The Omar Torrijos Regime: Implications for the Democratization Process in Panama
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1 the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project Foreign Affairs Series AMBASSADOR WILLIAM T. PRYCE Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: September 22, 1997 Copyright 2007 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born in California raised in Pennsylvania Wesleyan University and the Fletcher School of Tufts University US Navy Department of Commerce Entered the Foreign Service in 1958 State Department* Fuels Division Economic Bureau/Staff Asst. 1958-19.0 Ara0-1srael policy Assistant Secretary Thomas 2ann Frances Wilson State Department 3atin America Bureau 4ARA6 19.0-19.1 Cu0a-Bay of Pigs 2e7ico City 2e7ico* Consular Officer/Staff Aide 19.1-19.8 Protection cases President 9ennedy:s visit River boundary disputes Relations Government 9ennedy assassination State Department* Staff Assistant 4ARA6 19.8-19.5 Dominican Repu0lic intervention Organization of American States 4OAS6 Am0assador Tapley Bennett State Department* FS1 Russian language training 19.5-19.. 2oscow Soviet Union* Pu0lications Procurement Officer 19..-19.8 1 3enin 3i0raries Travel formalities 9GB Baltic nations Brezhnev Am0assador Thompson Environment Pu0lic contacts Soviet intelligentsia Panama City Panama* Political Officer 19.8-1971 Arnulfo Arias Panama Canal Treaty Canal operation Relations US sovereignty questions Noriega Torrijos Guatemala City Guatemala* Political Counselor 1971-1974 Security Government Elections Environment USA1D 2ilitary Political Parties State Department* Soviet E7change Program* 1974-197. Educational -
Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations
Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs November 27, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL30981 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Summary With five successive elected civilian governments, the Central American nation of Panama has made notable political and economic progress since the 1989 U.S. military intervention that ousted the regime of General Manuel Antonio Noriega from power. Current President Ricardo Martinelli of the center-right Democratic Change (CD) party was elected in May 2009, defeating the ruling center-left Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) in a landslide. Martinelli was inaugurated to a five-year term on July 1, 2009. Martinelli’s Alliance for Change coalition with the Panameñista Party (PP) also captured a majority of seats in Panama’s National Assembly. Panama’s service-based economy has been booming in recent years – with a growth rate of 7.6% in 2010 and 10.6% in 2011 – largely because of the ongoing Panama Canal expansion project, now slated for completion in early 2015. The CD’s coalition with the PP fell apart at the end of August 2011when President Martinelli sacked PP leader Juan Carlos Varela as Foreign Minister. Varela, however, retains his position as Vice President. Tensions between the CD and the PP had been growing throughout 2011, largely related to which party would head the coalition’s ticket for the 2014 presidential election. Despite the breakup of the coalition, the strength of the CD has grown significantly since 2009 because of defections from the PP and the PRD and it now has a majority on its own in the legislature. -
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002
Description of document: Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002 Requested date: 2002 Release date: 2003 Posted date: 08-February-2021 Source of document: Information and Privacy Coordinator Central Intelligence Agency Washington, DC 20505 Fax: 703-613-3007 Filing a FOIA Records Request Online The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is a First Amendment free speech web site and is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question. GovernmentAttic.org is not responsible for the contents of documents published on the website. 1 O ct 2000_30 April 2002 Creation Date Requester Last Name Case Subject 36802.28679 STRANEY TECHNOLOGICAL GROWTH OF INDIA; HONG KONG; CHINA AND WTO 36802.2992 CRAWFORD EIGHT DIFFERENT REQUESTS FOR REPORTS REGARDING CIA EMPLOYEES OR AGENTS 36802.43927 MONTAN EDWARD GRADY PARTIN 36802.44378 TAVAKOLI-NOURI STEPHEN FLACK GUNTHER 36810.54721 BISHOP SCIENCE OF IDENTITY FOUNDATION 36810.55028 KHEMANEY TI LEAF PRODUCTIONS, LTD. -
America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega Geoffrey S
Louisiana Law Review Volume 71 | Number 4 Summer 2011 America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega Geoffrey S. Corn Sharon G. Finegan Repository Citation Geoffrey S. Corn and Sharon G. Finegan, America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega, 71 La. L. Rev. (2011) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol71/iss4/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega Geoffrey S. Corn* Sharon G. Finegan" INTRODUCTION In the fall of 1986, while serving his first tour as an Army officer in Panama, one of the authors, Professor Corn, participated in a large-scale field training exercise called Operation Kindle Liberty. For three weeks he worked alongside members of the Panamanian Defense Force (PDF) with the mission of enhancing the capability of the Panamanian military to work side-by-side with the U.S. military to defend the Panama Canal. At the end of their training, as is customary, the commanding generals of both armies came to the field to visit the troops. Then-First Lieutenant Corn stood in an impromptu formation outside of the combined U.S.-PDF tactical operations center as General John Galvin, Commander of United States Southern Command, and his Panamanian counterpart General Manuel Noriega walked down the row of U.S. -
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project AMBASSADOR AMBLER H. MOSS, JR. Interviewed by: Donald Barnes Initial interview date: December 13, 1988 Copyright 1998 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Panama 1978-1982 Initial involvement in Panama Panama Canal Treaties Latin American relations with U.S. after Treaty Working with Ellsworth Bunker and Sol Linowitz Omar Torrijos Noriega Relations with Noriega in the late 1980’s U.S. errors in dealing with Panama Ambassadorial control over embassy Experiences in Spain and Dominican Republic Torrijos Attitude towards President Carter Fatal plane crash Conclusions INTERVIEW [Note: This interview was not edited by Ambassador Moss.] Q: First of all, I would like to thank you for agreeing to this interview and talking about your career, particularly your Ambassadorship and I'd like to ask you first of all, how did you get to become an Ambassador? MOSS: Well, I guess my case was a little bit unusual and I wasn't quite a career Ambassador and wasn't quite a run-of-the-mill political appointee. I'd been in the Foreign Service as a career from 1964-1971, had served in Spain, on the Spanish Desk and at the U.S. Mission of the OAS. And, in that latter capacity, had worked for [Ambassador 1 Ellsworth] Bunker and [Ambassador Sol M.] Linowitz. I left in 1971, went into law practice in Europe, then came back in as a political appointee in the beginning of the Carter Administration in February of 1977. Invited by Linowitz and Bunker, who were the co-negotiators for the Panama Canal Treaty to join the negotiating team. -
Costa Rica, Panama, and Nicaragua: Explaining Economic Success Levels
University of Central Florida STARS HIM 1990-2015 2013 Costa Rica, Panama, and Nicaragua: explaining economic success levels Kevin Negy University of Central Florida Part of the Political Science Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/honorstheses1990-2015 University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIM 1990-2015 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Negy, Kevin, "Costa Rica, Panama, and Nicaragua: explaining economic success levels" (2013). HIM 1990-2015. 1442. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/honorstheses1990-2015/1442 COSTA RICA, PANAMA, AND NICARAGUA: EXPLAINING ECONOMIC SUCCESS LEVELS by KEVIN NEGY A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Honors in the Major Program in International and Global Studies in the College of Sciences and in The Burnett Honors College at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Spring Term 2013 Thesis Chair: Dr. Houman Sadri © 2013 Kevin Negy ii Abstract Latin America is a region that has deep roots in Spanish colonialism. Since its independence, many countries in the region have heavily depended on agriculture exports to industrialized states to support their economies. This has led to political theorists to label Latin America as an area full of “periphery” countries that are exploited for resources by “core countries. Costa Rica, Panama, and Nicaragua were not the exception. In recent years, however, a noticeable difference between the economies of the countries has helped Costa Rica and Panama become more successful than Nicaragua, on the basis of GDP, GNI, and other similar measures. -
Adrien and Jean Bouchã© Collection on Panama
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt28703505 No online items Adrien and Jean Bouché collection on Panama Processed by Aida Cuevas and Sara Seltzer, Student Processing Assistants, 2009. Special Collections & University Archives The UCR Library P.O. Box 5900 University of California Riverside, California 92517-5900 Phone: 951-827-3233 Fax: 951-827-4673 Email: [email protected] URL: http://library.ucr.edu/libraries/special-collections-university-archives © 2009 The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Adrien and Jean Bouché collection MS 008 1 on Panama Descriptive Summary Title: Adrien and Jean Bouché collection on Panama Date (inclusive): 1699-2009, undated Date (bulk): 1900-1990 Collection Number: MS 008 Creator: Bouché, Adrien Creator: Bouché, Jean Extent: 44.49 linear feet(52 boxes, 1 flat file folder) Repository: Rivera Library. Special Collections Department. Riverside, CA 92517-5900 Abstract: This collection is comprised of books, pamphlets, documents, correspondence, press clippings, maps, reports, periodicals, photographs, and other material pertaining to the history and culture of the Panama Canal, the Canal Zone, and the Republic of Panama. Materials document a wide spectrum of subjects, including the exploration and construction of a Central American isthmian canal, the administrative and bureaucratic structure of the Canal Zone, tourism in Panama, residential life in the Canal Zone, and the political relationship between the United States and the Republic of Panama. A substantial amount of the collection is also devoted to the historical and literary study, and journalistic documentation, of both the Panama Canal and the Republic of Panama. In addition, the collection contains the personal papers of Adrien and Jean Bouché and those of Art Mokray, a resident of the Republic of Panama. -
Panamanian Politics and Panama's Relationship with the United States Leading up to the Hull-Alfaro Treaty by Sheila Hamilton B
Panamanian Politics and Panama’s Relationship with the United States Leading up To the Hull-Alfaro Treaty by Sheila Hamilton BA, University of Victoria, 2009 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History Sheila Hamilton, 2014 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee Panamanian Politics and Panama’s Relationship with the United States Leading up To the Hull-Alfaro Treaty by Sheila Hamilton BA, University of Victoria, 2009 Supervisory Committee Dr. Jason Colby, Department of History Supervisor Dr. Gregory Blue, Department of History Departmental Member iii Abstract Supervisory Committee Dr. Jason Colby, Department of History Supervisor Dr. Gregory Blue, Department of History Departmental Member This thesis explains the origins of the 1936 Hull-Alfaro Treaty between Panama and the United States. It examines how Panamanian politics and Panama’s relationship with the United States changed over the decades leading up to this new treaty. The Panama Railway and then the Panama Canal placed Panama in a unique position within the growing American Empire as the isthmus linked the United States to the resources it needed to fuel its domestic industry and to markets for its manufactured goods. Recurrent political unrest and economic challenges within Panama forced the Panamanian government to attempt to renegotiate its relationship with the United States. This work analyzes the changes within Panamanian society, United States foreign relations, and world affairs that led to the 1936 treaty succeeding where other treaty negotiations had not. -
Former Panamanian Dictator Manuel Noriega Apologizes for Human Rights Violations Louisa Reynolds
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiCen Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 10-8-2015 Former Panamanian Dictator Manuel Noriega Apologizes for Human Rights Violations Louisa Reynolds Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen Recommended Citation Reynolds, Louisa. "Former Panamanian Dictator Manuel Noriega Apologizes for Human Rights Violations." (2015). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen/10288 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiCen by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 79786 ISSN: 1089-1560 Former Panamanian Dictator Manuel Noriega Apologizes for Human Rights Violations by Louisa Reynolds Category/Department: Panama Published: 2015-10-08 Panama’s former dictator Manuel Noriega (1983-1989) apologized on national television for human rights violations committed under his regime. In his first interview since 1996, Noriega told Panamanian TV station Telemetro on June 24, "I am asking forgiveness from all the people who were offended, affected, hurt, or humiliated by my actions or those of my superiors in compliance with orders or those of my subordinates." He added that he wanted to "close the cycle of the military era." Noriega, a Panamanian Army officer who became one of the CIA’s most valued intelligence sources as well as a conduit for illicit weapons destined for US backed counterinsurgency forces (NotiCen, April 14, 1989), was removed from power in 1989 during a US military invasion (NotiCen, Dec. -
Cómo Citar El Artículo Número Completo Más Información Del
Tareas ISSN: 0494-7061 [email protected] Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanos "Justo Arosemena" Panamá Gandásegui, Marco A. LA OLIGARQUÍA PANAMEÑA Y EL GOLPE MILITAR DE 1968 Tareas, núm. 162, 2019, Mayo-, pp. 63-76 Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanos "Justo Arosemena" Panamá Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=535059263007 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Redalyc Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina y el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto LA OLIGARQUÍA PANAMEÑA Y EL GOLPE MILITAR DE 1968* Marco A. Gandásegui, hijo** *Ponencia presentada en el XVI Congreso Nacional de Sociología, realizado en la Universidad de Panamá del 9 al 11 de octubre de 2018. **Profesor de Sociología en la Universidad de Panamá, investigador del Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanos (CELA) y director Tareas Resumen: La tesis central de este trabajo consiste en demostrar como la irrupción política de la Guardia Nacional en la institucionalidad gubernamental en 1968 tuvo como objetivo principal el reordenamiento de las relaciones entre las fuerzas sociales del país y la correlación de fuerzas que caracterizaba al Estado panameño. Todos los autores analizados coinciden en que los actores sociales principales del golpe de 1968 fueron la oligarquía, las capas medias, los sectores populares y EEUU. El instrumento que se utilizó para dar el golpe fue la Guardia Nacional. El objetivo central de este golpe fue reconstituir la hegemonía perdida de la oligarquía como consecuencia de la insurrección popular de enero de 1964. -
405 Bernard Diederich Former Latin America Correspondent Bernard
book reviews 405 Bernard Diederich Seeds of Fiction: Graham Greene’s Adventures in Haiti and Central America, 1954–1983. London: Peter Owen, 2012. 315 pp. (Cloth us$29.95) Former Latin America correspondent Bernard Diederich’s account of his rela- tionship with Graham Greene and their journeys to Haiti and Central America from the 1950s to the 1980s is a most valuable memoir and resource for those interested in the peripatetic author and the troubled Cold War politics of the region. The renowned twentieth-century British writer gives the now retired journalist the perfect entrée to his specialist subject of Latin America in a book that is neatly divided into two equal parts, firstly dealing with Greene in Haiti and later in Central America. Diederich, a New Zealander by birth, details his first brief encounters with Greene from 1954 onward in Haiti, where the correspondent had set up an English-language weekly newspaper and lived with his Haitian wife. Like many writers and artists, Greene was attracted by the exotic black Caribbean repub- lic, independent since 1804. But Haiti’s relative peace was ruined from 1957 by the autocratic rule of country physician François “Papa Doc” Duvalier, who soon ruled the ex-French colony as a repressive dictator, many of his subjects mesmerized by his cultivation of Voodoo. The early part of Diederich’s book gives an overview of Haitian history and is interspersed with travelogue. His newspaper’s anti-Duvalierist stance courts the wrath of the country’s self-appointed president-for-life and his Tontons Macoutes, a murderous plain-clothes militia. -
Panama and Noriega: “Our SOB” Scott Rosenberg
Panama and Noriega: “Our SOB” Scott Rosenberg On December 20, 1989, approximately twenty seven thousand American troops invaded Panama with the goals of apprehending Panama’s military dictator and de facto leader General Manuel Noriega and restoring democracy throughout the country. The invasion occurred a year and a half after two Florida grand juries indicted General Noriega on federal drug trafficking charges and after he had survived months of economic sanctions and back-channel tactics aimed at forcing him out. The morning following the invasion, President George H.W. Bush addressed the nation and described the objectives and reasons for “Operation Just Cause,” revealing that “the goals of the United States have been to safeguard the lives of Americans, to defend democracy in Panama, to combat drug trafficking, and to protect the integrity of the Panama Canal treaty.”i In retrospect, however, it appears clear that the United States could have rightly used the same justifications six years earlier, shortly after General Noriega assumed power in 1981. Why did the U.S. government wait so long, and what finally prompted it to invade and forcibly oust him in 1989? Historians have argued that Noriega’s drug trafficking and election tampering forced the United States’ hand, but I believe that it was his arrogance and utter lack of responsiveness to U.S. demands that eventually sealed his fate. Noriega had been involved in the international narcotics trade for years,ii and began installing puppet Panamanian presidents through election fraud as early as 1984, but the United States was willing to accept this activity because of his cooperation with what was perceived to be greater U.S.