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1 the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project Foreign Affairs Series AMBASSADOR WILLIAM T. PRYCE Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: September 22, 1997 Copyright 2007 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born in California raised in Pennsylvania Wesleyan University and the Fletcher School of Tufts University US Navy Department of Commerce Entered the Foreign Service in 1958 State Department* Fuels Division Economic Bureau/Staff Asst. 1958-19.0 Ara0-1srael policy Assistant Secretary Thomas 2ann Frances Wilson State Department 3atin America Bureau 4ARA6 19.0-19.1 Cu0a-Bay of Pigs 2e7ico City 2e7ico* Consular Officer/Staff Aide 19.1-19.8 Protection cases President 9ennedy:s visit River boundary disputes Relations Government 9ennedy assassination State Department* Staff Assistant 4ARA6 19.8-19.5 Dominican Repu0lic intervention Organization of American States 4OAS6 Am0assador Tapley Bennett State Department* FS1 Russian language training 19.5-19.. 2oscow Soviet Union* Pu0lications Procurement Officer 19..-19.8 1 3enin 3i0raries Travel formalities 9GB Baltic nations Brezhnev Am0assador Thompson Environment Pu0lic contacts Soviet intelligentsia Panama City Panama* Political Officer 19.8-1971 Arnulfo Arias Panama Canal Treaty Canal operation Relations US sovereignty questions Noriega Torrijos Guatemala City Guatemala* Political Counselor 1971-1974 Security Government Elections Environment USA1D 2ilitary Political Parties State Department* Soviet E7change Program* 1974-197. Educational -
Cohoon Tcu 0229M 10574.Pdf
THE RADICAL LIBERAL TRADITION, SCIENTIFIC RACISM, AND PANAMA’S CARLOS ANTONIO MENDOZA, 1880–1916 By WILLIAM PATRICK COHOON Bachelor of Arts, 2012 Portland State University Portland, Oregon Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of AddRan College of Liberal Arts Texas Christian University In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Masters of Arts May 2015 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To begin, any mistakes with translations or errors in this work are my own. Next, I want to thank the staff at la Biblioteca Nacional and Archivo Porras in la Biblioteca Simón Bolívar at la Universidad de Panamá. Your help and recommendations aided me tremendously with my project. I conducted my research in Panama due to the generosity of Dr. Paul Boller through the Boller-Worcester Travel Grant from the Department of History, and a Graduate Student Travel Grant from the GSA at Texas Christian University. Thank you! To the staff at Inter Library Loans in the Mary Couts Burnett Library at TCU, your flexibility and aid in finding obscure books always amazes me. I would like to thank my adviser, Dr. Peter Szok who offered me an opportunity to explore the complicated cultural and social history of Panama during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Thank you Professor Szok for your advice, confidence, rigorous attention to detail, and patience working with me on this project. I am a better scholar because of your help. I want to also extend my many thanks to Dr. Susan E. Ramirez and Dr. Jodi Campbell who contributed wonderful recommendations to improve my thesis. Dr. Todd Kerstetter, words cannot express my gratitude for your sympathy and kindness that you showed in February 2013. -
V. Reacción De Los Panameños
PORTADA REVISTA CULTURAL LOTERÍA Nº 520 Diseñado por: José De Gracia Diseñador Gráfico, Departamento Cultural LNB Diagramación e impresión: Editora Sibauste, S.A. PUBLICACIÓN DE LA DIRECCIÓN DE DESARROLLO SOCIAL Y CULTURAL ISSN 0024.662X DISTRIBUCIÓN GRATUITA Para suscripciones y consultas sobre la REVISTA LOTERÍA comunicarse con el Departamento Cultural. Teléfono: 507-6800 ext. 1248 - [email protected] LOTERÍA NACIONAL Apartado 0816-7376, Panamá, República de Panamá DE BENEFICENCIA www.lnb.gob.pa VISIÓN Y MISIÓN DE LA LOTERÍA NACIONAL DE BENEFICENCIA VISIÓN Una Lotería Nacional de Beneficencia Moderna y Competitiva que contribuya en forma creciente al desarrollo del país y a la solución de los problemas de los más necesitados. MISIÓN Construir una Institución con presencia en cada comunidad que consolide la confianza y la transparencia de nuestra oferta, ganando a cada panameño como cliente. Nº 520 / Mayo - Junio 2015 Junta Directiva: Por la Administración: Presidente Director General de la Junta Directiva de la Lotería Nacional de Beneficencia Lic. Dulcidio De La Guardia Efraín Medina Ministro de Economía y Finanzas Secretario General Representante del Mgter. Gabriel Sánchez Ministerio de Economía y Finanzas Lic. Publio Ricardo Cortés C. Director de Desarrollo Social y Cultural Director General de Ingresos Lic. Diego J. Duclias V. Representante Consejo Editorial: del Ministerio de Gobierno Dra. Marisín Villalaz de Arias Lic. Milton Henríquez Mgter. Denis Chávez Ministro de Gobierno Sr. Ernesto Endara Prof. Rommel Escarreola Representante Dr. Eduardo Flores de la Contraloría General de la República Dr. Alberto Moreno Lic. Federico Humbert Lic. Juan Antonio Tejada Mora Contralor General Licda. Sherly Ortíz Representante Correctora del Sindicato de Billeteros de Panamá Profa. -
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project AMBASSADOR AMBLER H. MOSS, JR. Interviewed by: Donald Barnes Initial interview date: December 13, 1988 Copyright 1998 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Panama 1978-1982 Initial involvement in Panama Panama Canal Treaties Latin American relations with U.S. after Treaty Working with Ellsworth Bunker and Sol Linowitz Omar Torrijos Noriega Relations with Noriega in the late 1980’s U.S. errors in dealing with Panama Ambassadorial control over embassy Experiences in Spain and Dominican Republic Torrijos Attitude towards President Carter Fatal plane crash Conclusions INTERVIEW [Note: This interview was not edited by Ambassador Moss.] Q: First of all, I would like to thank you for agreeing to this interview and talking about your career, particularly your Ambassadorship and I'd like to ask you first of all, how did you get to become an Ambassador? MOSS: Well, I guess my case was a little bit unusual and I wasn't quite a career Ambassador and wasn't quite a run-of-the-mill political appointee. I'd been in the Foreign Service as a career from 1964-1971, had served in Spain, on the Spanish Desk and at the U.S. Mission of the OAS. And, in that latter capacity, had worked for [Ambassador 1 Ellsworth] Bunker and [Ambassador Sol M.] Linowitz. I left in 1971, went into law practice in Europe, then came back in as a political appointee in the beginning of the Carter Administration in February of 1977. Invited by Linowitz and Bunker, who were the co-negotiators for the Panama Canal Treaty to join the negotiating team. -
Panamanian Politics and Panama's Relationship with the United States Leading up to the Hull-Alfaro Treaty by Sheila Hamilton B
Panamanian Politics and Panama’s Relationship with the United States Leading up To the Hull-Alfaro Treaty by Sheila Hamilton BA, University of Victoria, 2009 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History Sheila Hamilton, 2014 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee Panamanian Politics and Panama’s Relationship with the United States Leading up To the Hull-Alfaro Treaty by Sheila Hamilton BA, University of Victoria, 2009 Supervisory Committee Dr. Jason Colby, Department of History Supervisor Dr. Gregory Blue, Department of History Departmental Member iii Abstract Supervisory Committee Dr. Jason Colby, Department of History Supervisor Dr. Gregory Blue, Department of History Departmental Member This thesis explains the origins of the 1936 Hull-Alfaro Treaty between Panama and the United States. It examines how Panamanian politics and Panama’s relationship with the United States changed over the decades leading up to this new treaty. The Panama Railway and then the Panama Canal placed Panama in a unique position within the growing American Empire as the isthmus linked the United States to the resources it needed to fuel its domestic industry and to markets for its manufactured goods. Recurrent political unrest and economic challenges within Panama forced the Panamanian government to attempt to renegotiate its relationship with the United States. This work analyzes the changes within Panamanian society, United States foreign relations, and world affairs that led to the 1936 treaty succeeding where other treaty negotiations had not. -
Cómo Citar El Artículo Número Completo Más Información Del
Tareas ISSN: 0494-7061 [email protected] Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanos "Justo Arosemena" Panamá Gandásegui, Marco A. LA OLIGARQUÍA PANAMEÑA Y EL GOLPE MILITAR DE 1968 Tareas, núm. 162, 2019, Mayo-, pp. 63-76 Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanos "Justo Arosemena" Panamá Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=535059263007 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Redalyc Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina y el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto LA OLIGARQUÍA PANAMEÑA Y EL GOLPE MILITAR DE 1968* Marco A. Gandásegui, hijo** *Ponencia presentada en el XVI Congreso Nacional de Sociología, realizado en la Universidad de Panamá del 9 al 11 de octubre de 2018. **Profesor de Sociología en la Universidad de Panamá, investigador del Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanos (CELA) y director Tareas Resumen: La tesis central de este trabajo consiste en demostrar como la irrupción política de la Guardia Nacional en la institucionalidad gubernamental en 1968 tuvo como objetivo principal el reordenamiento de las relaciones entre las fuerzas sociales del país y la correlación de fuerzas que caracterizaba al Estado panameño. Todos los autores analizados coinciden en que los actores sociales principales del golpe de 1968 fueron la oligarquía, las capas medias, los sectores populares y EEUU. El instrumento que se utilizó para dar el golpe fue la Guardia Nacional. El objetivo central de este golpe fue reconstituir la hegemonía perdida de la oligarquía como consecuencia de la insurrección popular de enero de 1964. -
Panama and Noriega: “Our SOB” Scott Rosenberg
Panama and Noriega: “Our SOB” Scott Rosenberg On December 20, 1989, approximately twenty seven thousand American troops invaded Panama with the goals of apprehending Panama’s military dictator and de facto leader General Manuel Noriega and restoring democracy throughout the country. The invasion occurred a year and a half after two Florida grand juries indicted General Noriega on federal drug trafficking charges and after he had survived months of economic sanctions and back-channel tactics aimed at forcing him out. The morning following the invasion, President George H.W. Bush addressed the nation and described the objectives and reasons for “Operation Just Cause,” revealing that “the goals of the United States have been to safeguard the lives of Americans, to defend democracy in Panama, to combat drug trafficking, and to protect the integrity of the Panama Canal treaty.”i In retrospect, however, it appears clear that the United States could have rightly used the same justifications six years earlier, shortly after General Noriega assumed power in 1981. Why did the U.S. government wait so long, and what finally prompted it to invade and forcibly oust him in 1989? Historians have argued that Noriega’s drug trafficking and election tampering forced the United States’ hand, but I believe that it was his arrogance and utter lack of responsiveness to U.S. demands that eventually sealed his fate. Noriega had been involved in the international narcotics trade for years,ii and began installing puppet Panamanian presidents through election fraud as early as 1984, but the United States was willing to accept this activity because of his cooperation with what was perceived to be greater U.S. -
IN the AFTERMATH of WAR US Support for Reconstruction and Nation-Building in Panama Following JUST CAUS
IN THE AFTERMATH OF WAR US Support for Reconstruction and Nation-Building in Panama Following JUST CAUS o ~or~ Tao Atlantic Ocean ,`. ~ ° " ,. Lake r uamn lapo v ~ ~ Gollo de los take Canes 1\ Bapno"` Mosquitos 3 e n 0 ~ a * P9nvrn9 rr {" "~ Q Pun o ae arara Toro 0 G 8 Bey of Panama o\ n EIValla ~i .. rar.Co~radc;r . La c4Pobn ~~Psnonoml `\~~ '~\\~'"s David g u a s Padiiga C fl 1 r I (~ U I ~ACriiP E~aau Pat.\ In!eaamencan n [)E LAS PERLAS 9h,yar Sar.r ~. a °. aviza _ - h Santiago Ch. 2J "~, eP ? Gulf of Panama Dar* e n ^ ~ f Herrero J " ~TaClaa \ L r V Santo S\11 Lckiantoa ~CoiDa ,1 ~w"~ J \__ Pacific Ocean Richard H. Shultz, Jr. ISBN 1-58566-058-2 First Printing August 1993 5 Second Printing May 1996 Third Printing June 1998 Fourth Printing December 2000 Disclaimer This publication was produced in the Department of Defense school environment in the interest of academic freedom and the advancement of national defense-related concepts. The views ex- pressed in this publication are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the UnitedStates government. This publication has been reviewed by security and policy review authorities and is cleared for public release. Contents Chapter Page DISCLAIMER . ii FOREWORD . v ABOUT THE AUTHOR . Vii PREFACE . ix INTRODUCTION . xi Notes . xiv 1 THE USE OF FORCE IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE COLD WAR . 1 Notes . 3 2 PANAMA 1989: THE NATURE AND CONSEQUENCES OF PRAETORIAN RULE . -
Antología Del Pensamiento Crítico Panameño Contemporáneo / Ricauter Soler
SOBRE LOS ANTOLOGISTAS COLECCIÓN ANTOLOGÍAS DEL PENSAMIENTO SOCIAL LATINOAMERICANO Y CARIBEÑO [ARGENTINA] Alejandro Grimson Es doctor en Antropología por la Universidad de Brasilia. Realizó estudios ¿De qué es “crítico” el pensamiento crítico? Es crítico de las apropiacio- de comunicación en la Universidad de Buenos Aires. Ha investigado José Aricó La colección Antologías del Pensamiento Social Latinoamericano nes desiguales e injustas de todas las formas de la plusvalía, desde las procesos migratorios, zonas de frontera, movimientos sociales, culturas Juan Carlos Portantiero y Caribeño es un emprendimiento editorial de CLACSO destinado a propiamente económicas hasta las expropiaciones simbólicas ancladas políticas, identidades e interculturalidad. Su primer libro, Relatos de la promover el acceso a la obra de algunos de los más destacados en formas de producción, regímenes económicos, modelos o sistemas José Nun diferencia y la igualdad, ganó el premio FELAFACS a la mejor tesis en autores de las ciencias sociales de América Latina y el Caribe. políticos. Es crítico de los pensamientos naturalizados de los dispositivos comunicación de América Latina. Después de publicar La nación en sus Ernesto Laclau hegemónicos, es decir, de las figuraciones culturales que legitiman límites, Interculturalidad y comunicación, y compilaciones como La cultura Tulio Halperín Donghi En su primera etapa, la colección constará de 50 títulos, entre asimetrías y ocultan las relaciones de poder sobre las que se sustentan, y las crisis latinoamericanas, obtuvo el Premio Bernardo Houssay otorgado volúmenes individuales y compilaciones, reuniendo el aporte de más que convierten diferencias en desigualdades y construyen desigualdades José Luis Romero por el Estado argentino. Los límites de la cultura. -
Noreiga's Abduction from Panama: Is Military Invasion an Appropriate Substitute for International Extradition
Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review Volume 13 Number 4 Article 6 6-1-1991 Noreiga's Abduction from Panama: Is Military Invasion an Appropriate Substitute for International Extradition Frances Y. F. Ma Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Frances Y. F. Ma, Noreiga's Abduction from Panama: Is Military Invasion an Appropriate Substitute for International Extradition, 13 Loy. L.A. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 925 (1991). Available at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr/vol13/iss4/6 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Noriega's Abduction from Panama: Is Military Invasion an Appropriate Substitute for International Extradition? I. INTRODUCTION The United States indicted General Manuel Antonio Noriega, Commander-in-Chief of the Panama Defense Forces ("PDF") and de facto leader of Panama, on February 4, 1988.' The twelve-count in- dictment accused Noriega of accepting a $4.6 million bribe from the Medellin cartel to protect shipments of cocaine, launder money, sup- ply drug labs, and shield drug traffickers from the law. It also ac- cused Noriega of allowing smugglers to use Panama as a way station for United States-bound cocaine, using his official position to provide protection for international drug traffickers, and arranging for the 2 shipment of cocaine-processing chemicals. -
The IMF Is Panamas Lender of First Resort
The IMF is Panama’s Lender of First Resort By Sebastian Edwards (Wall Street Journal, September 24 1999) On September 1, Panama inaugurated President Mireya Moscoso, the country’s first female president and the wife of the late three-time president Arnulfo Arias. Ms. Moscoso was elected on a populist platform and has vowed to wipe out poverty in her five-year term. But even so, she would seem to lack the spending discretion that populist Latin American presidents have traditionally enjoyed. This thanks to the fact that her country has no central bank to print money and since 1904 has used the U.S. dollar as legal tender. Between 1955 and 1998, inflation averaged 2.4% per annum, and during the 1990s it barely exceeded 1% per year. And yet the history of Panama’s dollarization clearly shows that the absence of a central bank does not guarantee fiscal solvency. The shocking truth is that since 1973, except for a brief interregnum in the late 1980s during the Noriega years; Panama has been almost permanently under the tutelage of the International Monetary Fund. It has had 16 IMF programs during that time, the most recent of which was signed in late 1997 and is expected to run until late 2000. According to a new paper by IMF officials Michael Mussa and Miguel Savastano, during the last quarter of a century Panama has been the most assiduous user of IMF resources in the Western Hemisphere; since 1973, only Pakistan has had more IMF programs. The lesson from Panama is that while dollarization provides for price stability, it cannot guarantee fiscal accountability. -
The Omar Torrijos Regime: Implications for the Democratization Process in Panama
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 11-20-2003 The Omar Torrijos Regime: Implications for the Democratization Process in Panama Emma Scribner University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons Scholar Commons Citation Scribner, Emma, "The Omar Torrijos Regime: Implications for the Democratization Process in Panama" (2003). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1472 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Omar Torrijos Regime: Implications for the Democratization Process in Panama by Emma Scribner A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Government and International Affairs College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Harry E. Vanden, Ph.D. Festus U. Ohaegbulam, Ph.D. Kofi Glover, Ph.D. Date of Approval: November 20, 2003 Keywords: democracy, latin america, populism, military, social movement © Copyright 2003, Emma Scribner ACKNOWLDEDGMENTS I wish to express my sincere and heartfelt appreciation to the members of the thesis committee: Dr. Harry Vanden, Dr. Festus Ohaegbulam, and Dr. Kofi Glover. Dr. Vanden encouraged me to write about Panama and his courses contributed to my enthusiasm for Latin American studies. Dr. Ohaegbulam reviewed the paper in its initial draft and was kind enough to offer suggestions.