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On the Lineage of King Telepinu

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On the Lineage of King Telepinu Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica 25(2): 249–259 On the Lineage of King Telepinu Siim MÕTTUS1 Abstract. Sources on the reign of the Hittite king Telepinu, including the principle source in the form of an edict issued by the king himself, are unfortunately taciturn about his relationship to previous kings. Such information that we do have hints at two possibilities: he was either a son or a son-in-law of Ammuna, a previous ruler. He is tied to Huzziya I, a usurper, but the latter’s position in the dynasty is uncertain as well. This article makes the case for the view that Telepinu married into the royal family rather than being born into it, and Huzziya I was a lower-rank son who had to eliminate higher-standing candidates in order to ascend to the throne. Rezumat. Surse despre domnia regelui hitit Telepinu, inclusiv izvorul principal sub forma unui edict emis de însuși regele, sunt, din păcate, tăcute cu privire la relația sa cu regii anteriori. Astfel de informații pe care le avem oferă indicii asupra a două posibilități: el era fie fiul, fie ginerele lui Ammuna, un conducător anterior. El apare în conexiune cu Huzziya I, un uzurpator, dar poziția acestuia din urmă în dinastie este, de asemenea, incertă. Acest articol discută punctul de vedere conform căruia Telepinu s-a căsătorit în familia regală mai degrabă ca fiind născut în această familie, iar Huzziya I a fost un fiu de rang inferior, care a trebuit să elimine candidații cu funcții superioare pentru a urca pe tron. Keywords: Telepinu, Huzziya I, Hittites, royal succession, genealogy. Introduction Best known for the effort to stabilize and normalize the succession of Hittite royal powers, the lineage of king Telepinu (ca 1525–1500 BC)2 is still under question. Research into his connection with the dynasty helps us to better understand the principles of Hittite succession and the instrument by which these rules were established: the edict (or proclamation) of Telepinu (CTH 19).3 The only information we have on his lineage is obtained from the edict itself. The focus of this text is the attempt to stop years of bloodshed over succession rights, stipulating that: 1 University of Tartu, Institute of History and Archaeology, PhD student; [email protected]. 2 This article follows the middle chronology after BRYCE 2005, xv–xvi. 3 For editions and translations of the document see for example BECHTEL and STURTEVANT 1935, 175–200; HOFFMANN 1984, ; GILAN 2015, 137–158; KNAPP 2015, 79–100. See also translations cited in note 17. 249 On the Lineage of King Telepinu LUGAL-uš-ša-an ḫa-an-te-iz-zi-i ̭a-aš-pát DUMU.LUGAL DUMU-RU ki-ik-k[i-iš]ta-ru ták-ku DUMU LU[GAL] ḫa-an-te-iz-zi-iš NU.GÁL nu ku-iš ta-a-an pi-e-da-aš [(DU)]MU-RU nu LUGAL-uš a-pa-a-aš ki-ša-ru ma-a-an DUMU.LUGAL-ma IBILA NU.GÁL nu ku-iš DUMU.SAL ḫa-an-te-iz-zi-iš nu-uš-ši-iš-ša-an LÚan-ti-i ̭a-an-ta-an ap-pa-a-an-du LUGAL-uš a-pa-a-aš ki-š[(a ru)] King shall become a son (who is a) prince of first rank only. If there is no first rank prince, he who is a son of second rank shall become King. If there is no prince, (no) male, she who is a first rank princess, for her they shall take an in-marrying (son-in-law) and he shall become King.4 Telepinu also established some countermeasures and punishments in order to avoid further illegal usurpations. The edict begins with an historiographical prologue5 which remains one of the most important sources on the history of the Hittite Old Kingdom from the reign of king Labarna (1680–1650 BC) up to the reign of Telepinu. The latter also describes, though very scantily, the circumstances of his own accession and is unfortunately not very forthcoming about his parentage either. Modern scholars are divided into two camps on the matter. Some see him as the son of king Ammuna (1550–1530 BC) who had ruled some years before him, while others see him as his son-in-law.6 This view usually depends on which succession principle (for example, patrilinearity or avuncularity) they theorize to have been true for the pre-Telepinu Hittite kingship, making the underlying inheritance system take priority over each specific case. This article reviews the available evidence to help to resolve this dilemma. Ascension and the position of Huzziya I To understand the lineage of king Telepinu one must start with his predecessor Huzziya I (ca 1530–1525 BC). Unfortunately we do not know much about Huzziya; our knowledge about him is almost completely derived from texts attributed to his political opponent and dethroner Telepinu. Information on Huzziya’s reign comes from the edict itself and from a few other, quite fragmentary texts — CTH 20 for example. 4 CTH 19 §28. Following the translation of VAN DEN HOUT 2003, 196–197. First-rank princes are those born of the king’s main wife, the queen, and second-rank princes are those born of concubines (EŠERTU-wives). The third option is a kind of uxorilocal marriage, resembling the Mesopotamian erebu marriage, whereby the father of the bride would pay the bride price to the future son-in-law rather than vice-versa. This son-in-law (antiyant) would become a member of the bride’s family and could also be adopted by the father-in-law: see BECKMAN 1986, 17; BEAL 1983, 117. 5 The use of an historical introduction is quite common in Hittite texts, especially in Hittite vassal treaties, in which previous relations between the Hittite kingdom and a vassal are put forth. But historical reviews are also seen in other texts; for example, the so-called testament of Hattušili I, the edict of Telepinu, and the apology of Hattušili III. These texts offer a complementary view to the Hittite annalistic texts. Their purpose is to give an account of events that led to the necessity of issuing these texts and show the reason for political action. See ALTMAN 2004, 43–63 for the Hittite historiographical prologue tradition. 6 See notes 33 and 34 for advocates of different views. 250 Siim Mõttus Huzziya stepped into the political arena after the passing of his predecessor Ammuna. The edict depicts this death as a natural one, otherwise Telepinu would have certainly emphasized in the edict that Ammuna had been taken from the world by violent means. The text says that Ammuna had “become a god.” This phrase was generally used for the natural deaths of Hittite kings and queens.7 Immediately after Ammuna’s death a man named Zuru, chief of the royal bodyguard (GAL LÚMEŠ MEŠEDI8) at that time, sent his son9 Tahurwaili who bore the title “Man of the Golden Spear”10 to kill “Titti’s family, together with his sons.” Zuru also sent Taruhšu, a courier, to kill “Hantili together with his sons.” After that, Huzziya became king. He then moved against his brother-in-law Telepinu but was dethroned and exiled.11 Those who were killed were most certainly heirs, and probably the sons of Ammuna, who must have had a legitimate right to the throne. Otherwise, these eliminations would make no sense in this context. One curious aspect is that the text does not directly say that Titti himself was killed, but only his family together with his sons.12 Many authors, however, draw this conclusion.13 This may only be a peculiarity of the wording and mean nevertheless that Titti was also killed along with his family; but if not—Titti was possibly already dead—then this may show a situation where the grandsons of the old kings were potential heirs and therefore already a threat to the usurper. The line of succession could in that case skip a generation. When we take the sequence of the events into account, i.e., Titti’s family being eliminated before Hantili, then it can be argued that Titti’s grandsons had a paramount right to the throne over Hantili. However we cannot be entirely sure about Titti’s and Hantili’s relations to the dynasty. Although not directly stated, it is reasonable to see Huzziya as instigator of these murders because he came out of this as the main beneficiary. Why Zuru, one of king Ammuna’s highest officials and possibly his own brother, would betray his lord and side with an alternative claimant is another question, especially if Huzziya’s place in the royal line might have been 14 quite modest. 7 For analysis of the phrase, see HUTTER-BRAUNSAR 2001, 267–277. 8 He led the royal bodyguard (MEŠEDI) which was responsible for the safety of the king. The duty of this band of perhaps twelve men was to prevent threats against the king’s life and avert any possible conspiracies; see BIN-NUN 1973, 6–8; BURNEY 2004, 234–235. 9 Ḫaššannassas DUMU-ŠU – “natural son” or “son of his begetting”, meaning son of a prostitute; see BIN-NUN 1974, 115. 10 LÚ GIŠŠUKUR.GUŠKIN. The Men of the Golden Spear were a kind of auxiliary unit of the royal bodyguard MEŠEDI who guarded the royal courtyard and the gates of the palace. BURNEY 2004, 235; COLLINS 2007, 102. 11 CTH 19 §21–22. 12 Nu-za-kán mTi-it-ti-ya-aš ḫa-aš-ša-tar QA-DU DUMUMEŠ-ŠU ku-en-ta – “and he killed Titti(ya)’s family together with his sons.” 13 BRYCE 2005, 103; KLENGEL 1999, 76.
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