologist Max K u w a i t L o n d o n • Music from Uzbekistan, Iran, Turkey, Mallowan; more than 200 artefacts from the Nuhad Es-Said Collection. Fax: +31 10 270 71 82 Morocco. Concerts are organized in a T e l: +965-565 30 06 Tel: +44-207-898 40 20 from his excavations in Iraq and This collection – arguably the finest number of cities in the Netherlands U R L: E-mail: mediatheek@wereld Syria; and a compartment from the private collection of Islamic and Belgium. Programme to be C o n t i n u i n g h t t p : / / w w w : s o a s . a c . u k / B r u n e i / e x h i Orient Express. metalwork – consists of 27 inlaid m u s e u m . r o t t e r d a m . n l obtained from Rasa. • Al-Sabah Collection of Islamic art b i t i o n s . h t m l / brass, bronze and steel objects dating from the 10t hto the 19t hc e n t u r i e s . I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 Info Pages 39 Academic Meetings

Recent Conferences (Iran), Shahid Beheshti University USA I n f o r m a t i o n: Dr Relli Shechter, Depart- E - m a i l : M B a d r a n @ u a e u . a c . a e The International (Iran), Allame Tabataba'ee Universi- Sponsored by: Yale University, Hofstra ment of Middle East Studies and Public Lectures Association of Middle ty (Iran) and the Islamic College for U n i v e r s i t y Ben-Gurion University The Middle East Studies Eastern Studies (IAMES) Advanced Studies (UK) I n f o r m a t i o n: Magnus Bernhardsson Beer-Sheva, 84105, Israel Association of North The Center for the Study Congress 2000 s t U R L: http://www.islamic- T e l: +1-516-463 56 07 T e l: +972-7-647 77 63 America (MESA) of Islam and Democracy 1 Dialogue Between Cul- s t u d i e s . o r g / c o n f e r . h t m / E-mail: H i s m z b @ H o f s t r a . e d u F a x: +972-7-647 29 52 3 5t h Annual Meeting Annual Conference t u r e s E-mail: r e l l i s h @ b g u m a i l . b g u . a c . i l D a t e: 17-20 November 2001 D a t e: 30 April 2000 D a t e: 4-8 October 2000 Upcoming Confer- Third International Con- V e n u e: Hyatt Regency, San Francisco, Sponsored by: International Cultural V e n u e: Berlin, Germany ference on Gender and Eq- Arab Legal Systems in U S A Center at Georgetown University E - m a i l: [email protected] ences, Lecture Series uity Issues T r a n s i t i o n I n f o r m a t i o n: Mark Lowder Washington DC U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . i a m e s . d e / and Public Events D a t e: 5-7 January 2001 D a t e: 5-6 April 2001 T e l: +1-520/626 62 90 I n f o r m a t i o n: Sana Abed-Kotob V e n u e: Radisson Hotel, Bangkok, Thai- Sponsored by: The Center for Contem- E - m a i l : m l o w d e r @ u . a r i z o n a . e d u 10026 Parkwoods Lane Cinema and the Middle East Portugal, Spain and Mo- l a n d porary Arab Studies Burke VA 22015, USA D a t e : 11-12 October 2000 rocco – the Mediterranean Sponsored by: Srinakharinwirot Uni- Georgetown University Workshops in South Asian F a x: +1-703-425 19 92 V e n u e : Campus of the University of and the Atlantic versity and Salisbury State Universi- C o n t a c t: Ms. Anne Marie Chaaraoui, Islam: Music and Literary E - m a i l: [email protected] M a i n z D a t e: 2-4 November 2000 t y Symposium Manager P r o d u c t i o n U R L: www.islam-democracy.org/ Sponsored by: The international re- V e n u e: Universidade do Algarve I n f o r m a t i o n: Dr Amporn Srisermbhok, Georgetown University, Center for D a t e: 12-14 April 2002 search network on 'Cinema and the t h Faro, Portugal Faculty of Humanities Contemporary Arab Studies, ICC V e n u e: North Carolina State University The 6 international con- Middle East' I n f o r m a t i o n: Prof. Teresa Judice Gami- Srinakharinwirot University, 2 4 1 C o n t a c t: Tony K. Stewart, Director ference of the Internation- I n f o r m a t i o n: Prof. Dr Anton Escher, t o Sukhumvit 23 3 7t h and O Streets, NW, Washington, North Carolina Center for South al Boundaries Research Centre for Research on the Arab Bangkok 10110, Thailand DC 20057-1020, USA Asia Studies U n i t World (CERAW), Institute of Geog- God, Life and Cosmos: T e l: +66-2-260 01 26 T e l: +1-202-687 57 93 Triangle South Asia Consortium Borders, Orders and Iden- raphy, University of Mainz, 55099 Theistic Perspectives F a x: +66-2-260 19 14 F a x: +1-202-687 70 01 Campus Box 8101, North Carolina tities of the Muslim World Mainz, Germany D a t e: 6-9 November 2000 E - m a i l : a m p o r n s r @ s w u . a c . t h E - m a i l: State University D a t e: 12 – 14 July 2000 T e l: +49-6131-392 56 54 V e n u e: Islamabad, Pakistan C o n t a c t : Dr Thomas L. Erskine, English [email protected] Raleigh, NC 27695-8101, USA V e n u e: The University of Durham F a x: +49-6131-392 47 36 Sponsored by: The Center for Theolo- D e p a r t m e n t U R L: www.ccasonline.org/ T e l: +1-919-515 63 35, +1-919-513 87 I n f o r m a t i o n: Ms Michelle Speak, Exter- E - m a i l : d a v o . c o n g r e s s @ g e o . U n i - gy and the Natural Sciences (CTNS), Salisbury State University, Salisbury, 2 3 nal Relations Officer M a i n z . d e the Islamic Research Institute of the Maryland 21801, USA Workshops in South Asian F a x: +1-919-513 43 51, +1-919-513 14 International Boundaries Research International Islamic University and T e l: +1-410-543 63 71 I s l a m 4 7 Unit, Suite 3P t h 7 Annual Congress of the the International Institute of Islam- F a x: + 1-410-548 21 42 Challenging the Narratives U R L: Mountjoy Research Centre, University German Middle East Stud- ic Thought E - m a i l : t l e r s k i n e @ s s u . e d u of National and Religious h t t p : / / w w w 2 . n c s u . e d u / t s a c / s l a m . h t of Durham ies Association (DAVO) I n f o r m a t i o n: Muzaffar Iqbal Hegemony m l / DH1 3UR, UK D a t e: 12-14 October 2000 T e l: +1-780-922 09 27 Qadhafi's Libya D a t e: 13-15 April 2001 T e l: +44-191-374 77 05 V e n u e : M a i n z F a x: +1-780-922 09 26 D a t e: 23 January 2001 (provisional) V e n u e: The University of North Caroli- First World Congress for F a x: +44-191-374-77 02 I n f o r m a t i o n: Prof. Dr Anton Escher Sponsored by: Society for Libyan Stud- na, Chapel Hill Middle East Studies E - m a i l: [email protected] Geographisches Institut, Universität The Fifth Conference of i e s C o n t a c t: Tony K. Stewart, Director D a t e: 11-14 September 2002 U R L: http://www-ibru.dur.ac.uk/ Mainz, Germany the Indian Congress of I n f o r m a t i o n: Society for Libyan Stud- North Carolina Center for South V e n u e: Mainz, Germany ( B R C M E ) 55099 Mainz, Germany Asian Pacific Studies ies, c/o Institute of Archaelogy Asia Studies Sponsored by: The Middle East Studies T e l: +49-6131-392 56 54 Asia into the 21s t C e n t u r y : 31-4 Gordon Square, London WC1 Triangle South Asia Consortium Association of North America Seminar on Religion and F a x: +49-6131-392 47 36 Challenges of Peace and 0PY, UK Campus Box 8101, North Carolina (MESA), The European Association E c o n o m y E - m a i l : d a v o . c o n g r e s s @ g e o . u n i - T r a n s f o r m a t i o n State University for Middle Eastern Studies (EU- D a t e: 14-15 August 2000 m a i n z . d e D a t e: 8-10 November 2000 Southeast Asia Across Raleigh, NC 27695-8101, USA RAMES), The British Society for Mid- V e n u e: Jakarta, Indonesia U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . g e o . u n i - V e n u e: University of Jammu Borders: Transnational T e l: +1-919-515 63 35; +1-919-513 87 dle East Studies (BRISMES), The Sponsored by: ISIM, Pusat Pengkajian m a i n z . d e / d a v o Jammu, India Islam in Southeast Asia 2 3 German Middle East Studies Associ- Islam dan Masyarakat (PPIM), IAIN C o n t a c t: Brij Tankha D a t e: 1 March 2001 F a x: +1-919-513 43 51; +1-919-513 14 ation (DAVO) Syarif Hidayatullah E - m a i l: [email protected] Sponsored by: Netherlands Institute 4 7 I n f o r m a t i o n: Gunter Meyer, Centre for E - m a i l: [email protected] Islam and Society in for War Documentation, Interna- U R L: Research on the Arab World U R L: http://www.isim.nl/ the Twenty-First Century tional Institute of Asian Studies h t t p : / / w w w 2 . n c s u . e d u / t s a c / s l a m . h t Institute of Geography, University of t h The US and the Middle 2 9 Annual AMSS East after the Gulf War ( I I A S ) m l / M a i n z Fifth International Confer- (Association of Muslim So- D a t e: 9-10 November 2000 I n f o r m a t i o n: Dr Peter Post, Nether- 55099 Mainz, Germany ence on Sudan Studies cial Scientists) Convention V e n u e: La Plata University lands Institute for War Documenta- Islam in Africa T e l: +49-6131-392 46 35 D a t e : 30 August – 1 September 2000 D a t e: 13-15 October 2000 Middle East Department, Argentina t i o n A global, cultural and his- E - m a i l : d a v o @ g e o . u n i - m a i n z . d e V e n u e: Durham Sponsored by: Georgetown University, C o n t a c t: Dr Virginia Petronis T e l: +31-20-523 38 00 torical perspective URL: w w w . g e o . u n i - m a i n z . d e / d a v o / I n f o r m a t i o n : Dr Justin Willis, Senior Washington DC T e l: +54-21-423 06 28 E - m a i l: [email protected] D a t e: 19-22 April 2001 Research and Development Associ- I n f o r m a t i o n: Deonna Kelli, AMSS Con- E - m a i l: [email protected] U R L : h t t p : / / w w w . o o r l o g s d o c . k n a w . n l / Sponsored by: The Institute of Global Images of Loss and Recon- a t e f e r e n c e Cultural Studies (IGCS) ciliation: Department of History PO Box 669 History and Theory 2000: Muslim Minority Societies I n f o r m a t i o n: Michael Toler, Tracia Lea- Political and Literary Rep- 43 North Bailey, Durham DH1 3EX, UK Herndon, VA 20172 Disrupted Identities and in Europe c o c k resentations of Forced Mi- T e l: +44-191-374 24 37 F a x: +1-703-471 39 22 the Question of the Uni- D a t e: 2-3 March 2001 Institute of Global Cultural Studies grations in Comparative F a x: +44-191-374 47 54. U R L: versal Venue: Erfurt University Binghamton University P e r s p e c t i v e E - m a i l : J u s t i n . W i l l i s @ D u r h a m . a c . u k http://www.iiit.org/callpapers.htm/ D a t e: 11-12 November 2000 C o n t a c t: Prof. Jamal Malik, Chair of Is- PO Box 6000 LNG-100 D a t e: September 2002, April 2003 V e n u e: University of California, Irvine lamic Studies Binghamton, NY 13905, USA V e n u e: University of Bath, England, UK Religion and Society in The Second International I n f o r m a t i o n: University of California, Erfurt University, P.O. Box 900221 T e l: +1-607-777 44 94 I n f o r m a t i o n: Prof. Ian Wallace and Dr Qajar Iran Conference of the Human I r v i n e 99105 Erfurt, Germany F a x: +1-607-777 26 42 Stefan Wolff D a t e : 4-6 September 2000 Rights Movement in the Department of History – History and T e l: +49-361-737 41 00 E-mail: i g c s @ b i n g h a m t o n . e d u E - m a i l: [email protected]. V e n u e: Clifton Hill House, Bristol Uni- Arab World Human Rights Theory 2000 F a x: +49-361-737 41 19 versity, Bristol Education and Dissemina- 200 Humanities Office Building E - m a i l: [email protected] Religion and the State in Workshops in South Asian Sponsored by: The British Institute of s t tion 21 Century Agenda Irvine, California 92697-3275, USA the Arab World: Conflict or Islam: 'Imaginaire' in Persian Studies, The Iran Heritage D a t e: 13-16 October 2000 F a x: +1-949-824 28 65 International Conference A c c o m m o d a t i o n ? South Asia F o u n d a t i o n V e n u e: Cairo Institute for Human U R L: http://www.hnet.uci.edu/histo- on Medical Ethics and D a t e: 28-30 April 2001 D a t e: 18-20 April 2003 I n f o r m a t i o n: Dr Robert Gleave (confer- Rights Studies (CIHRS), Cairo r y / h i s t o r y & t h e o r y / Medical Law in Islam Sponsored by: The Egyptian Historical V e n u e: Duke University ence coordinator), Department of Sponsored by: UN High Commissioner D a t e: 19-21 March 2001 Society, The Higher Council for Cul- C o n t a c t: Tony K. Stewart, Director Theology and Religious Studies, for Human Rights (OHCHR), Euro- Communication and the V e n u e: University of Haifa, Israel ture, Cairo, Egypt North Carolina Center for South University of Bristol, Bristol BS8 Mediterranean Human Rights Net- Culture of Democracy Sponsored by: The Department of Ara- I n f o r m a t i o n: Assem Desouki Asia Studies 1TB, UK work (EMHRN) D a t e : 12-15 November 2000 bic Language and Literature and E-mail: l o l l a f a r i d a @ y a h o o . c o m Triangle South Asia Consortium, Cam- T e l: + 44-117-929 78 50 I n f o r m a t i o n: CIHRS V e n u e : Journalism and Mass Commu- the Centre for Health, Law, and pus Box 8101 F a x: +44-117-928 81 68 P.O. Box 117 (Maglis El-Shaab) nication Department of Yarmouk Ethics at the Faculty of Law, Univer- Sexualities in Transition North Carolina State University, E - m a i l : r . m . g l e a v e @ b r i s t o l . a c . u k Cairo, Egypt U n i v e r s i t y sity of Haifa, Israel D a t e: 12-16 June 2001 R a l e i g h T e l: +20-2-7954 37 15/795 11 12 Irbid/Amman, Jordan URL: h t t p : / / h c c . h a i f a . a c . i l / i s l a m m e d / V e n u e: Dubrovnik, Croatia NC 27695-8101, USA Muslims of Europe in the F a x: +20-2-7954 200 Sponsored by: AUSACE, The Depart- h t t p : / / r e s e a r c h . h a i f a . a c . i l / ~ w e b h u m / a I n f o r m a t i o n: Dr A. Stulhofer T e l: +1-919-515 63 35; +1-919-513 87 New Millennium E - m a i l: [email protected] ment of Communication, The Cen- r a b i c / r e s e a r c h . h t m / The Kinsey Institute 2 3 D a t e: 9-10 September ter for International Media Educa- Morrison Hall 313 F a x: +1-919-513 43 51; +1-919-513 14 V e n u e: Islamic Cultural Centre of Ire- Muslim Communities, tion, and the Middle East Center for Second Mediterranean So- Bloomington, IN 47405-2501, USA 4 7 land, Dublin Power and Politics in Peace, Culture, and Development, cial and Political Research T e l: +1-812-855 76 87 U R L: Sponsored by: Association of Muslim A f r i c a Georgia State University, USA M e e t i n g F a x: +1-812-855 82 77 h t t p : / / w w w 2 . n c s u . e d u / t s a c / s l a m . h t Social Scientists (UK), Islamic Cul- D a t e: 14 October 2000 I n f o r m a t i o n : Dr Issam Mousa, D a t e: 21-25 March 2001 E - m a i l: [email protected] m l / tural Centre of Ireland V e n u e: Oxford Centre for Islamic Stud- Yarmouk University, Dept. of Jour- V e n u e: Robert Schuman Centre for U R L: h t t p : / / w w w . c s u n . e d u / ~ s r 2 0 2 2 / I n f o r m a t i o n: The Association of Mus- i e s nalism and Mass Communication, Advanced Studies e v e n t s . h t m l / lim Social Scientists George Street, Oxford, UK Irbid, Jordan European University Institute P.O. Box 126 T e l: +44-1864-27 87 30 F a x: +962-2-727 46 82 I n f o r m a t i o n: Imco Brouwer, Mediter- Education and Training Richmond, Surrey TW9 2UD, UK E - m a i l : i s s a m @ v u . e d u . j o ranean Programme Coordinator in the Arab World: Chal- T e l: +44-208-948 95 11/2 Islam and Peace Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced lenges for the 21s t Century F a x: +44-208-940 40 14 D a t e: 23-27 October 2000 Middle East Studies Asso- S t u d i e s D a t e: September 2001 E - m a i l: [email protected] V e n u e: Islamic Peace Forum ciation Meeting (MESA) European University Institute V e n u e: Marrakech, Morocco 4545 42nd St. NW #209 3 4t h Meeting: Representa- Via dei Roccettini 9 Sponsored by: AMIDEAST (America- The Emergence of the Washington DC 20016, USA tions of the Middle East 50016 San Domenico di Fiesole, Flo- Mideast Educational and Training Stereotypical Image of the I n f o r m a t i o n: Dr Karim Crow D a t e: 16-19 November 2000 rence, Italy Services, Inc.), under the High Pa- Alleged Enemy in the Con- T e l: +1-202-244 09 51 V e n u e : Orlando, Florida T e l: +39-055-468 57 83 tronage of H.M. Mohammed VI, In order for the ISIM Info flict surrounding Palestine E - m a i l : n o n v i o l e n c e @ i g c . a p c . o r g I n f o r m a t i o n : Middle East Studies As- F a x: +39-055-468 57 70 Kingdom of Morocco Pages to prosper, we kindly D a t e: 6-8 September 2000 sociation of North America, Univer- E - m a i l: [email protected] I n f o r m a t i o n: Ruth Sexton, Vice Presi- V e n u e: Technische Universität Berlin ask for your participation by Fall meeting of the South- sity of Arizona, 1643 East Helen d e n t Hauptgebäude: Strasse des 17. Juni eastern Regional Seminar Street, Tucson, Arizona 85721, USA XXVIII. German Oriental- Public Relations and Development filling out the forms for 1 9 3 5 on African Studies (SER- T e l: +1-520-621 58 50 ists Day 1730 M St. NW, Suite 1100 10623 Berlin, Hörsaal H 3010, Ger- Vacancy Announcements and S A S ) F a x: +1-520-626 90 95 D a t e: 26 March 2001 Washington DC 20036, USA m a n y D a t e: 27-28 October 2000 E - m a i l : m e s a n a @ u . a r i z o n a . e d u Sponsored by: Deutsche Morgen- E - m a i l: [email protected] Special Events. These forms T e l: +49-30-314 258 54 V e n u e: University of Tennessee, URL: http://www.mesa.arizona.edu/ ländische Gesellschaft can be found online on the F a x: +49-30-314 211 36 K n o x v i l l e C o n t a c t: Maurus Reinkowski Encounters: E - m a i l: [email protected] C o n t a c t: Jonathan T. Reynolds, Kathy A Critique of the Mosque An der Universität 11 Germany and Arabia ISIM website: U R L: http://www.tu-berlin.de/zfa/ Skidmore-Hess, Aran MacKinnon Institution in Malaysia 96045 Bamberg, Germany An Interdisciplinary Sym- h t t p : / / i s i m . l e i d e n u n i v . n l E - m a i l: [email protected], D a t e: 20 November 2000 T e l: +49-951-863 21 96 p o s i u m Middle East Popular Cul- [email protected], amack- Sponsored by: The Aga Khan Pro- F a x: +49-951-863 51 82 D a t e: 29 September – 4 October 2001 If you wish to have a formula t u r e i n n @ w e s t g a . e d u gramme for Architecture E-mail: d o t 2 0 0 1 @ s p l i t . u n i - V e n u e: Al-Ain D a t e: 17 – 21 September 2000 sent by e-mail, fax, or post, U R L: http://www.ecu.edu/african/ser- V e n u e: Massachusetts Institute of b a m b e r g . d e Sponsored by: The University of the V e n u e: The University of Oxford s a s / h o m e p a g e . h t m / Technology, room 3/133 United Arab Emirates, Faculty of please contact the ISIM I n f o r m a t i o n: The Administrator, Near Massachusetts, USA Considering Consumption, Humanities and Social Sciences S e c r e t a r i a t : Eastern Studies Programme The Dialogue of Civiliza- T e l: +1-617-253 1400 Production, and the Mar- I n f o r m a t i o n: German – Arabic Sympo- The Oriental Institute Tel: +31 71 5277905 tions E - m a i l: [email protected] ket in the Constitution of s i u m Pusey Lane, Oxford, OX1 2 LE, UK D a t e: 27-28 October 2000 Meaning in the Middle c/o Dr Muhammad Abu al Fadl Bad- Fax: +31 71 5277906 F a x: +44-1865-27 81 90 V e n u e: Islamic Centre England, Lon- East and Beyond r a n The United States and the E - m a i l : U R L: http://users.ox.ac.uk/~ near- d o n Middle East: A Cultural En- D a t e: March – June 2001 Department of Arabic, Faculty of Hu- e a s t / c o n f e r e n . h t m / Sponsored by: Institute of Islamic c o u n t e r V e n u e: The Department of Middle manities and Social Sciences I S I M @ r u l l e t . l e i d e n u n i v . n l Studies, London (UK), Institute for D a t e: 8-9 December 2000 East Studies at Ben-Gurion Univer- UAE University, PO Box 17771, Al-Ain, Political & International Studies V e n u e: Yale University, New Haven, s i t y United Arab Emirates 4 0 I S I M NEWSLETTER 6 / 0 0 C o n t e n t s

Linda Herrera M E D I A Mucahit Bilici Downveiling: Shifting Socio-Religious Caprice Hotel: Transforming Islam on ISIM Events P r a c t i c e s the Aegean Coast 1 Gary Bunt 3 0 Arrival of ISIM Visiting Professor, Interface Dialogues and the Online F a twa¯ Abdellahi A. An-Naim D a t e: 1 October 2000 I S I M 1 2 Patrick Haenni Divergent Trajectories of Islam and Ethnicity Inaugural Lecture: Muslim Jurists' Shahram Khosravi in Switzerland Quest for the Normative Basis of S h a r ica E d i t o r i a l www.iranian.com: An Ethnographic 3 1 Muhammad Khalid Masud, ISIM chair, Leiden by Dick Douwes Approach to an Online Diaspora U n i v e r s i t y 2 1 3 Xavier Bougarel D a t e: 20 October 2000 The New Balkan Islam V e n u e: Leiden Munawar A. Anees Summer Academy: 3 2 ISIM Annual Lecture by Talal Asad H u r u f: 'The Production of Islamic D a t e: 30 October 2000 An Interactive Global Portal V e n u e: Leiden K n o w l e d g e ' Pedro Brieger 1 4 2 Muslims in Argentina Guest Lecture by Gilles Kepel 3 3 D a t e: 2 November 2000 S P A C E V e n u e: Leiden 'Vingt Ans Après …' An Assessment of CONFERENCE REPORTS Modern Islamist Movements Inaugural Lecture: M u s l i m s , 3 Minorities and Modernities Ahmed Andrews and Michele Wolfe The restructuring of heterodoxy in Muslim Graves in Sweden and the UK Conrad Schetter, Christine Noelle- the Middle East and Southeast Asia Family and Family Law in Asia and Martin van Bruinessen, ISIM chair, 1 5 K a r i m i the Middle East Utrecht University 3 Afghanistan – Country without State? D a t e: 21 November 2000 REGIONAL ISSUES 2 1 V e n u e: Utrecht, The Netherlands

Religion and Economic Practices ISIM Master class by Abdellahi Susan Rutten in Southeast Asia An-Naim: Key Issues in Human Rights Abdallah Chanfi Ahmed 1 8t h RIMO conference 4 D a t e: 27-30 November 2000 D acwa in the Comoros Islands 3 7 V e n u e: Leiden 1 6 ISIM Journalists Day Atelier: Africa and Islam: Moral P U B L I C A T I O N S 4 Discourses and Construction of Julia Day Howell I d e n t i t i e s Indonesia's Urban Sufis: Challenging Date: February – May 2001 Muhammad Khalid Masud Stereotypes of Islamic Revival Nadje Al-Ali Travellers in Faith: Studies of the Tablighi Summer Academy: 1 7 Secularism, Gender and the State: The Local Productionof Islamic J a m acat as a Transnational Islamic The Egyptian Women's Movement K n o w l e d g e Movement for Faith Renewal Shanker Thapa 3 4 In cooperation with the Working Group 5 Modernity and Islam Ethnic Variation of Nepal's Muslim Minority D a t e : 3-14 September 2001 1 8 The Application of Islamic Law Elisabeth Özdalga V e n u e: Istanbul, Turkey The Naqshbandis in Western and Central in Muslim Courts Workshop: The Application of David Waines Asia: Change and Continuity 5 Islamic Law in Muslim Courts Non-Formal Education in Pakistan: A Child's 3 5 In cooperation with Cornell University A p p r o a c h D a t e : October 2001 Africa and Islam: Moral Discourses 1 9 Ishtiaq Ahmed V e n u e : The Netherlands and Construction of Identities Islam Outside the Arab World 6 M. Nazif Shahrani 3 6 For more information on these and other ISIM Events: The Taliban Enigma: Person-Centred Politics ISIM Secretariat F E A T U R E S & Extremism in Afghanistan O R G A N I Z A T I O N S Tel: +31-71-527 79 05 Fax: +31-71-527 79 06 2 0 - 2 1 i s i m @ r u l l e t . l e i d e n u n i v . n l U R L: http://www.isim.nl/ Hakan Yavuz Kazem Alamdari Mamoun Mobayed Being Modern in the Nurcu Way Iran Parliamentary Election: The Third Muslims in Northern Ireland: 7 Consecutive Victory for the Reformists The Belfast Islamic Centre 2 2 3 6 Cor Hoffer Religious Healing Methods among Muslims Azadeh Kian-Thiébaut RESEARCH PROGRAMMES in the Netherlands Women's Religious Seminaries in Iran 8 2 3 . Gilles Kepel Emine Onaran In c i r l iog˘ l u Mai Ghoussoub Institut d'Etudes Politiques: Doctoral Village Women in Central Anatolia: Reality, Photogenic Elections, Men and Status in Programme on the Muslim World Models, Anomalies L e b a n o n 3 7 9 2 4 O B I T U A R Y Muzaffar Iqbal Lisa Wedeen The International Institute for The Center for Islam & Science: Ambiguities after Asad the Study of the Modern World A New Initiative 2 5 Liz Kepferle (ISIM) promotes and conducts 1 0 Hanna Batatu: 1926-2000 interdisciplinary research on Shamil Jeppie 3 7 contemporary social and Leif Stenberg Islamic Law in Africa intellectual trends and Science in the Service of God: 2 6 INFO P AGES movements in Muslim societies Islamizing Knowledge and communities. The ISIM’s 1 1 Dorothea E. Schulz research approaches are Muslim Women's Associations, Mass Media, Art and Culture Agenda expressly interdisciplinary and and Morals in Urban Mali 3 8 comparative, covering a large 2 7 geographic range which includes Academic Meetings North Africa and the Middle East, Fabienne Samson 3 9 Sub-Saharan Africa, Central Asia, Youth, Sufism, and Politics in Senegal South and Southeast Asia, and 2 8 ISIM Agenda (Muslim communities in) the 4 0 West. Broad in its scope, the ISIM Elise Massicard brings together all areas of Uncovering Alevism, Covering Difference e x p e r t i s e . 2 9