The Conflict Theory of Randall Collins
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Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujdigispace.uj.ac.za (Accessed: Date). gSJO COLJL ,/-I E~
THE CONFLICT THEORY OF RANDALL COLLINS
BY
FRANCES ANNE THERON
Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
in Sociology in the Faculty of Arts of the Randse Afrikaanse Universiteit
Study Leader: Prof. Anna F. Steyn
November 1989 ; ;
(?@Dedicated to my parents@ iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to extend my gratitude to the following people:
* Prof. Anna F. Steyn, whose guidance, support and motivation was and always will be incalculable;
* The admini stration and academic personnel of the Randse Afri kaanse Universiteit;
* The Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) whose financing of this project is hereby acknowledged. The opinions expressed and con clusions drawn in this text are those of the author and must on no account be taken to be those of the HSRC;
* Doris and Godi Fischer for their support;
* Paul, Paulina and Mrs Lister for proof reading; and
* Finally, my mother and father who left behind them a legacy of hard work, dedication, sacrifice and love - May They Rest in Peace.
Boksburg 1989 iv
INDEX
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 MOTIVATION FOR STUDY 1 1.2 GOALS OF THIS STUDY 3 1.3 METHOD AND SOURCES OF STUDY 4 1.4 COLLINS' LIFE HISTORY 8
CHAPTER 2: THE METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH OF RANDALL COLLINS 11
2.1 INTRODUCTION 11 2.2· COLLINS' APPROACH TO THEORY 11 2.3 OBSTRUCTIONS TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENTIFIC THEORY 12 2.3.1 Practicality 13 2.3.2 Ideology 14 2.3.3 Aesthetics 17 2.3.4 Hypostatization versus reductionism 18
2.4 THE MICRO-MACRO APPROACH OF RANDALL COLLINS 20 2.4.1 The micro-critique of macro-sociology 21 2.4.2 The macro-critique of micro-sociology 22 2.4.3 Micro-translation as a theory building strategy 23 2.4.3.1 Interaction ritual chains 24 (i) Ritual aspects of conversation 24 (ii) Resources and negotiation 25 (iii) Interaction chain rituals 27 (iv) Micro-translation of macro-structure 29
2.5 COLLINS' THEORY BUILDING STRATEGY 32 v
2.5.1 Principles of conflict analysis 32 2.5.2 Comparative historical analysis 33 2.5.3 Postulates and propositions 35 2.5.4 Eclecticism 35
CHAPTER 3: A THEORETICAL ORIENTATION 37
3.1 CONFLICT PERSPECTIVE 37 3.1.1 Introduction 37
3.2 THE ELEMENTS OF MARXISM IN THE THEORY OF R. COLLINS 40 3.2.1 Material determinism 40 3.2.2 The state 44 3.2.3 Economic crises of capitalist society 45 3.2.4 Collins' view of the Marxian Model 46
3.3 THE ELEMENTS OF WEBERIAN SOCIOLOGY IN THE THEORY OF R. COLLINS 48 3.3.1 Social action 48 3.3.2 Stratification: class, status and power 50 (i) Economic class 50 (ii) Status group 51 (iii) Political party 52
3.3.3 Organizations : patrimonialism and bureaucracy 53 3.3.4 Political socioiogy 55
3.4 ELEMENTS OF FUNCTIONALISM AND OTHER CONTEMPORARY THEORISTS IN THE THEORY OF COLLINS 58 3.4.1 Introduction 58 3.4.2 Emile Durkheim 59 3.4.3 Ervin~ Goffman 62 vi
(i) Goffman's approach to the self 63 (i i ) Power influence and control 64
, 3.4.4 Ethnomethodology 65
3.5 SUMMARY 67
CHAPTER 4: A THEORY OF STRATIFICATION 68
4.1 THEORETICAL ORIENTATION 68 4.1.1 The influence of conflict theorists on the work of Colli ns 69 4.1.1.1 Machiavelli and Hobbes 69 4.1.1.2 Karl Marx 70 4.1.1.3 Max Weber 71
4.1.2 Collins' approach: phenomenological sociology 73 4.• 1.2.1 Phenomenological sociology 74 4.1.2.2 Collins' assumptions and postulates 75
4.2 GENERAL RESOURCES 77 4.2.1 Communication 77 4.2.1.1 Determinants of conversation 78 (i) Proximity 78 (ii) Motivation 78 (iii) Resources and constraints 79
4.2.1.2 Types of conversation 80 (i) Practical talk 80 (ii) Ideological talk 81 (iii) Intellectual discussion 82. (iv) Entertainment talk 82 vii
(v) Gossip 83 (vi) Personal talk 83
4.2.2 Rituals 85 4.2.2.1 What are rituals? 86 4.2.2.2 Rituals and stratification 86 4.2.2.3 Ritual, emotional solidarity and power 87
4.3 SPECIFIC RESOURCES 88 4.3.1 Occupation 89 4.3.1.1 Power as a dimension of occupations 89 4.3.1.2 Communication as a dimension of occupations 90 4.3.1.3 Wealth and physicality as dimensions of occupations 91
4.3.2 Asscctattonal groups 93 4.3.2.1 Age and sex 93 4.3.2.2 Education 93 (i ) Hi storica1 trends 93 (ii) Education as a determinant of success 94
4.3.2.3 Ethnic groups 95 4.3.2.4 Recreational groups 96
4.4 SUMMARY 97
CHAPTER 5: AGE AND SEX STRATIFICATION 101
5. 1 INTRODUCTION 101 5.2 THEORETICAl ORIENTATION 101 5.2.1 Functionalism 102 5.2.2 Conf1 ict theories of the fami 1y 102 viii
5.2.2.1 Marxi sm 102 5.2.2.2 Feminist theories 103 5.2.2.3 Freud 104
5.2.3 Collins' approach 105
5.3 SEXUAL STRATIFICATION 106 5.3.1 Sexual property 108 5.3.2 Variations in sexual stratification 109 5.3.2.1 Low technology tribal societies 110 5.3.2.2 Fortified households in stratified society 110 5.3.2.3 Private households in a market economy 111 5.3.2.4 Affluent market economY 112
5.3.3 Family and kinship structure 114
5.4 AGE STRATIFICATION 116 5.4.1 Theoretical overview 117 5.4.2 Parental resources 119 5.4.2.1 Time 119 5.4.2.2 Size and strength 120 5.4.2.3 Physical attractiveness 120
5.4.3 Control strategies 121 5.4.3.1 Physical punishment 121 5.4.3.2 Shaming or ridicule 122 5.4.3.3 Deprivation of love 122 5.4.3.4 Material and/or social rewards 123
5.4.4 Children's resources 124 5.4.4.1 Infancy and early childhood 124 5.4.4.2 Pre-adolescence 125 5.4.4.3 Puberty 125 ix
5.5 SUMMARY 126 0'
CHAPTER 6: CONFLICT THEORY OF ORGANIZATIONS 131
6.1 INTRODUCTION 131 6.1.1 The contribution of Max Weber" 132 6.1.1.1 Interests 132 6.1.1.2 Structure of organizations 133 6.1.1.3 Typology of organizations 133
6.2 ORGANIZATIONAL CONTROL 136 6.2.1 Control strategies 136 6.2.1.1 Coercion 136 6.2.1.2" Material rewards 137 6.2.1.3 Normative control 139 (i) Power 139 (ii) Informal solidarity 140
6.2.1.4 "Taken for granted II control strategy 142
6.2.2 Devices used for administering control strategies 143 6.2.2.1 Surveillance 143 6.2.2.2 Criterion of efficiency 144 6.2.2.3 Rules 144 6.2.2.4 Information control 145 6.2.2.5 Environmental control 146
6.2.3 The relationship between control strategies, devices and tasks 147
6.3 THE STRUCTURE OF ORGANIZATIONS 149 6.3.1 Hierarchial organizations 150 x
6.3.1.1 The power contingency: centra1ization and decentralization 150 6.3.1.2 Personalism and bureaucratization 151 (i) Unit production 153 (ii) Mass production 153 (iii) Process production 154 (iv) Pooled production 154
6.3.2 Membership-controlled organizations 156 6.3.2.1 The Iron Law of Oligarchy 157 (i) What are the determinants of an oligarchy? 158 (ii) What factors are conducive to the establishment of an oligarchy? 159 (iii) What are the determinants of the leaders policies? 161
6.3.3 Professional communities 163 6.3.3.1 What are professions? 163 6.3.3.2 Types of professions 166 (i) Technical 166 (i t) Ri tua1 or organizationa1 167 (iii) Pseudoprofessionals 167
6.4 SUMMARY 167
CHAPTER 7: STATE, ECONOMY AND IDEOLOGY: A THEORY ON POLITICS
7.1 INTRODUCTION 173 7.2 THE STATE 173 7.3 TACTICS OF POLITICAL CONTROL 175 7.3.1 The mi litary organization 175 xi
7.3.1.1 Technology and economic production 175 7.3.1.2 Weaponry 176 7.3.1.3 Supplies 178 7.3.1.4 Support for dominant army 178 7.3.1.5 Geo-politics 180 (i) Territorial configurations 180 (a) Heartland·· 181 (b) Barriers 181 (ii) Principles of geo-po1itics 182 (a) Territorial resource advantage 182 (b) March1~nd advantage 182 (c) Balance of power 183 (d) Overexpansion and disintegration 183 (e) Stalemates and power vacuums 184 (f) Imperialism follows unification 184 (g) Partial diffusion and external proletariats 185
7.3.2 Ideology and control 185 7.3.2.1 The historical relationship between politics and religion 188 7.3.2.2 Conditions producing a dominant ideology 189 (i) Social units 189 (ii) The relationship within social units l~ (iii) Voluntary or automatic participation 19i
7.3.2.3 Universalistic religions and secular ideologies 191 (i) The shift in legitimacy 192 (ii) Communication 192 (iii) Leadership 193 (iv) Commitment 193
7.4 POLITICAL INTEREST GROUPS 194 xii
7.4.1 Economic class interests 195 7.4.1.1 Employers and employees 195 7.4.1.2 Debtors and creditors 195 7.4.1.3 Sellers and consumers 196
7.4.2 Power interests 196 7.4.3 Status interests 197 7.4.4 Crises 198 7.4.4.1 Causes of crises 199 7.4.4.2 Factions arising in time of crises 199 7.4.4.3 What determines the success of an interest group in times of crises? 201
7.5 SUMMARY 202
< •• CHAPTER 8: WEALTH, MOBILITY AND DEVIANCE 207
8.1 INTRODUCTION 207 8.2 THEORETICAL ORIENTATION 207 8.2.1 Neo-classical economic model 208 8.2.2 Market model 208 8.2.3 Lenski's model 209 8.2.4 Marxian model 211 8.2.5 Social mobility research 212
8.3 TOWARDS A THEORY OF WEALTH AND MOBILITY 214 8.3.1 Social structure and wealth 214 8.3.1.1 Factors that determine the total amount of wealth 215 8.3.1.2 Which organizations get what proportion of the total wealth? 216 (i) The state and the distribution of wealth 216 xiii
(ii) What determines the economic fate of the organization? 216 (iii) What determines which organizations will dominate? 217
8.3.1.3 Internal politics of an organization 219
8.3.2 Social mobility 221 8.3.2.1 Social structure and mobility 221 8.3.2.2 Intra-organizational mobility 222
8.3.3 Determinants of individual careers 223 8.3.3.1 The role of chance 223 8.3.3.2 Skill 224 8.3.3.3 Sequence of jobs 224 8.3.3.4 Cultural similarity 224
/ 8.3.4 Mobility rates 225
8.4 SOCIAL MOBILITY AND DEVIANCE 226 8.4.1 Violent crimes 226 8.4.2 Non-violent deviance 228 8.4.2.1 Sexual deviance 228 8.4.2.2 Age related deviance 228 8.4.2.3 Illegal forms of consumption 229 8.4.2.4 Mental illness 229
8.5 SUMMARY 230
CHAPTER 9: THE ORGANIZATION OF THE INTELLECTUAL WORLD 234
9.1 INTRODUCTION 234 xiv
9.1.1 Science as a field of conflict 237
9.2 EXTERNAL ORGANIZATIONAL ROLES 239 9.2.1 Political roles 239 9.2.2 Practical roles 239 9.2.3 Leisure entertainment roles 240 9.2.4 Teaching roles 242
9.3 INTERNAL ORGANIZATION OF THE INTELLECTUAL WORLD 243 9.3.1 Basis of power 245 9.3.1.1 Information 245 9.3.1.2 Violation and recognition 245 9.3.1.3 Material resources 245 9.3.1.4 A case study 247
9.4 DETERMINANTS OF SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN SCIENCE 248 (i) High task uncertainty and low coordination problems 251 (ii ) High task uncertainty and high coordination needs 252 (i i t ) Low task uncertainty and low coordination problems 253 (i v) Low task uncertainty and high coordination needs 254
9.5 DETERMINANTS OF INDIVIDUAL CAREERS 254 9.6 RATES OF MOBILITY 256 9.7 SUMMARY 257
CHAPTER 10: A CRITICAL RETROSPECTION
10.1 METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH 261 10.1.1 Micro-macro integration 262 10.1.2 Eclecticism 265
10.2 THE CONFLICT APPROACH OF RANDALL COLLINS 266 xv
10.2.1 Sex stratification 270 10.2.2 Age stratification 271 10.2.3 Organizational theory 272 (i) Control Strategies 272
10.2.4 State economy and ideology 277 10.2.5 The distribution of wealth and social mobility 281 (i) What are the determinants of the overall structure of wealth and mobility? 281 (ii) What are the rates of movements during people's career? 282 (iii) What determines individual careers? 282
10.2.6 The organization of the intellectual world 283
10.3 EVALUATION 287 10.3.1 A methodological evaluation 287 10.3.2 Theoretical evaluation 290
BIBLIOGRAPHY 294
• xvi
LIST (f TAIlES AND FIGURES
Table 1 Time and space as levels of sociological analysis 28
Table 2 Systematic representation of the integration of control strategies, devices and tasks 170
Figure 1 Types of organization and advanced communication resources 250
Figure 2 Types of organizations where the resources for advanced communication are absent 251
Figure 3 Systematic representation of the integration of control strategies, devices and tasks 274 CHAPTER 1
jRODUCTION
1.1 MOTIVATION FOR STUDY
Randall Collins is one of the youngest theorists in the field of sociol ogy today. He has written extensively on subjects varying from sexual stratification through to political sociology. His basic point of departure is according to Turner (1982:413) that sociological theory must seek to understand how people interact and construct mutually ac ceptable or unacceptable social relations within the conflict perspecti ve. Turner, however, is not the on1y theorist to appreci ate the work done by Collins. Various authors including Wallace and Wolf (1980; 1986), Ritzer (l983) and Johnson (1981) have included a chapter on Collins' work in their books on sociological theory, thereby deeming Collins' work a valid contribution to the field of sociology.
Collins' work deals with conflict, in that he recognizes the importance of competing interests as a guiding thread in human existence. Every individual wishes to obtain maximum wealth, power and prestige. In doing so he enters into a struggle with others, i ,e. power struggle for who will dominate whom. Thus Collins claims that there will always be social conflict, as power which is one of the basic interests being pursued is inherently unequal. Furthermore, Collins does not only work with the macro-level of sociological analysis, but sets his basic postulates at the micro-level, from which generalizations are made. In Conflict sociology, Collins sets out to identify these basic postulates which will enable him to firstly, explain a variety of sociological phenomena on the basis of a conflict of interests, and 2
secondly, analyze the resources and actions that men have in everyday situations and which they can use to maximize their wealth, power and prestige.
In this connection, Johnson (1981:501) claims the following:
IIIn general, Collins' perspective can deal with conflict at both the micro and macro levels in various institutional settings. 1I
All the major elements of conflict theory are incorporated into Collins' work, namely an emphasis on people's interests; a view of society as made up of competing factions; resources that give power; and an interest in ideas as a weapon of social conflict and domination. Although Collins acknowledges Marx as the originator of conflict theory, he adopts Weber's analytical framework, comparative historical approach and non-utopian outlook. He also draws selectively on Durkheim, Mead and Schutz and Goffman who are associated with functionalism, symbolic interactionism and phenomenology respectively. On the basis of this eclectic approach, Turner (1982:423) terms Collins' work a synthetic conflict theory. Thus Collins' conflict sociology is far removed from the accepted Marxian conflict tradition. Collins does not set out to describe when social conflict will occur. He sets out rather to show how a wide range of social phenomena can' be explained on the basis of conflicting interests and the resources and actions that are available to people in particular situations (Wallace and Wolf, 1980:143).
Collins' contribution to sociology includes an original and creative strategy for the building of sociological theory. The strategy involves the following steps:
(i) An examination of typical real-life situations where people encounter each other.
(ii) A focus on the material arrangements that affect interaction. 3
(iii) An assessment of the relative resources that people bring to, use in or extract from encounters.
(iv) An acceptance of the fact that those with resources use them to their advantage, and those without resources seek the best deal in the circumstances, and that social structures and changes are explained by the shifts in the distribution of resources.
(v) An assumption that cultural symbols are used to represent the interests of those parties who have the resources to make their ideas prevail.
(vi) A seeking out of general features of particul ar cases so that abstract propositions can be extracted from particular situations.
Turner (1982:424) cl aims that in each of these steps, a series of assumptions about the nature of human beings and social reality are present. These assumptions are Collins' eight basic postulates which he formulated-in his theory of stratification.1 This strategy is innovative and motivates an in-depth analysis of Collins' methodological approach.
1.2 GOALS OF THIS STUDY
Although various theorists have given a short summary of Collins' work, no attempt has yet been made to make an in-depth analysis of Collins work in general. Thus, this stUdy is directed toward:
(;) An analysis of Collins' methodology, especially his micro-macro distinction.
(i i ) The placement of Co 11 ins'. theory wi thin the broader conf1 i ct approach.
1 See chapter 4 in this text and Collins (1975:73). 4
(iii) The identification of central themes in Collins' work and their application to various fields of sociology.
(iv) An analysis of Collins' contribution to the field of conflict sociology, and sociology in general.
This study is further directed at promoting Collins' conflict approach to sociological analysis as a juxtaposition to the existing emphasis in conflict theory.
1.3 METHOD AND SOURCES OF STUDY
The procedure followed was a 1iterary study of the various works of Collins. An analysis was made of these works, and the data concerned with his conflict theory were ascertained and used in the text.
Collins had, at the time of writing this dissertation, published the following books:'
* State and society (1968) which he co-edited with Reinhard Bendix;
* The discovery of sOciety (1972) which he co-authored with Michael Malinowski;
* Conflict sociology: toward an explanatory society (1975).
* The credenti a1 soci ety an historical sociology of education and stratification (1979);
* Sociology since mid-century essays in theory cumulation (1981);
1 In the bibliography, full references as to the stated book will be given. 5
* Sociological insight an introduction to non-obvious sociology (1982) ;
* Three sociological traditions (1985);
* Family sociology: gender, love and property (1985);
* Max Weber: a skeleton key (1985);
* Weberian sociological theory (1986); and
* Theoretical sociology (1988) which was unavailable in South Africa at the time of publication of this text.
The main source of information for this text is Collins' work Conflict sociology: toward an explanatory science (1975). This is considered to be hi s major theoretical contribution to sociology. Other subsidary sources include: State and society (1968), The discovery of society (1972), The credential society (1979), Sociology since mid-century (1981), SoCiological insight (1982), Max Weber: a skeleton key (1985), and Weberi an soci0109ica1 theory (1986). The other book s are pub 1i cations which although having a value in themselves, did not serve the goal of this text.
Collins has also written over forty-eight artic1es~ however, not all of them were used in this text. After analyzing the articles that were obtainable, it was decided to make use of those articles which pertained to conflict, stratification, Weber and Collins' methodology. The list of articles used includes the fol10wing: l
* Theory-building and stratification (1967) * A comparative approach to political sociology (1968) * Sociology building (1969) * A Conflict Theory of Sexual Stratification (1971)
1 Detailed references will be given in the bibliography. 6
. * Politics (1973) * Reassessment of Sociological History: The empirical validity of the conflict tradition (1974) * Some principles of long-term Social Change: The territorial power of states (1978) * Erving Goffman and the Development of Modern Social Theory (1979). * On the Micro-foundations of macro-sociology (1981) * Micro-translations as a Theory-building Strategy (1981) * Does Modern technology Change the Rules of Geopolitics? (1981) * Conflicts and Developments in the Sociology of Science (1983) * Micro-methods as a Basis for Macro-sociology (1953) * Statistics versus Words (1984) * The Mega-historians (1985) * Is 1980's Sociology in the Doldrums (1986) * Interaction Ritual Chains, Power and Property (1987) * Theoretical continuities in Goffman's Work (1988)
Excluding Collins' work, other relevant articles and books were read, including interpretations of Collins' works. These interpretations were found in books examining sociological theory.
The first interpretation is by Johnson in his book Sociological theory (1981). Johnson lays a heavy emphasis on Collins' approach to social structure and theory of stratification. He briefly refers to the theori sts' whose work is used by Co 11 ins and then continues wi th an i n... depth expose of the resources that individuals have at their disposal in their pursuit of status. Although he c1 aims that Colli ns' model is applicable to the macro-level he makes no attempt to give an analysis of how it is applied. Collins has formulated over 400 propositions, but Johnson only "samples" them. According to Johnson (1981 :498) Col1 ins' comprehensive theoretical synthesis involves the following:
* The recogni t i on of the potentia1 for vi0 1ence in any conf1 ict situation.
* The various strategies that individuals can use to avoid violence or conf1 ict. One of these strategies is ritua1s, whi ch are used by 7
individuals, groups or societies in an attempt to enhance their resources or their subjective sense of superiority.
The second interpretation is by Turner in his book The structure of sociological theory (1982). Turner also claims that Collins' work is a synthetic conflict approach, and his interpretation includes most of the chapters in Collins' original work. He briefly discusses Collins' synthesis of functional and exchange theory, phenomenology, economics, behaviourism, Marxism, Weberianism and phenomenology, but does not attempt to indicate what ideas Collins has used.
He furthennore gives Collins' assumptions and states that II ••• the corpus of Collins' conflict sociology consists of a series of loosely related but highly evocative propositions that, in a general and vague sense, follow from the assumptions listed above" (Turner, 1982:425).
Turner then proceeds to give an expose of Co11 ins' "proposittons" of Conflict sociology. This is one of Turner's major contributions, as he has condensed over 400 propositions, and made them understandable. He a1so states the prob1ems inherent to Collins I theory but claims that
II ••• Collins has taken conflict theory beyond its previously parochial character ••• II (Turner, 1982: 443) •
The third interpretation of Collins' theory is by Ritzer in his book entitled Sociological theory (1983). Ritzer very briefly gives an overview of Collins' theory. He mentions the eclectic approach of Collins, stating the contribution of Marx and Weber, but emphasizes that
Collins' approach II ••• has more in common with phenomenological and ethnoaethodoloqtcal theories ••• 11 (Ritzer, 1983:248). He further reduces Collins' approach to stratification to three principles and Collins' conflict analysis to five principles. Ritzer briefly mentions that these principles were applied to other fields of sociology. According to Ritzer (1983:250) Collins' micro-orientation is IIhe1pfu1 11 but Collins failed to integrate the micro-macro levels of analysis.
The fourth interpretation of Collins' theory is by Wallace and Wolf, in their book entitled Contemporary sociological theory : continuing the 8
classical tradition (l986). Wallace and Wolf (1986:130) stress that Collins' work is a "far-reaching synthesis" which is based on the Conflict Perspective. Collins' work also incorporates all the major elements of conflict theory, i.e. an emphasis on people's interests, a vi ew of society as made up of competing groups whose resources gi ve their members more or less power over each other, and an interest in ideas as a weapon of soctal conflict and domination.
Wallace and Wolf (1986:131) briefly refer to Collins' eclectic approach and they also set out Collins'basic assumptions and select certain chapters in Collins' book, namely, stratification theory, origaniza tional theory and political sociology, for explanatory purposes. They identify education, religion/ritual as important elements in Collins' theory, and briefly attempt a criticism.
The final interpretation is again by Jonathan Turner in his book The structure of sociological theory (1986). This is by far the best attempt at a synthesis of Collins' earlier work and current interest in micro-analysis. Turner (1986:441) gives an overview of Collins' "interaction ritual chains" and claims that "••. [t]here is no great incompatability between this recent and earlier work, but there is a shift in vocabulary". This analysis of Collins' contribution to sociol ogical theory then follows the same trend as his earlier work discussed previously.
Of the five interpretations referred to, none except for Turner's, has given a comprehensive outline of Collins' work. This deficiency was therefore taken to be one of the main reasons for a comprehens i ve analysis of Collins approach to conflict theory.
1.4 COLLINS' LIFE HISTORY
Collins was born in 1941 and in 1963 achieved his AB at Harvard College where he worked with Talcott Parsons. In 1964 he obtained his MA in Psychology at Stanford, and in the following year his MA in Sociology at UCLA Berkeley where he was influenced by Erving Goffman, Reinhard Bendix 9
(the Weberian Scholar) Harold Wilensky and Joseph Ben-David (for whom he worked as research assistant). Hi s Ph.D. was obtained at the same university in 1969 with a doctoral thesis on educational credentialism. In correspondence with Professor Collins, he stated the following:
"This was also the time of the civil rights movement and the student anti-war movement, and I was influenced by my friends and my experiences in these movements. My work on educational credentialism no doubt was inspired by this context."
Collins' academic career includes the following:
* Acting instructor in 1967 and 1968 at Berkeley; * Instructor in 1968 and 1969 at the University of Wisconsin; * Assistant Professor from 1969 to 1973 UCLA San Diego; * Associate Professor from 1973 to 1977 UCLA San Diego; * ProfeSsor of Sociology from 1978 to 1982 University of Virginia; * Private scholar and author between the years 1982 and 1985; * Professor at UCLA Riverside from 1985 to present * Chairman of the Department of Sociology UCLA Riverside from 1987 to present.
Collins has at various times served as editor for the following sociological journals:
* Theory and Society (1973-1975) * Sociological Theory (1980-1984) * Social Forces (1979-1984) * Sociological Quarterly (1987-1989).
Collins has also won and accepted the following awards:
* Visiting Member, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton New Jersey (l974 and 1975)
* Member of the Centre of Advanced Study, University of Virginia (1978 to 1982) 10
* Elected Chair, Theory Section of the American Sociological Association (1979 and 1980)
* Elected Chair, Sociology of Education Section of the American Sociological Association (1982 and 1983)
* Elected Member, Sociological Research Association
* Theory Prize, awarded by the Theory Section of the ASA (1982)
* Visiting Professor, Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna, Austria (summer 1986)
* Elected Member of Council, ASA (1987 to 1990)
All in all, Randall Collins is set to become one of the leading theorists of this century. He is conversant with various f·i-elds in sociology, and a theorist of distinction. He is one of the few modern sociologists who have shown a willingness to theorize about a wide range of phenomena in terms of a few fundamental ideas. In this regard, it has become necessary to c1arify the contributi on that Randa 11 Co 11 ins has made to sociology. 11
CHAPTER 2 THE METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH OF RANDALL COLLINS
- 2.1 INTRODUCTION
In his preface to Conflict Sociology, Collins claims that the motivation for his book is the thoughts and research that already exist:
lilt is motivated by a glimpse I caught somewhere along the way of what some of the thi nkers and researchers of past and present have accomplished ll (Collins, 1975:ix).
According to Collins, these past theorists have given useful leads that can be followed and he hopes that the distinctions between"the various perspectives in sociology will eventually fall away:
IIEventually, of course, there will no longer be such a thing as conflict sociology or any other label; there will be only sociology without addect'lves" (Collins, 1975:x).
To be able to understand the modus operandi that Colli ns uses in the development of his theory, it is necessary to state clearly what he views as theory.
2.2 COLLINS' APPROACH TO THEORY
According to Collins (1975:2) the scientific ideal is to explain everythi ng on the basis of causal statements whi ch are founded on experience. In thi s regard, science becomes the route to estab1i shing common principles that rise above situations, of extrapolating from things we know to things we don't, and a way of seeing the novel as fami liar. 12
For Collins the basic method of scientific explanation is variance in which an attempt is made to relate variations in one thing (or set of elements) to variations in another thing (another set of elements). This method implies the application of a set of principles to a variety of different situations. Measurement is not excluded from the scientific method, but Collins (1975:5) claims that it should be used in its proper place:
"Once we are on the right explanatory track, the search for better measurement is one of the 1i nes along whi ch improvements in explanatory power take place. 1I
Science becomes a way of establishing common principles which can be used as a basis for explaining a variety of phenomena and Collins maintains furthermore, that the essence of science i s theory. According to Co11 ins {l986:1345} theory is a II.. • general i zed and coherent body of ideas which explains the range of variations in the empirical world in terms of general pri nci p1es", These general pri nci p1es are concerned with the conditions for variations and in this sense science is multi-causal in that it uses different causal and structural principles simultaneously to II ••• explain the specf f'tcs of particular cases in the
ll historical world •
Thus theory and science are 1inked, and Co 11 ins attempts to summari ze how various bodies of theory mesh, and how their validation is drawn from a wide range of empi rica1 data, thereby product ng a path towards formulating a comprehensive explanatory theory and science. However, every path is strewn with obstructions, and the path towards a compre hensive theory is no exception.
2.3 OBSTRUCTIONS TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENTIFIC THEORY
Collins (1975:7-37) identified four possible obstructions within sociology that may act as deterrences to the establishment of a generalized explanatory science. However, each obstruction also has a certain value for science, and in this regard Collins attempts to 13
highlight both the problems and the value of the following goals of sociology. These obstructions include practicality, ideology, aesthetics and hypostatization versus reductionism.
2.3.1 Practicality
Practicality is the first obstruction to the development of scientific theory. Co 11 ins contends that practica1 research aims to achieve some type of concrete goal; and for a long time in American Sociology the main aim has been to solve "social problems". Thus, the overemphasis on practical research has introduced obstacles to the development of an ex planatory theory. In this regard Collins (l975:l5) says concerning practica1i ty that "... it has channe 11 ed en ergies into the kinds of research that have tended to lead away from, rather than toward, general scientific explanations". However, Collins claims that practical research and the more generalized scientific goals are not discordant, but are different in quality. He perceives practical research to involve the collection of information about certain conditions and it is also called upon to formulate policies that can change these conditions. The first goal - data gathering - is independent of the scientific enterprise, while Collins views the second - the formulation of policies - as being dependent on some type of existing verifiable model; that is, the creation of a policy depends on· the existence of a powerful explanatory theory.
Collins (1975:l6) emphasizes that practical research has led the sociologist to concentrate on collecting data about certain facts and not about explaining them. He maintains that: "Cumulative development has taken place mainly by refining methods, especially the statistical apparatus through which graduate students have been inducted into the field. We have accumulated a great deal of descriptive material on the dis tribution of wealth, amounts of social mobility, and the situations of racial and ethnic groups; relatively little has been done to explain and test explanations of these phenomena" (Own emphasis). 14
2.3.2 Ideology
Ideo logy is the second obstruction to the deve1opment of scientifi c theory. Collins (1975:18) compares practical and ideological orienta tions, and concludes that the distinction between the two is not firm. Practica1 research tends to take the ends for granted, and gathers information concerning the extent of the problem or on how to bring about change. Ideo1ogi ca1 work in contrast is concerned with the ends themselves, which can take the form of debates concerning what the best form of society is, and evaluating the particular arrangements as either good or bad.
This ideological orientation also operates implicitly in that it affects what questions are asked, how the information is treated, and where debates lead.
Ideology, Collins (1975:18) contends, has been the motivating force behind much of the development in sociology:
"Socf ology developed in a context of political movements, and much of its theory and research has been oriented toward bolstering partisan positions. This is true for sociology's origins in Saint Simon, Comte, Marx, and Spencer. It continues to have an effect in the modern era of empirical research primarily because of the ideological concerns behind it. 1I
In this regard, Collins (1975:19) claims that the research tradition did not arise for purposes of developing explanatory theory but rather to gather data concerning di sputes that have arisen. He pot nts out that once the research tradition has been established the ideological impetus becomes muted but its effects continue: " ••• in the emphasis perpetuated by a succession of scholarly careers within the boundaries of well marked descriptive and -methodological specialities, even if practi tioners have forgotten what their predecessors were arguing about. II However, if the research tradition did arise for the purpose of developing explanatory theory, then it has been more interested in the consequences than the causes. 15
Collins (1975:79) uses the work on class cultures as an example of research whi ch has not been used as a basis for the deve 1opment of a scientifi c theory but that the emphas is has been on II... pol emi cs pro and con Marxist beliefs about class divisions and class consciousness; whether or not there is a self sustaining culture of poverty; ••• or a decline in the quality of life in the suburbs".
Collins also (1975:20) cites C. Wright Mills' description of the structure of national politics as a further example of a descriptive work which is founded on a particular scientist's commitment either to uphold or to attack a liberal pluralist evaluation of American society, and he concludes that:
IIIn all of these areas and many more besides, the field has remained locked in a descriptive posture or in explanatory efforts that move only within the limits of ideological concerns."
According to Collins, there are three harmful effects of sociologist's concern with ideology:
Firstly, description would seem to have pushed out explanation as the scientific aim; Secondly, limits have been placed on the extent and direction that explanation is to take. Thirdly, ideological concerns have shaped our ideas of what theory really is.
In this regard, Collins contrasts the functionalist effort at theory and the conflict perspective. The functionalists and their emphasis on .. systems", have. fai 1ed to develop a genui ne exp1anatory theory because of their commitment to certain political values, i.e. unity .Collins (1975: 21) contends that the idea of a II system" of solidarity is just one aspect to be explained, and not the most common one:
"I thi nk . it can be shown wi thout too much trouble that the system is usually a myth; that everything does not affect 16
everything else in an important way; and that the 'needs of the system' is a way of expressing preferences for what a theorist believes is good, not a causal explanation of the way things actually happen."
Therefore Collins {l975:21} claims that the functionalists are only interested in explaining the things that they want, not the full range of human behaviour.
The conflict tradition also has ideological problems of its own and these problems will have to be faced if a true explanatory theory is to be developed.
Although Classical Marxism provides a starting point for conflict theory, Modern Marxism rejects their scientific efforts because the predictions made by Marx have not materi al ized i.e. the fall of the capitalist syste-m. However, because of the establishment of several political opportunities, the intellectual's task has become one of maintaining moral fervour and plotting political manoeuvers. In simpler terms, the" scientist is required to commit himself to intellectual enterpri se in the interest of the side he bel i eves to be ri ght. The taking of sides, Collins (l975:22) claims, implies that the scientist knows which side he ought to be on, but there is no guarantee that he is making the right choice. This then is one of the drawbacks of Modern Marxi sm, and ideo10gica1 commitments. He further suggests that intellectuals who are ideologically committed are participating in political action which is considered to be either good or bad, depending on the values he1d by those judging their actions. However, Co 11 ins (1975:22) warns that:
" to do a demolition job on the conventional beliefs shrouding the world does not put anything more reliable in their place; it merely opens up the possibilities."
Furthermore, political commitments cannot be used as a basis for the development of science, and Collins (1975:23) emphasizes this point by claiming that a scientific sociology can be developed by choosing the 17
concepts used for their explanatory adequacy "•.• rather than for their evaluative resonance". The social scientist must thus free himself from ideological commitments which implicitly mould their vision. Criticism is necessary in science but only in the light of a totally explanatory theory.
2.3.3 Aesthetics
Collins identified aesthetics as a further hindrance in the path toward a scientific sociology. He claims that this approach may be called the interpretive or dramatic approach, the purpose of which is to produce an intellectual work that is only a value in itself. This approach is ty pified by slogans such as beauty, style, form, drama, vision or truth.
When the aesthetic approach is applied to sociology,, it is sociology in its simplest form which can be termed popular sociology "••• which crowd the drugstore bookstands and show up on the bestseller lists" (Collins, 1975:26). These works are written for entertainment purposes. There are two reasons why this type of work is successful. Firstly, the technique of 1i terature works to evoke a response in the reader; and secondly, literature is selective in that it emphasizes experience, mood, a comprehensive vision, theme and response.
The aesthetic approach is a response to the emphasis on practicality. It has promoted a critique of modernity, a subjective-creative approach and an emphasi s on understanding history. However, these three branches of aestheticism have also provided limitations to the aesthetic approach. The first branch - the critique of modernity - although introducing such terms as alienation, mass society and popular culture, has too much pathos to be of any real value. Although some theorists have succeeded in making their readers aware of certain issues, their orientation has been to evoke a response, i.e. aesthetic.
The second branch is the subjective-creative approach which involves an analysis of the flow of individual experience. The aim of theorists of this genre is to create a picture of the politics and drama of human 18
existence - especially man's attempt at imposing meanings on a meaning less world. However, this approach becomes an obstacle to the develop ment of an explanatory theory as it refuses to allow for generalizations and fails even to attempt generalizations.
The third branch is the emphasis on the historically relevant qualities of what is being explained. In other words, previous events shape cer tain configurations in sociology. "According to Collins (l975:34) his torical sociology, although criticizing poor scientific explanations, fails to develop generalizations. Rather, it describes what happens, but the description may also be ideologically guided. In Collins' (l975:36) view, history is many things at the same time:
IIIf one wishes to emphasize its complexity, the uniqueness of any particular portion of it, the drama of its transitory episodes and its long heritages, that is certainly valid. But one may also see it as a -field in which general principles find their application and hence as a place for testing and developing sociological theory.1I
Collins (1975:35) claims that explanatory theory does not dispense with history, as history defines the basic nature of reality which scientific sociology sets out to explain.
It is Collin's contention that to free science from its practical and ideological concerns, the aesthetic approach should be introduced as the basis upon which a successful science is built. The aesthetic approach needs to be borrowed from selecti vity if a move is to be made towards scientific theory. This approach furthermore introduces the micro-level of analysis which is promoted by Collins as a possible path towards scientific sociology.
2.3.4 Hypostatization versus reductionism
The fourth obstacle to bUilding a scientific theory is that of hypostatization versus reduct torrism, Collins (1975:7) views the most 19
serious problem in building a scientific theory as II ••• how to conceive of what we are expl atntnq", He contends that there are two perceptions, namely hypostatization and reductionism.
Much of what certain sociologists conceive as the subject matter for sociology is in fact not observable. Concepts such as society, organizations, classes and roles are non-observable entities which are abstractions that individual s carry around with them, t ,e, they are hypostatizations. The meanings of these concepts are transfered from generation to generation and may influence their behaviour. For Collins these hypostatizations are on the macro-level of sociological phenomena.
Other scientists claim that the subject matter under study is real people in real places, or the writings and artifacts that they have made (their history). The focus is on actual talk, face to face contacts and the minute by minute construction of their subjective reality. In other words, in this perspective organizations become nothing more than some thing people construct as they go along i.e. abstract terms and concepts become reducible to face to face contacts between individuals. Within this reductionist perspective, the process of reality construction is inherently social and based on the participant's willingness to accept a tacit agreement at some point. Reality construction is thus the subject under investigation and can only be studied by immediate observational methods that focus on everyday life•.. Reductionism/ therefore/ is an embodiment of phenomenology. However, Collins (1975:9) claims that there are two major drawbacks of phenomenology.
Firstly, extreme phenomenology assumes that science is something 1I 0ut there" and that objective science is impossible. This is of course a reflection of phenomenology's attack on positivism.
Secondly, sociology can only be successful on the micro-level t ,e, by focusing on face to face contacts between individuals. This assertion is naive because sociology cannot do without concepts that summarize the long-term and large-scale networks of inter action, i.e. macro-level of analysis. 20
Phenomenology does, however, give a crucial grounding for explanatory theory. It enables the social scientist to accept that only real people can do things and any structure is a way of talking about patterns of what people do in groups. As Collins (1975:12) himself states:
IIAny causal explanation must ultimately come down to the actions of real individuals. 1I
The obstruction of hypostatization versus reductionism is, however, two extremes on the continuum of macro-micro analysis. Collins (1975:14) proposes tnat the obstruction may be overcome by integrating the macro and micro-levels. This involves the provision by the micro-level of detai 1ed mechani sms through whi ch processes on the macro-l eve1 can be eX~lained. Micro does not precede macro, but progress goes along both fronts. Each 1eve1 of an a1ys is sets prob1ems for the other but also suggests where the solution lies.
2.4 THE MICRO-MACRO APPROACH OF RANDALL COLLINS
In general there are some sociologists who work only on the macro-level and who crit i ci ze those soc;0 log; sts who work on the mi cro-I eve1, and other sociologists who work on the micro~leve1 and criticize those who work on the macro-level. In his analysis Collins sets out to explore these criticisms and come to some form of synthesis which would allow for the establishment of a comprehensive explanatory theory.
Collins (1986:261) defines micro-sociology as the detailed analysis of what people do, say and think in their daily lives. The micro-sociolog~cal perspective claims that empirical reality is the actual empirical situation (a given experience at a particular time/place by a particular observer) in which. the individual's experience is transformed into a few words. These words indicate a wealth of experience and are considered to be the product of the sequence of social behaviour. It becomes the duty of sociologists following this perspective to uncover the mechanisms by which people deal with their daily lives and the problems they encounter when they are producing or negotiating their own sub jective reality. 21
Macro-sociology in contrast is the analysis of large-scale and long-term socia1 processes such as state, organization, classes, culture and/or society.
2.4.1 The micro-critique of macro-sociology
Having ascertained what both micro- and macro-sociology are, Co11 ins sets out to state what micro-sociologists perceive as unacceptable in macro-sociology.
Exponents of micro-sociology claim that macro-sociology misses the actual. here and now experience; ignores the construction of an indi vidual's own subjective reality; and ignores the limited cognitive mechanisms shared by all. Furthermore, Collins (1981 :8~) claims that radical micro-sociology criticizes quantitative research, structural functionalism, historical sociology and claims that macro-theoretical concepts are not empirically grounded, are inaccurate and have an ideological taint.
Collins (198l:88) states, however, that micro-criticisms of macro sociology do not prove macro-level analysis invalid. Although macro sociology is considered to contain IIglossesll1, the invitation is extended to analyze the concepts and dissect them into their constituent parts. All micro-sociology does is direct the explication either ex ternally, i.e. into the details of the individual's real life situation, and/or internally, i.e. into the processes by which data are constructed and presented. Micro-sociological criticisms are not aimed at destroying macro-research, but rather at showing up its faults. It clears the road to "improved" macro-research.
The most extreme micro-criticism is that the absolute truth is never possible on the macro-level because research and theory can never escape from such properties of everyday cognition as unexplicated glosses and
1 IG1osses" - Collins (1981:85) does not define a gloss as such but it can be taken to -mean that macro-theoretical concepts are unfounded, inaccurate and misrepresentative of the underlying reality. 22
other tacit grounds of communication. No matter how much explicating one does, there is always more. Yet Collins (1981:89) claims that macro sociology cannot be dismissed on these grounds. It is impossible to analyze every cognitive moment in the lives of every individual and thus glosses or typifications are needed. Micro-sociology should not prevent the scientist from making glosses, but should rather enable the scientist to do it better.
Micro-sociology also charges that macro-concepts are reifications. However, Collins (1981:90) contends that it is not only the practice of sociological theorists that contributes to reifying the social world, but the practice of people in everyday conversattons; and it is the effects of the latter that are important. Macro-sociology thus becomes possible if it is enhanced by empirical research.
2.4.2 The macro-critique of micro-sociology
Micro-sociology according to Collins (1981:87) does have several criti cism made .against it. Schematically, these criticisms include the following:
Firstly, it has been claimed that micro-sociology focuses on the human being as a thinker rather than as an actor and ignores the physical world and its constraints. However, Collins (1981:90) contends that the external side of experience is not slighted, but that people's cognitions are located in their concrete, lived experience.
Secondly, micro-sociology is considered to be trivial in that" [iJt is a method wi thout substance, or at best a focus upon the minor details and surface appearances of encounters" (Collins, 1981:87). However, it should be noted that micro-sociology is a form of specialized research and as such does have theoretical implications although some micro-sociologists are unaware of the theoretical implications of their work. 23
Thirdly, micro-sociologists are unaware of the situations in which their observations occur, and they therefore tend to overgenera1i ze
their findings to the entire soci a1 universe, II ••• but fail to see how their patterns are themselves the results of larger historical and structural patterns" (Collins, 1981:87). Ho.wever, according to C0.11ins {l98l :273} macro-structure is nothing more than the repetition of micro-encounters.
Finally, micro-sociology is criticized for its micro-reductionism. Reductionism, it is claimed, misses- the structure of relation ships and its influence on the parts, by focusing only upon the parts. Collins (l98l:95) contends that the term reductionism has too many negative connotations and he thus prefers to use the term translation.1
2.4.3 Micro-translation as a- theory bUilding strategy
Collins (1981:82) has argued that it is impossible to do without either micro- or macro-sociology. He suggests instead that macro-sociology be
11 reconstituted II ••• upon radically empirical micro-foundations ••• which would be a crucial step to a more successful sociological science. This step involves seeing macro-concepts as reducible to micro-patterns. Collins (1981 :92) contends that there are several advantages in attempt ing the micro-reduction (translation) of macro-concepts. They include the followi ng:
* Reduction produces an empirically stronger theory because it displays real-life situations and behaviours that make up its phenomena.
* Reduction introduces empirically real causal forces i.e. human beings expending energy_
1 Collins sets out to show the advantages of "reductlentsm", and there fore it will be so stated in the text. 24
* Reduction enables the scientist to discover which macro-concepts and explanations are empirically groundable and which are not, which further enables the scientist to separate hypostatizations by using strict criteria.
* Reduction enables the scientist to situate the hypostatizations in people's cognitive usages in particular times and places.
Thus Collins (1981:93-94) concludes that micro-reduction actually increases the plausibility of macro-theories:
II In the case of 1arge-sca1e macro-theory, one may .improve its plausibility by showing that it involves a network of expla natory principles ••• In so far as macro-theoretical prin ciples can be tightly knit together with micro-principles in a single explanatory web, the macro-analysis has a stronger claim to being correct."
2.4.3.1 Interaction ritual chains
According to Collins (1981:276) any macro-structure is formed in an interaction situation in which conversation is the main activity. These interaction situations, however, do not stand alone and thus form a chain of interaction situations. The social world thus resembles II ••• a bundle of individual chains of interaction experience, criss-crossing each other in space as they flow along in time". Any conversation between individuals calls forth a shared conversational reality which depends on a mutual understanding of the situation. All this in turn indicates the presence of rituals.
(i) Ritual aspects of conversation
Collins proposes that any conversation that is taken seriously by its participants, focuses their attention on the reality of the content of conversation, the things that are talked about. This content is the 25
vehicle through which group membership is established. By invoking a common reality i.e. establishing group membership, any conversation is in fact a ritual. For any individual to be accepted as a member of a group, the individual must be able to engage in a conversation and believe in the reality that is evoked. The conversational ritual thus creates the II ••• reference point of moral solidarity •••" and the II ••• cognitive symbols that hold the group together" (Collins 1981 :277). Collins (1981:277) then asks what will make a conversational ritual succeed, and he proposes that firstly, the participants in a successful conversational ritual must be able to invoke a common cognitive reality whi~h requires them to have similar conversational resources; and secondly, participants must be able to sustain the emotional tone of the conversation.
Thus the basic micro-unit of analysis becomes the "encounterll between at least two people who confront each other and interact. The encounter is thus a "shared conversational realityll which depends on constant negotiation between individuals who have certain resources.
(ii) Resources and negotiation
In any encounter between individuals, there are certain resources which can be used in negotiating a shared conversational reality. Collins identifies three such resources. They are:
Firstly, the cultural capital or conversational resources which refer to topics of conversation which can be either generalized, t ,e, they refer to events and entities on some level of abstraction from the immediate and local situation; or they can be parti cularized, t ,e, they refer to specific persons places and things. 26
Secondly, emotional energy which refers to the way in which emotions affect ritual membership. If a conversational ritual is to succeed in invoking a shared real ity, then there must be at least a minimum degree of common mood among the conver sationalists. If the emotional tone is strong, then the invoked topi c wi 11 seem to be more real and the more solidari ty wi 11 exist in the group. Emotional nearness becomes a prerequisite for successful interaction. Interaction not only generates new emotional sol idarities and tones, but thus intensifies emotions. Collins (198l:280) suggests that emotional solidarity is the pay-off that is produced by favourable conversationa1 resources. Just as the conversational resources are produced by previous conversational encounters, so too are emotions.
Thirdly, social reputation which refers to what other people know or believe about a certain individual involved in any given encounter.
These three resources, cultural capita1, emotional energy and soda1 reputation ·are variables on the micro-level of analysis. Each new encounter depends on the match among the participants of cultural capital, emotional energy and the social reputation of the participants. This match implies a tacit comparison by individuals of the conversa tional resources, emotional energies and reputation that each partici pant has. On the basis of the "match", individuals will negotiate their shared conversational reality, i.e. their membership in groups. Negotia tion thus becomes central to the encounters between individuals. In encounters where individuals have similar resources, e.g. a conversation between friends, all the participants can increase their resources and maintain their present status. However, many encounters are between unequals. Those individuals who have more resources will control the conversation, and thus the negotiation that occurs will be between unequals. The inequality in the distribution of resources then, makes up the stratified structure of society. Those individuals who have more resources wi 11 have highter status than those who have on ly a few resources, and they will thus be able to negotiate a superior position in any encounter. However, these encounters are not limited to a specific place and time, but extend into infinity. 27
(iii) Time, space and number as levels of sociological analysis
It is Collins' contention that any'macro-concept consists of patterns of micro-interaction which are based fundamentally on the social coalitions that indi vidua1s form through the ongoing acting out of interaction chain rituals, i.e. the repetition of encounters. Through the creation . and maintenance of cultural symbols and emotional energies, central features of social organization such as property, authority and group membership are generated. In other words, the chains of micro-encounters which are highly ritualized produce macro-patterns. Property, for example, can be viewed according to Collins (1983:193) as the way in which individuals in micro-situations act in regard to who is allowed to do what with which physical object. Individuals, therefore, have pro perty because they have the resources - cu1 tura1 capita1, emot iona1 energy and social reputation - at their disposal which they use to back up any challenge to their ownership of property. Thus, if macro structures are created and sustained by chains of interaction rituals among individuals who use their cultural capital, emotional energies and social reputations, the way to analyze structure would be across time and space. -The variables of time and space become macro-variables and because encounters are repeated to form the "chain" - the sheer number of encounters. becomes the third macro-variable.
Collins (1981:262) devised a time-space table which is used to visualize the empirical basis of micro- and macro-categories. The time dimension ranges from a few seconds through minutes, hours, days, weeks, months, years and centuries. The space dimension refers to the number of people in physical space who are involved in a specific interaction situation. It begins with one person and moves through small groups, large groups and aggregates of groups.
According to Collins (1981:264) the distinction between micro and macro is one of degree. In the table presented, all levels of analysis on the left and above are micro, and all levels of analysis on the right and below are macro. The upper left hand corner of the table, Collins terms the "empirical", t ,e, the micro-situation. The macro-evidence then becomes aggregates of the micro-experience. In this sense, everybody's 28
life is a sequence of micro-situations, and the sum total of all the sequences in the world constitutes all the possible sociological data there is. By sampling encounters then, a strategy is followed whereby a study can be made of social structure, and Collins calls this strategy the micro-translation of macro-structure.
TABLE 1 TIME AND SPACE AS LEVELS OF SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
Space scale Seconds Minutes- Days Weeks- Years Centuries (100-10'sec) hours (lo sec) .onths (10-10 sec) (l09 sec) (lO' -10 (10 sec) sec)
One Person Cognitive- Meaningful Careers; Genealogies (1-3) e.otional events work life histo- processes repetitive ries and inter- .ittent behaviors
Sull group Eye-contact Rituals, (3_10' ) studies .i- group dy- croconversa- naaics, ex- tional change bar- analyses gaining
Crowd-Orga- Crowd beha- Organiza- Organizatio- nization viour tions in- nal struc- 10 - 10 fornl; tures and foreal histol"ies
Co •• unity Social Couunities (10 -10 ) .ovnents
Territorial Political Long ter. Society econo.ic de- social (10 -10 ) .ographic, change and strati- fication patterns (nobility rates etc. "cultures") 29
(iv) Micro-translation of macro-structure
Collins has stated that macro-structure consists of nothing more than large numbers of micro-encounters, repeated over time and across space. Time, space and number become pure macro-variables into which all other macro-terminology should be translated. Everything el se Coll ins (1987:l95) contends is micro.
On the basis of this distinction, Collins (l98l :101) suggests that micro-translation as a theory- building strategy indicates the following:
Firstly, there are pure micro-principles which should be at the core of all empirical causal explanations in sociology, namely resources of cultural capital, emotional energies and social reputation.
Secondly, there are pure macro-variables which take three forms space, time and number of combinations of micro-situations.
Lastly, all other variables are characteristics of micro-situations, whether these extend into mi cro-hi stories, become referred to in situations at macro-views, or develop complex combinations which become expressed as macro-variables. In this regard the .micro-macro distinction is not dichotomous but is a continuum.
Collins contends that the propositions he formulates in Conflict sociology, codify major principles on both micro- and macro-levels, but are firmly grounded in micro-interactions. In analyZing these pro positions he claims that there are various ways in which the micro situational propositions imply types of macro-reference. Coll ins 81981:96) identified four types of macro-references:
Firstly, individual micro-histories which involves a macro-reference in that they refer to more than a small segment of time and space which comprise a particular situation. Taking the proposition: liThe more one gives orders, the more one is proud, self- 30
assured, and identifies with the organizational ideals in whose name one justifies the orders II (Collins,. 1975:73), then the "more one gives orders" implies that the individual will expe- rience many situations of this sort. An implicit aggregate of situations is thus implied in which both time and space as well as a "history" of situations extending across time are referred to.
Secondly, situational macro-views which can take a variety of forms, i.e. they may be reifications, glosses, or explicit understand ings of micro-situations. According to Collins (1981:97) micro-principles often refer to people in situations who take account of the macro-structure itself either by referring to other micro-situations or reified macro-concepts.
For example, a reified macro-view appears in the following proposition in which a complex of situations in time and space - an organization - is referred to cryptically as a set of orders:
PROPOSITION 10.3: THE MORE ONE GIVES ORDERS IN THE NAME OF AN ORGANIZATION, THE MORE ONE IDENTIFIES WITH THE ORGANIZATION.
Furthermore, if macro-references are explicit situational understandings of the variety of other situations then the following proposition can serve as an example:
PROPOSITION 5.3: THE MORE UNIQUE AND IRREPLACEABLE A CONVERSA TIONAL EXCHANGE THE CLOSER THE PERSONAL TI E AMONG INDIVIDUALS WHO CAN CARRY IT OUT.
The first part of the proposition can refer to a person's "••• exp1 icit recognition that he can have certain conversations with only a few people {or conversely, with many)" {Collins, 1981 :98}. 31
Thirdly, pure macro-variables of time, space and number give rise to macro-references in that macro-concepts are always a com bination of number, time and space applied to the micro contents of situation.
According to Collins (1981:99) if the sum of all empirical evtdence in sociology consists of a set of "f't lmstr-tps" then macro-references arise in these ways.
11(1) each strip consists of micro situations, but it runs on in time ••• , and hence gives the aggregates of situational experiences that make up micro histories; (2) often people at particular points in time refer to the future or past of their own IIfi lmstrtp" or to some aggregate of other people's filmstrip ••• ; and (3) there is the sheer number of micro .str-tps of various sorts, their configuration in space, and their lengths in time. 1I
In this regard, social reality is micro-experience, but the temporal, numerical and spacial aggregations of these expe riences constitute a macro-level of analysis.
Fourthly, the analyst's macro-comparisons in which the analyst refers to situations not included in the proposition. According to Collins (1981 :100), the analyst not only states the linkage within or among situations referred to in the propositions, but also compares these linkages with other possible linkages in order to ascertain that the relationship holds. In other words, the analyst always engages in macro-references.
The micro-translation strategy, shows then that macro-refe rences in micro-translation do exist. Therefore, if any advance is to be made in the social sciences, the micro-level of analysis must provide the detailed mechanisms through which II... the process summarized on the macro levels may be explatned" (Collins, 1975:14). Micro does not precede macro, but both progress simultaneously. 32
Although this approach is recent, it is compatible with Collins· earlier work entitled Conflict. sociology. Conversation, ritual, negotiation, resources and definition of reality are all terms that are found in his recent and earlier work. Coll ins attempts to develop a comprehensive explanatory theory on the basis of micro-translation but at the same time he states that the most appropriate vehicle for combining pheno menology, historical situational ism and classical macro-sociology is the conflict perspective in so far as it succeeds in emphasizing simultaneously the following three concepts:
* the social construction of subjective reality; * the dramaturgical qualities of actions; and * basing the abovementioned concepts on the historically conditioned material interests.
Micro-translation, however, is not the only strategy Collins uses to
4 •• build his theory. He identifies steps for buildtnq social theory, and uses other methodological approaches.
2.5 COLLINS' THEORY BUILDING STRATEGY
2.5.1 Principles of conflict analysis
In his attempt to develop a comprehensive explanatory theory, Collins (1975:60) identified five principles of conflict analysis which can be applied to any empirical area of sociology. These principles include the following:
1. Think: This principle involves thinking through rather abstract formulations to a pattern of the distinctive real life interactions involved. Collins (l975:60) claims that this involves: "Thtnk of people as animals manoeuvering for advantage, susceptible to direc tional appeals, but steering a self-interested course toward satisfactions and away from dissatisfactions. 1I 33
2. Look: This principle involves looking for any material arrangements that affect interaction; t ,e, physical setting, manner of commu nication, weapon supplies, devices used in impression control and many more. It is also necessary to assess resources such as cultural capital, physical strength and physical attractiveness.
3. Application: This principle involves applying the "inequality of resources" hypothesis to the situation, thus establishing dominant subordinate position.
4. Explain: Ideals and beliefs are explained in terms of the interests which have the resources to make their definition of reality absolute.
5. Comparison: This principle involves comparing empirical cases, testing hypothesis (by looking for conditions under which certain things occur - versus - the conditions under wh"ich other things occur); thinking causally, and being on the look out for generalizations.
The last principle introduces an important facet of Collins' work, namely comparative, historical analysis.
2.5.2 Comparative historical analysis
It has already been stated that variation is the basic method of scientific explanation. In this regard, Collins uses comparison as a method of analysis in order to establish generalizations. His contention is that science cannot explain a phenomenon in isolation, but that it can be understood only when it is compared with reference to where it occurs and where it does not, and the difference between the two should be noted. Comparative analysis is aimed at the formulation of general causes of variation.
Collins further intends that the application of his generalizations should wherever possible be comparative and historical. This is to 34
ensure that the generalizations have as wide a range of application as possible. In this connection, Collins (1975:48) states that:
"Without this perspective, the parochi al interests of today will attract little more attention in a few years than those of the past we ignore today. We should never forget that the power of a science comes from taking the universe as its field. We will know we have a successful sociological science when the most remote societies and the most striking changes are no longer occasions for theoretical surprise."
2.5.3 Postulates and propositions
The formulation of postulates and propositions is a central feature of Collins' attempt to build a scientific theory. Collins (1975:47) emphasizes that the goal of a scientific sociology must be some type of network of definite and testable statements. In his endeavour to develop a scientific sociology, Collins formulated 17 postulates1 and over 400 propositions. The postulates give, according to Collins, the general variables which are used as a basis to formulate his own propositions.
Collins follows two approaches in the formulation of his propositions. Either he summarized the main causal statements in alist of numbered proposi t ions after he had gi ven a theoreti ca1 overview and high 1i ghted possible variations; or he incorporated the propositions into the main body of the text, surrounding them with pertinent data.
According to Collins (1975:47) this method was chosen to help achieve a scientific sociology. He goes on to say that although these propositions may be inadequate, it was preferable "••• to have a clear formulation to be extended, refined, or attacked •••" than to have a purely conceptual argument or a vague mixture of empirical, causal, and programmatic issues.
1 The postulates are to be found in Collins (1975:73, 152 and 281, respectively) • 35
Furthermore, Collins emphasizes that he does not wish his main theoreti ca1 c1aims to be di storted because they are not exp1ici t enough. He prefers to run the risk of being II ••• proven wrong ••• II than to make no progress towards the development of a comprehensive theory.
Collins acknowledges that some of his propositions may have a better foundation than others, and that his attempt at showing their logical interconnectedness is often only indirectly possiblEf. But he justifies this by claiming that:
"Thf s is the result of a deliberate choice, and I am aware of its liabilities. It seemed desirable to extend the pro positional summary even to areas where conflict theory is very new, or the empirical materials are as yet sparse or hard to bear on the theory, to serve as a model for what must be done ll (Collins, 1975:47).
Collins did not carry out any testing of his propositions because working out the conflict theory and seeing its application to the various sub-fields in sociology was a task in itself.
Co 11 ins formul ates the propositions in a progressi ve compl exity from micro to macro, as well as extending his generalizations to the various fields of sociology.
His propositions are grounded on the work done by previous theorists, and thus a further dimension of Collins' theory is that of eclecticism.
2.5.4 Eclecticism
Co11 ins has previously stated that the elements for an explanatory science have already been laid down, and all that is required of him is to flesh the existing models out to the extent that they will serve as a
II ••• solid framework for a scientific sociology ••• 11 (Collins, 1975:2). 36
In every chapter of his book Collins uses existing data and information as a basis upon which to build hisown theory. 1 This approach is generally known as eclecticism.
In the establishment of a generalized, causal, empirical explanation of sociological phenomena Collins advocates a strategy of micro-transla . tions, comparative historical analysis, the formulation of hypotheses and eclecticism. The first three have each received attention, and it is only the last which is left to be expanded upon.
Throughout Collins' work theorists such as Marx, Weber, Durkheim, Freud and Goffman are consistently referred to, and their -work used as a foundation upon which Collins expands and develops his own work. In this endeavour he is consistent with his views that social scientists are to attempt to see the familiar as new, and to extrapolate from things we know to things we do not. In the following chapter the work of various theorists are previewed with reference to their use by Collins, and Collins' position in the conflict tradition will be discussed.
1 As an in-depth overview of various theorists' work and influence on Collins is to be given in the following chapter, the author does not wish to expand on Collins' eclectic approach at this point in time. 37
CHAPTER 3 ATHEORETICAL ORIENTATION
The theory of Randall Collins can be placed within the framework of the conflict approach. However," it must be remembered that the conflict approach does not have a singular set of principles, but consists of a variety of asswnptions that are often diverse in nature and can be differentiated one from another. To place Collins within this wide field, it is necessary to give a brief framework of the field of conflict sociology.
3.1 CONFLICT PERSPECTIVE
3.1.1 Introduction
Conf1 i ct theory, accordi ng to Ri tzer (1963:57) , emerged as an alter native to Structural Functionalism. It was an effort by sociologists to overcome the problems surrounding structural functionalism of which its inability to account for social change and social conflict are but a few. Conflict theory itself, however, has a long history.
Collins (1975:148) dates the origin of conflict sociology back in history to the work of Machiavelli who expressed II... a realistic insight into the mechanisms of power and conflict ••• 11 (Collins, 1974:154) by claiming that "••• men follow their own interests; success breeds honour," power breeds ambition; morality based on violence, which works best by deception; and mass support is useful in the struggle of elites and it can be manipulated through religion" (Collins, 1974:148) • 38
The historical relevance, of these ideas is indicated through their use by theori sts such as Marx and other conflict theori sts. Marx is con- sidered to be one of the earliest theorists to have developed a theory which could explain the source of conflict and the effects of conflict in promoting revolutionary change.
In a general conflict approach the central connected assumptions according to Wallace and Wolf (1986:76) include the following:
* People have numerous basic interests, i.e. things they want and attempt to acquire.
* The central emphasis is on power. Power is the centre of all social structures and social relationships and people are involved in a struggle to acquire it. \
* Values and ideas are viewed as weapons of conflict that can be used by groups to advance their own ends.
A1though these general assumpt ions are common to all proponents of conflict theory, there are several divergent assumptions which are found to be at the basis of the dissimilar traditions in conflict theory; namely, the radical and analytical traditions respectively.
The radical tradition is based 6n a criticism of society, and radical theorists believe that they cannot separate their work from their moral commitments. These theorists see society as being divided into two particular groups, the powerful, privileged people and the exploited or manipulated masses. They believe that it is possible for a society to exist in which there are no longer grounds for social conflict, i.e. they are considered to be Utopian writers. The major influence in this first group is Karl Marx.
Mention must be made of a "controversial" group of theorists who) although having no or very little influence on Collins, nevertheless emphasize the importance of a confl ict of interests based on property relationship. The Frankfurt School's, (as this group is known) approach 39
to social analysis is based on two propositions. Firstly, that people's ideas are the product of the society in which they live, and secondly, that scientists should not attempt objectivity or the separation of fact and value judgement. They should rather adopt a critical attitude toward the society under examination and their work. Thi s group's study is concerned with aspects of personality, culture and thought; i.e. an analysis of the role of ideas and culture in social stability and change. They are also pessimistic about modern culture; for example, Adorno attacked jazz and popular music for distracting people and making them passive and therefore for strengthening the existing social order (Wallace and Wolf, 1980:109). Collins has placed heavy emphasis on the role of ideas and culture in the creation of solidarity- and in changing the existing order. This emphasis is found in his discussion of the impact of rituals on solidarity and change.
The analytical tradition in contrast, considers conflict to be an inevitable and permanent aspect of social life. Analytical theorists seek to separate fact and value, and establish an objective social science. They acknowledge that there are certain societies where two groups in conflict exist, but they believe that power and status are distributed in a far more complex way. Modern analytical theorists according to Wallace and Wolf (1980:120) share Max Weber's approach in which conflict becomes a permanent feature of human society. Theorists classified under this group include Rolf Oahrendorf, Lewis Coser and Randall Collins.
Collins (1975:21) believes that the only viable path toward a comprehensive explanatory theory is a conflict perspective, as this perspective permits detachment from value judgement:
"To be able to recognize competing interests as a matter of fact, without trying to squeeze some of them out of existence as unrealistic, deviant, or just plain evil, is the essence of a detached position."
In his analysis of conflict, Collins makes use of an eclectic approach in which he uses various sociologists' work. Not only does Collins use 40
certain elements of Marxism and Weberian sociology, but he also uses ideas from Durkheim, Goffman, Phenomenology. 1 Freud,2 and Lenski 3 to mention but a few.
3.2 THE ELEMENTS OF MARXISM IN THE THEORY OF R. COLLINS
Marx's theory is categorized as falling within the radical tradition. A brief framework of Marx's theory includes the following points of departure:
Firstly, the distribution of wealth, status .and power in any given society produces a two-class society based on the ownership or non-ownership of the means of production;
Secondly, there is a call for the establishment of a new ideal society which is formed after the overthrow of the existing system. The new society is classless, and man is able to realize his full potential (Wallace and Wolf, 1986:73).
Marx formulated his theory in the 19th century and the impact of his theory is still measured today. Although his theory is formi dab 1e and extensive, only those sections which pertain to Collins' theory will be reviewed, namely, material determinism, labour theory and value and the state.
3.2.1 Material determinism
Wallace and Wolf (1986:76) claim that the distinguishing mark of Marxist analysi sis that economic factors are identified as the fundamental
1 Phenomenology's concept of socio-linguistics and childhood sociology are used by Collins (1975:203 and 261, respectively). 2 Freud is used by Collins (1975:226 et seq.) in the development of his theory on age and sex stratification. 3 Lenski's typology of human social organizations is used extensively by Collins (1975:168,239,355). 41
determinant of social structure and change. Collins (1974:159) states that further assumptions of Marxist theory include that human action de pends on the material setting in which the action takes place and the material resources available; and that human motivation is understood in terms of the material desires of the individual.
The most basic desire of the individual is survival, and to survive the individual must transform his material environment through the utili zation of available material resources. The individual is forced to make a living in order to survive; therefore the individual's relation to the means of material production is of paramount importance in his life and takes up most of his time (Collins, 1974:161). Thus .the relationship between the individual and the means of production becomes the major determinant of a person's life style. Those individuals who own the means of production are.ab1e to earn their liVings in a satisfactory way because they have greater access to resources. Those individuals who do not own the means of ·production must sell their labour so as to gain .access to the material resources needed for survival. According to i Ri tzer (l983:128) this element of Marx's theory is taken up in the , theory of Collins.
In the Capitalist system om which Marx bases his analysis, the owners of, the means of production represent a small minority who appropriate the surplus value of production at minimum expense to themselves but at the expense of the workers. The workers comprise the majority of the work force, and receive minimum reward for maximum effort. The worker is reduced to a mere commodity whose labour can be bought and sold (Larson, 1974:44; Johnson, 1981 :136). This ownership or non-ownership of the means of production leads to the development of a bipolar-class system, namely the bourgeoisie (owners) and proletariat (non-owners). The rel ationship of each of these cl asses toward the means of production determines their respective life styles. However, this relationship also takes the form of a division of labour which places people, on the basis of their productive activity, in specific categories or groups. In other words, .the material conditions of the individual not only influence how he makes a living (productive activity) but also the nature of the social group to which he belongs (class) (Collins, 1974:106). Wallace 42
and Wolf (1986:77) state that from Marx's theory it can be deduced that the economic position or class to which people belong is the most important group to be found in society. People who share the same position or are members of the same group also tend to act together. This idea finds resonance in Collins' work on class stratification.
Class, then, is made up of people who are alike in their relationship to property. The fact that they own or do not own property is the objective basis for the development of the classes. However, the people who make up the class also tend to act together as a group and have a subjective awareness of objective class interests (Marx in Johnson, 1981 :144). These interests refer to the actual material resources ~eeded to fulfil the individual's needs. The interests of the two identifiable classes are inherently antagonistic. For the owners of the means of production (oppressors) it is the _maintenance of the status quo and the maxi misation of profit; and for the non-owners of the means of production (oppressed), it is the establishment of a new society in which all men are able to realize their full potential. These interests are latent, i.e. there is a lack of awareness of the true class interests owing to the acceptance of the dominant ideology developed by the ruling class false consciousness. For these latent interests to manifest themselves, certain developments within the working class - those who do not own the means of production - are necessary. These developments include the following:
* The concentration of the working class in urban industrial areas. Through living together in the same conditions, the workers wi 11 become aware of their conmon misery and economic plight (Johnson, 1981:145).
* The establishment of communication network and the development of a shared consciousness.
* The distinction between oppressor and oppressed becomes greater with the poor getting poorer and the rich richer.
-. 43
* The development of an ideology which will act as a motivating force, and which reveals the true interests of the working class.
Marx (in Wallace and Wolf, 1986:81) emphasized that individuals in a class society believe the dominant ideology which legitimizes the status quo. The ideology thus legitimizes the position of those who are in control. Religion is an example of a false-consclous propagating ideology as it suppresses discontent by allowing the masses to focus upon a supposed "better" world to come, while they live in unbearable circumstances. Re 1i gious support for vari ous norms that exist in the social order, thus legitimizes the status quo and motivates the individual to act in accordance (Johnson, 1981:131)~ Thus religion becomes the "opiate of the masses".
Collins uses re1igionin a different sense from Marx. Although he accepts that the dominant ideology is used by those in control of resources to justify their dominance, he sees religious action as the basis of rituals which promote group solidarity. It is these rituals according to Collins (1975:58) which transform classes into status groups, and.make legitimacy an aspect of domination. These rituals fur thermore, enforce the stratification system within a society and can be deliberately manipulated by individuals1 or groups in their struggle for power. This ability to manipulate rituals, i.e. emotional solidarity, is used as a weapon in the struggle for power within groups (i.e. between individuals, or between groups).
Collins believes, as Marx does that the oppressed or those in a sub missive position develop an ideology of their own in direct contrast to the dominant ideology. But whereas Marx sees this ideology as a com mitment to a new society, Collins contends that the ideology that those in a submi ssive position develop is directed at allowing the~ to save face in a situation that is characterized by a differential distribution of resources.
1 This is another distinction between Marx and Collins, and that is that Collins works on both micro - and macro-levels whereas Marx work on macro-level only. 44
Collins (in Ritzer, 1983:108) thus maintains Marx's idea that the ruling class develops a highly symbolic and ideological system which they impose on everyone, and that the submissive class generates a counter ideology to combat the dominance of the ruling class. However, Collins while maintaining Marx's emphasis on the macro-level, transfers this concept to individuals in everyday life, who compete against each other in an attempt to maximize wealth, power and prestige. Within this com petition they attempt to impose their definition of reality on the situation. Those with whom they are in interaction, will counterattack and attempt to impose their definition; if they cannot, they will with draw, or become antagonistic.
3.2.2 The state
In any discussion of the state, power relations become the central focus. Power is defined by Marx (in Atkinson, 1971 :416) as the act whereby people are forced to behave against their own interests. The word force implies coercion, and coercion a form of control. Coercive control involves the threat of violence which is administered personally or by the state. The state is thus the organization for administering Violence, and the enforcer of the status quo.
According to Marx (in Johnson, 1981 :131) the state and its supporting ideology offer the illusion of a human community. However, the illusion masks the rising conf'l i ct between the two c1asses, and can be said to provide the framework within which the ruling class can protect its interests. In other words, those who own the means of production also have the power i.e. the control of the state. The struggle between the classes is, therefore, not only on the economic level, but also on the political level as well.
After the class struggle has ended, i.e. after the revolution, a class less society will be established in which the state becomes nothing more than an uncontroversial routinized administration (Wallace and Wolf, 1986:90) • , 45
) 3.2.3 Economic crisis of Capitalist Society
According to Collins (1975:427) Marx assumed that all wealth is produced by labour. In this regard he refers to Marx's assumption that machines do not increase the supply of wealth, but that "••• a well functioning market makes everything sell for the cost it took to produce it; hence, the introduction of labor-saving mechtnery, can only produce as much wealth ••• as it took to make them".
The introduction of the labour-saving machinery increases the productive capacity of capitalists, but produces disequilibrium in the relationship between productive capacity and the demand for a commodity. This reduces projects and employment opportunities and this leads to a large group of unemployed workers and further reductions in demand. An economic crisis is imminent but the unsuccessful capitalist enterprise is bought out by larger capitalists. This capital becomes concentrated among fewer and fewer capitalists, resulting in monopolies.
Marx (in Johnson, 1981 :151) saw that economic crises in capitalist society are.based on capitalists competing with each other for projects, and workers competing with each other for jobs. The results are that monopolies arise with respect to the former, and the collective misery of the working class increases with respect to the latter. These crises can be overcome only by a change in the structure of capitalist society through a revolution.
Four main elements emerge from Marxian theory. They include the following:
Firstly, there is an inherent tendency in Capitalist society for classes to polarize. These classes develop on the basis of the owner ship or non-ownership of the means of production (bourgeoisie and proletariat respectively). These two classes become increa singly hostile.
Secondly, the classes become extreme in that the wealth of the bourgeoisie increases and there is a progressive concentration 46
of capital in the hands of a few individuals, while the working class becomes increasingly poor and exploited.
Thi rdly, the classes become homogeneous i nterna11y. The pro1etariat begins to organize itself as a class so that they can pursue their interests. The interests of the proletariat are in conflict with those of the bourgeoisie.
Fourthly, because of the conflict that exists between the interests of the two classes, a class struggle develops. The class struggle terminates in a revolution in which the oppressed proletariat assumes power. The vari ous classes cease to exist, the state withers away and a communist classless society is inaugurated (Dahrendorf 1959:32-35).
Dahrendorf (1959:77-116) mentions recent theories concerning inter pretations and critiques of Marx in which a variety of authors show that Marx did not foresee the continued industrial development, the creation of unions, the emergence of a politically dominant middle class and joint stock companies. (Compare Johnson, 1981:153-154.)
3.2.4 Collins' view of the Marxian Model
Collins (1975:427-428) contends that the Marxian Model has the following weaknesses and limitations:
* Although Marx correctly foresaw trends towards monopoly in capitalist society, they have not become absolute monopolies.
* Marx's prediction of growing inequality in capitalist society is not generally true. Thus the impoverishment of the worker has not happened.
* Unemployment, although rife, has not resulted in a great "mass army of unemp1oyed" whi ch was supposed to be the downfall of capi ta1i st society. 47
* Marx's theory does not account for economic growth.
* The introduction of labour-saving machinery has not brought about an economic crisis but has instead been exploited, as machines can produce a great deal more than can man.
* Marx's model is mono-causal, in which politics depend on economics. This is regarded by Collins as being unlikely.
However, Collins does "salvage" certain ideas from the Marxian model. These ideas include the following:
* Marx is the "gr eat originator" of modern conflict theory.
* Marx's vision of society as made up of people pursuing their own interests, who are concerned about survival and dominance, and whose ideas tend to consist of "ideological self-justification". '.
* Marx's realism which, according to Collins (1975:428), enables the scientist.to look at what people are really doing.
* The ownership-non-ownership of means of production finds resonance in Collins' theory, especially in his ideas concerning control of crucial resources.
* Marx's orientation of the scientist towards an analysis of a power strugg1e between those i ndivi dua1s who have the resources and those who do not.
Collins (in Ritzer, 1983:247) saw Marxian theory as the starting point for a conflict theory, but acknowledged that this theory has severe limitation. Ritzer points out that although Collins used Marx frequently his theory shows little Marxian influence. Instead, his theory is influenced far more by Max Weber and other theori sts such as Durkheim and Goffman. Collins himself claims that Weber's work is of some use to him in the development of a comprehensive explanatory theory. 48
3.3 THE ELEMENTS OF WEBERIAN SOCIOLOGY IN THE THEORY OF R. COLLINS
The theory of Karl Marx is an example of the radical tradition identified earlier. The analytical traditionalists who provide the contrasting conflict perspective state that it is their belief that fact and value jUdgements should be sepaxaee., '.they assume further that societies are stratified in a complex manner, i.e. they accept Weber's typology of economic class, status group and political party, and 1ast ly, that a confl ict of interest is inevi tab1e and a permanent feature of life.
Wallace and Wolf (1986:64) claim that although Marx's influence is still to be found in the analytical tradition, the most important continuities are to be found with the writings of Weber. Collins (1975:43) accords Weber a nominalist conflict position as do numerous other authors. (See Cuff and Payne, 1984 and Buckley, 1967.) Collins uses Webers work ex tensively and those aspects which are used include Weber's emphasis on social action, power and authority, the bureaucracy, legitimacy, the state and the tripartite model of economic c1 ass, status group and politica1 party.
3.3.1 Social action
The sociology of Max Weber takes as its starting point the activity of individual people. The task of sociology is to understand the actions of individual' men, and this understanding implies the capacity of the social scientist to put himself into the. place of the actor, to share his or her world view and to understand the meaning of the social action he is observing (Ritzer, 1971:77; Atkinson, 1971:67; Collins, 1986:42).
For this purpose, Weber developed a typology of ideal types of social action. These ideal types serve as a measuring' rod for the social scientist, so that the actions of real men in real stzuattons can be understood. These ideal types serve as analytical concepts and include the following: 49
Firstly goal-orientated rationality, in which an actor tries to accomplish an action by calculating the means with which to achieve a specific end. Both the means of achieving the goal, and the goal itself are rationally orientated.
Secondly, value-orientated rationality in which only the means are sub jected to conscious deliberation and calculation, and the ends are given in terms of the individual's absolute or ultimate values (Johnson, 1981:21S). Collins (l986:42) proposes that Weber had political and religious examples in mind. For example, if a group of demonstrators decides to protest against an action made by the government, the choi ce of means.. has been made deliberately. In religion, the decision to worship is a deli berate choice, but the end, salvation, has already been pre
• determined•
Thirdly, traditional action in which the individual engages in behaviour out of habit, without conscious reflection or deliberation. The action is non-rational and the justification for the action is: "this is the way it's always been" (Johnson, 1981 :215).
Lastly, affective action, in which the action is characterized by the dominance of feelings or emotions without any conscious deliberation. This action is non-rational and it lacks any appeal to logic.l
Weber (in Collins, 1986:44) proposes that action is only social when it takes others into account. Any actor's calculation of choice thus includes the expectation of how other people are going to behave. The interaction between people leads to the development of social institutions because "••• even such sociological concepts as the state ••• merely designate certain categories of human interaction" (Weber in Atkinson, 1971:66). Collins (l97S:112) likewise claims that any social
1 These four types of social action are 4deal types, and Weber recog nized that few, if any, actions conform precisely to any of these ideal types. 50
structure is made up of the repetitive encounters between individuals. Thus the individual's social action constitutes the building blocks of larger social structures:
3.3.2 Stratification: class, status and power
Collins and Malinowski (1972:100) view the hierarchial ordering of people within a system of social stratification as a basic aspect of the Weberian view of social structure. Furthermore, if society and culture are to be understood, the group of individuals that make up the social structure are to be studied in their diversity. Stratification provides the link between the diverse groups and the invisible bond that ties people to others. These invisible bonds represent the economic, poli tical and cultural order. Each order has an effect on an individual's behaviour; they lay down those conditions within which he is expected to make his life; they detennine his view of the world and with whom he will associate (Collins and Ma1inoswki, 1972:101)
In essence then, men who share a common position and common interests in the economic, cultural and political realm, are likely to act and associate with one another and to exclude others from their company. On this basis, Weber saw that society is stratified according to economic class, status group and political party.
(i) Economic class
Weber,4 according to Johnson (1981: 217) , recognized the importance of economic stratification as the fundamental basis for classes. An economic class is a social class which consists of individuals who share similar life changes with regard to their economic fate. Classes con sist, in other words, of a number of people who have a specific causal component in common, in so far as this component represents economic in terests in the possession of goods and oppurtunities for income, and it ts represented under the conditions of the commodity or labour market (Bendix, 1966:86; Coser, 1977:228; Johnson, 1981:217). 51
Furthermore, Weber (in Collins and Malinowski, 1972:102) contends that material conditions have a profound effect on men's lives, and therefore shape not only how men live and whom they associate with, but al so how they will act. This idea finds resonance in the work of Collins in that he contends that not only are occupations the way people keep themselves alive, but occupations are also spheres of contact with others where individuals exert influences over each other, and it is in the occu pational sphere that people establish social ties with others.
The economic classes that evolve also have divergent economic interests which could result in conflict between the classes. According to Weber (in Collins and Ma1inoswki, 1972:103) the number of confJicting economic interest groups depends on what type of economic system occurs in so ciety. In Collins' work this conflict is reflected in the relationship between those who control the resources and those who strive for control.
(ii) Status group
The second facet of Weber's stratification theory is that of status groups. The notion of status groups was intended to serve as an antidote for pure class analysis characterized by Marxist theory. A status group is a classification of men which is based on their consumption patterns. Status groups are comnunities that are held together by notions of a similar life style, self-esteem, honour and beliefs. The members of a status group recognize each other as "our kind of people"; and they strive to maintain a sense of superiority over those who do not be long to their circle (Coser, 1977:229; Bendix, 1966:86; Johnson, 1981 :217 218; Parkin, 1982:98; Collins, 1986:133). Status groups, especially those of the upper ranks, idealize economic class because they build a life style out of the high income they earn. For Weber, it is the upper classes who are most likely to form a tightly organized group because they put more into legitimizing their position. The other classes are so bedazzled by the trappings of the upper class, that the violent class struggle predicted by Marx is unlikely to occur. Instead, the upper class is grudgingly admired (Collins, 1986:134). It is, however, 52
possible for all classes to achieve a status group identity.
Collins suggests that it is Weber's generalization concerning religion and status groups that is the key to understanding the differences in the cultures of class stratification. In this connection, religions are viewed as organizations that encompass communities, by bringing people together as groups and providing these groups with a common outlook and a set of guiding principles on how to live their lives. Religions thus create legitimation for the group and their life styles, they are also a crucial basis for maintaining the status ranking by which some groups dominate others. Bendix claims that the relations between religious be1i efs and the status and power structure of the grq~ps compos ing a society is crucial to Weber's analysis of religion. In this regard the assumption is made by Weber that society is:
II ••• a composite of status groups whose partial divergence of ideas and interests is a response to divergent status situations ••• " (Weber in Bendix, 1966:259).
(iii) Political party
The third facet of Weber's stratification theory is that of political party. According to Collins and Malinowski (1972:103), Weber contended that history is a record of the power p1 ay amongst various interest groups. Men, therefore, are stratified by their political interests as well as economic and cultural interests. The final hierarchial ranking of people in the Weberian stratification system is the political party. These parties are groups that are organized around obtaining power, and thus politics involves a continual struggle to gain authority and evade subjection to authority (Collins and Malinowski, 1972:103; Collins, 1986:132) •
Weber (in Parkin, 1982:106) identified two types of parties: Firstly, the party of patronage which has no strong moral commitments or clearly stated aims; and secondly, the party of principle which has a firm doctrine and a bureaucratic form. Both forms of party have a 53
constructive task in the selection of responsible leaders who are willing to pursue interests.
Collins and Malinowski (l972:l03) state that Weber saw society as a continual interplay of forces, i.e. political stratification influences economic stratification and vice versa, while both interact with cultural stratification. However, it is the cultural hierarchies which dominate in society because they not only form the basis of political and economic stratification but political and economic stratification tends to turn into cultural stratification. Furthermore, Weber (in Collins and Malinowski, 1972:106) contends that history is made up of a struggle between these hierarchies and within them end Collins and Malinowski (1972:106) conclude that:
"The processes of stratification not only make up the fabric of our everyday lives, but ••• they turn the engines of history as Weber saw it. 1I
Collins maintains that Weber's tripartite model of class, status group and politic~l party are the best leads toward a multi-causal model of stratification. These three categories yield important differences in the way people think and behave. For example, according to one's occupational category, one wi 11 meet certain people, develop certain associational ties and have a particular power position. Collins distinguishes amongst various associational groups namely sex, age, the educated, ethnic groups and recreational groups. Each of these can be used by an individual to maximize his status.
3.3.3 Organizations: patrimonalism and bureaucracy
Weber's analysis of bureaucratic organizations encompasses a comparison between an efficient, systematic predictable form of organization with ancient traditional forms of administration which are based on an extended family and personal relationships. 54
Weber begins his analysis of organizations by discussing the personal ized organization which is based on a family enterprise where fathers supervise sons and servants in the carrying out of an economic task. All members of this type of organization are subjected to the same loyalty and patriarch al authority. When this form of organization is extended across a great number of people and links them together in a chain of leader and subordinate, a patrimonial organization arizes. This organization has numerous disadvantages which include inefficiency, ineffective control, an insubstantial communication network, the limited carrying out of orders and a dependency on individual initiative and energy. According to Weber (in Collins and Malinowski, 1972:107), it is these disadvantages that led him to produce what is perhaps hismost famous ideal type, namely the bureaucracy. This bureaucracy is the-most effective, systematic and predictable form of social organization yet devised. Weber (in Wrong, 1970:32) defines a bureaucracy as an organiza tion that is adapted to attaining a single functional goal, that is organized hierarchially with a strict chain of corrmand, that has an elaborate division of labour, that assigns specialized roles to its personnel, and that selects its personnel on the basis of competency. A bureaucracy then has the following characteristics:
* Business is conducted on a continuous basis; * it is conducted in accordance with stipulated rules; * authority is hierarchially assigned; * the worker in a bureaucracy does not own the means of production. * positions cannot be appropriated by their incumbents; and * business is conducted on the basis of written documentation (Johnson, 1981:226; Wrong, 1970:141-142).
Other attributes of a bureaucracy include:
Firstly, the technical superiority of the bureaucratic form of organization which depends on its orientation towards im personal rules and the exclusion of all personal elements;
Secondly, the process of bureaucratization that has occurred in all spheres not only in the economic sphere; 55
Thirdlys the elimination of all types of privileges and the instituting of a professionalization regardless of social and economic positions; and f tnal ly, the implementation of a system of authority that is linked to the position one holds.
The bureaucracy is the ultimate example of the process of rationali zation. The rationale of efficiency has effectively destroyed human feelings and emotions and has reduced the human being to a "small cog II in a gigantic bureaucratic machine (Weber in Johnson s 1981:228). In Bendix's (1966:430) estimation the bureaucracy as typified by Weber was here to stay.
Collins (1975:293) claims that Weber's organizational theory of which the bureaucracy is a central element is "••• the guiding thread that pulls together not only the various subfie1ds of organizational studiess but links them to the main questions in general sociology".
According to Collins and Malinowski (1972:108), Weber claimed that even within an impersonal bureaucray, "organizational politics" occurs, and he also not~d that men's interests develop from the position they hold within the organizations and that rules and regulations may be used in the bargaining for authority and autonomy. Each organizational form whether personali stic or bureaucraticalso produces contro1 mechani sms (personal loyalty and rules respectively). Collins develops thi s theme of control strategies and organizational structure further.l
3.3.4 Political sociology
Weber's contribution to political sociology is firmly entrenched in his views on power and the modern state. Weber (in Bendix s 1966:240) defined power as II ••• the possibility of imposing one's will upon the behaviour of other persons ••• 11 and that in this sense power is the most general aspect of social relationships. Weber (in Wrongs 1970:147) distinguishes
1 See chapter 6s Section 2.1 and 2.2: 56
further between two basic types'of power: the domination of others that rests on the ability to influence their interests, and domination that rests on authori ty, i.e. the power to command and the duty to obey. Authority, furthermore, involves the unconditional wi llingness on the part of subordinates to obey a given command. Their obedience rests upon their shared beliefs that it is legitimate for the individual in the dominant position to impose his will upon them, and it is illegitimate for them to refuse obedi ence (Wrong, 1970: 149). Accordi ng to Co 11 ins (1975:63), although Weber's definition of power and authority is not the only possible one, it is considered to be the most useful to explain social relationships and people's outlooks.
Authority requires a reciprocal relationship between the rulers and the ruled. The rulers claim that they have legitimate authority to rule, and the obedience of the ruled is guided by their idea that the rulers' authority is legitimate:
"All rulers therefore develop some myth of their natural superiori ty whi ch usua lly is accepted by the people under stable ~onditions ••• " (Bendix, 1966:294).
However, if a crisis is experienced, the rulers' myth of authority may crumble and the legitimacy of the existing order may be questioned.
According to Parkin (1982:76), Weber was aware that obedience to commands could occur for other reasons such as respect for the people in control or from a sense of loyalty. However, the considerations of these reasons does not play an important role in the classification of the type of authority.
Wrong (1970:150) maintains that Weber contended that a distinctive feature of authority is a beli ef system that defines the exerci ze of social control as legitimate. Collins contends that history has shown that the legitimacy of authority has varied from· leaders claiming authority on the basis of the support of spirits and gods to leaders who claim to represent the rights of the nation. The latter is increasingly characteristic of modern politics. Furthermore, according to Collins 57
(1975:367) politics is nothing more than an individual defining himself as powerful, and using rituals to maintain his authority over others.
In all organizations that have been established formally, a legal authority structure evolves and a prototype according to Weber (in Wrong, 1972:151) is the modern government which has a monopoly over the use of force. A modern state exists where a political community possesses the following characteristics:
* An administration and legal order that is subject to change by legislation;
* an administrative apparatus that conducts official business in accordance with legislative regulation;
* binding authority over all persons; and
* the legitimation of the use of force (Weber in Bendix, 1966:413).
Wrong (l970:37) claims that Weber defined the state as II a human community that successfully claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of violence within a given territory ••• 11. This definition takes for granted that there are subjects of the state who wi 11 not acknowledge the legitimacy of its laws, or who will ·fai1 to abide by those laws. Therefore the state uses force to compel their compliance, or to make their non-compliance impossible. Such force is recognized as legitimate by those subjects who obey the 1aWe Pol itica1 power thus becomes co ercive and legitimate. Furthermore, because the state has the monopoly on the use of force, it is able to utilize non-coercive means to produce obedience effectively.
In contrast to Marxist theory in which the state is viewed as an instru ment of the ruling class, Weber believes that the state is a powerful community which has a natural desire to expand and increase its power over others. It will never become obsolete. 58
Collins analyzes the state, and although he mentions that numerous sociologist have defined the state, he expands on Weber's definition. Collins (1975:251) claims that the state is the army and the police i.e. it is an organization whose members are organized in such a way as to have control of the use of violence. The power of the state rests on its ability and willingness to use force both internally and externally.
It is impossible to give a complete analysis of the finer points of Weber's theory that are used by Co 11 ins. Thus in succeeding chapters, Weber's contribution will be highlighted where applicable.
Although both Marx and Weber play an important role, they are not the only theorists whose work is used by Collins. Ritzer (1983:111) claims that Collins used Marx as a starting point, but that the work of Weber, Durkheim and Goffman were also selectively borrowed from. In this regard Collins (1975:43) states:
"The path forward to a general explanatory theory is to bui1d on Weber's nominalist conflict approach to stratification and to orga~ization ••• Durkheim is to be borrowed from selective ly in order to round out the theory at the point of a fun damental understanding of the emotional and cognitive dynamics of interpersonal interaction."
3.4 ELEMENTS OF FUNCTIONALISM AND OTHER CONTEMPORARY THEORISTS IN THE THEORY OF COLLINS
3.4.1 Introduction
According to Collins (1975:42) there is an area of sociology which is on a different level of analysis, but in which major theoretical advances have been made concerning the principles of social interaction, for example who will talk to whom. The basic breakthrough was made by Emile Durkheim, when he demonstrated that interaction not only includes nego tiation but also emotional bonds to which we attach moral ideas. Erving Goffman, Collins contends, has extended these lines of analyses, as have 59
the phenomenologists. It is impossible to include an extensive analysis on the work of these theorists, and only those areas that are applicable to Collins' work will be mentioned.
3.4.2 Emile Durkheim
Durkheim's theories and methods have provided the foundation for a considerable part of modern sociology. Four major works by this theorist, namely The rules, of sociological method, The division of labor in society, Suicide and The elementary, forms of, religious, life, have assured him of a place in the history of sociological development. But Collins (1975:43) claims that it is the last work - The elementary forms of religious life - which presents II... a powerful model of ritual aspects of social behaviour as the key to emotional solidarity and to our most fundamental conception of reality". Thus Durkheim is borrowed from selectively, especially to highlight the emotional and cognitive dynamics of interpersonal interaction.
The central ~ssue in regard to the religious studies of Durkheim, was to explain the underlying social order of society in terms of the social processes that promote integration and solidarity. The social order refers in Durkheimian terms to the sources of support for the dominant institutional patterns of society, and thereby encompasses the shared values of society, and ideas of morality which are founded on religious beliefs and rituals. Thompson (l982:125) claims that Durkheim's basic orientation was that "••• reiigion is something eminently social". In this regard, religious representations are collective representations which are an expression of collective realities. Religious rites are a way of acting which takes place within the midst of an assembled group of people. These rites are designed to excite, maintain, or recreate certain mental states within the group. Therefore, religion becomes a force which creates within an individual a sense of moral obligation to adhere and conform to the demands made by society (Durkheim in Coser, 1977:136) • 60
Nisbet (1975:l64-l65) sums up Durkheim's treatment of religion as follows:
Firstly, Durkheim views religion as necessary in than it is a crucial mechanism for the integration of human beings, and as a realm of unifying symbols;
Secondly, religion plqys a crucial role in social change;
Thirdly, the fundamental elements of religion are social, i.e. rites, ceremonies, hierarchies and communities. In this regard, Nisbet (1975:l65) claims:
"The greatest power of re 1i gion 1ies ••• in what its symbols and rituals, its cult and ch~rches and sects, do to stimulate in man the sense..• of membership in society ••• The sacraments and the varied other rites concerned with birth, marriage and death bespeak the inalienable' union of religion with the crises of social existence. 1I
Fourthly, both Nisbet and Collins (1975:95) claim that Durkheim's treatment of r~ligion shows that there is an unbreakable relation between religion and the origins of human language and thought. In this connection," religious and other moral ceremonies are said to gi ve ri se to emotional bonds, and at tached to these bonds are symbols which enable men to carry the i r so1idarity II... in their he ads even when they are not together physically" (Collins, 1975:95).
Religion is according to Durkheim (in Nisbet, 1975:172) a reflection of man's relation with society. It is furthermore a system of ideals with which individuals represent to themselves the society of which they are members.
The case study which Durkheim chooses to demonstrate his thesis of the connection between religion and society, was that of the totemic religion of the Aborigini's in Australia. On the basis of this study, 61
Durkheim (in Thompson, 1982:130) contended that the basic function of totemism was to bind the clan members into a symbolic unity, in subordi nation to ~he collectivity which exerted a moral authority. It provides thus a basis of classification within the clan and becomes a key element in explaining the process of symbolization as well as the basis of social authority, and those principles which regulate the relations between social units that are engaged in interaction. Symbolization ari ses when a materia1 object serves to express the fee 1i ngs of de pendence between clansmen, i.e. it permits the clansmen to think of the complex reality of their group in simple terms. It fixes this object in the minds and emotions of the clansmen, and the symbolization is revita1ized during ceremoni es and ritua1 gatheri ngs. These gatherings ensure that the members develop a sense of participation, and dependency on the "superior" moral force (Durkheim in Thompson, 1982:l32).
Collins (l975:95) contends that these same principles apply to modern church services and their secular equivalents. In each case the follow ing basic elements are found: namely, a group that concentrates its attention with the aid of stereotyped gestures and formul as, thereby generating emotions which spread over the participants' cognition of the idea that is named or symbo1i zed during the ceremony. Colli ns also perpetuates Durkheims idea that language is fundamentally ritualistic because it requires two or more people who focus their attention by verbalizing, so that the repetitive quality of the verbalization becomes the essence of experience. A common emotion is ca11 ed forth whi ch reinforces the mutual attention, but also provides a symbol which transcends the here and now of concrete experience and makes it recallable in other situations. The emphasis on rituals as a mechanism that produces group solidarity, but that also helps to construct social reality finds a secure footing in the work of Collins; so too does the comparative historical approach proposed by Durkheim in which the emphasis is placed on a systematic comparison of similar cases and the possible variations that are produced.
Durkheim's work on rituals, the dynamics of emotional solidarity and the construction of social reality are according to Collins (1975:58) advanced by Goffman. Goffman carries on his micro-level analysis of 62
social rituals while emphasizing the materials and techniques of stage setting which determine the effectiveness of appeals for emotional soli darity.
3.4.3 Erving Goffman
Goffman has written extensively, but Collins makes only use of certain facets of Goffman's work. These facets include Goffman's emphasis on frontstage and backstage, the importance of rituals and the individual's ability to influence others.
According to Collins (in Ditton, 1980:178) the central themes of most of Goffman's earlier works are Durkheimian, in the sense that people's behaviour is seen through a lens of ritual and group-sustaining function. Goffman is scholarly correct, concerned with central questions in regard to the conditions of social order, generates comprehensive taxonomies of his own making, is faithful to a set of themes and above all is a theoretically orientated empiricist. In Collins' opinion,
Goffman's contr-tbuticns are II ••• most striking as developments of the major theoretical ideas of the twentieth century" (in Ditton, 1980:176).
Collins and Malinowski (1972:205) identified the following main elements in Goffmans work:
Firstly, an emphasis on radical emptr tct sm which looks in detail at exactly what happens in the situation that individuals are living through.
Thi s finds resonance in Co11 ins' own work where he stresses
that II ••• everything that happens in the realm of society happens to some person, and it happens to him from mi nute to minute••• " (Collins, 1975:111).
Secondly, all acts and social statuses should be viewed as products of interaction among peopl e. Co11 ins (l975:54) makes use of thi s idea especially when he claims that an individual's behaviour 63
is influenced by his contacts with others i.e. interaction. The field of contacts include work, friends, power relations and each of these contact situations' shapes the individual's thought and behaviour.
Thirdly, social reality is something individuals construct as they go
along. It is an II ••• enacted view of social reality ••• 11. This facet is also used by Collins (1975:60) when he implies that individuals live in self-constructed subjective worlds in which each individual's subjective experience is affected and/or controlled by others.
Goffman's work on the mi cro-1eve1 is ref1ected in Co11 ins' own mi cro approach to sociological theory.
(i) Goffman's approach to the self
One of the fundamental aspects of Goffman's writings is his approach to the self. Th~ basic assumption that Goffman makes in his analysis of the self is that a person defines the situation in which he finds himself on the basis of impressions that are given off by others in the same situa tion. On the grounds of the impressions that an individual gives off, other people in the situation ascribe to him a specific II se1f". However, the individual in the interaction situation may have a variety of motives for controlling or manipulating the impressions that others have
ll of him. The II se1f that is ascribed to an individual can be influenced and manipu1 ated. The self is thus a product of a show - an act - a performance (Van Zyl, 1976:177-178).
In any interaction situation two teams develop, namely the actors and the audi ence. Actors normally control the physi ca1 background whi ch "allows them to control the information that is passed on to the audience. The performance itself is described by Goffman as frontstage, in which the individual presents an idealized image of himself. For his performance to be successful, the individual must co-operate with others, i.e. teamwork. However Goffman also identified a backstage which 64
is adjacent to the front stage but separate. In this backstage, the actor can recuperate from hi s forays into frontstage performances. Goffman (in Ritzer, 1983:175) maintains that individuals engage in impression management to ensure that the audience does not enter their backstage. He further states that the social bonds between individuals who share common backstages are strongest because they must trust each other and guard each other·s secrets.
Collins uses Goffmans di stinction between the frontstage and backstage in his analysis of conversation. Collins (l975:129-131) maintains that when an individual talks about himself he is taking a great risk as he is allowing others. into his personal thoughts and feel ings, and thi s exposure requires an exchange built on trust. Trust is based on shared experiences, t ,e, the individuals should share a common background and lifestyle. The people engaged in personalized talk know the rules by which the talk is guided; in other words, they share backstages. Often actors who are gi vi ng a performance know something that the audi ence does not, and they are thus in a position to control information.
Goffman claims that in everyday interaction between individuals a clear, consistent and recognizable social reality is constructed. Transpolated to society, it is rituals which sustain society, and these rituals occur between individuals as they encounter each other. Rituals are also a central theme in Collins· work as he claims that individuals live in a ritualized world. Individuals who interact with each other are participating in a ritual. These rituals are not only used to define a situation, but are used by individuals in their struggle for power. This "ritual" aspect of Collins will be highlighted in the subsequent chapters.
(ii) Power, influence and control
Although Collins does not himself refer to Goffman's ideas on power, influence or control, the influence of Goffman·s ideas are clearly visible. For example, Goffman (in Ditton, 1980:110) conceives of power as a potential or capacity comprising resources. These resources can be 65
drawn upon by the individual in his attempt at adapting to a situation. The invocation of these resources is called tnfluence, which implies that the individual attempts to control others through information manaqement , t ,e, the individual attempts to define the situation and make his definition applicable to everyone involved in the interaction situation. Resources are an integral part of Collins' theory of stra tification and individuals use these resources to bargain for superior positions for themselves.
According to Rogers {in Ditton~ 1980:108}, Goffman refers to control in two ways. He uses it in terms of being a process and also an effect. The process of social control involves regulatory processes which take others into consideration as people who can assess the situation. Con trol as an effect involves having control of or over perceptions. This implies that control of people results from shaping their definitions of the situation, or determining what they perceive. Collins claims that the latter type of control is normative, and involves the individual's ability to control information. Control of information is an integral part of Collins' theories of stratification and organization. Those who control the, information have power and thus status. The control of information 'is a device used within an organization to administer control strategies.1
Collins (1975:43-44) maintains that Goffman's emphasis on ritual solidarity as a component of everyday social 1ife,the possibility of its manipulation t ,e, power struggles are two facets whi ch concern the deve1opmentof his own theory.
3.4.4 Ethnomethodology
In the analysis of Collins' methodological approach, the emphasis is on the construction of reality by individuals in interaction, and the deve1opment of structures by the repeated encounters between i ndi vi duals.
1 See chapters four and six respectively. 66
Although Collins does not use the ethnomethodologists in the strictest sense, he does follow their micro-level analysis of everyday life.
Ethnomethodology is considered to be a form of phenomenology in psychology, and a methodological extension of the IIverstehendell approach in sociology (VanZyl, 1975:5). In essence this approach states that order and structure in the interaction situation is not a given reality and an attempt should be made to ascertain in what way the participants in the interaction situation create and sustain order and structure. McKinney and Tiryakian (1970:17) sum up this approach in the following manner:
"Ethnomethodology considers as problematic what it regards that other sociological orientations take as given, namely the practices of everyday life by means of which actors structure and construct their world and its reality.1I
Garfunkel and Sacks (in Van Zyl, 1976:5-7) are considered to be the most productive writers in the application of this approach. Their work is on the sociology of language as social interaction and Garfunkel's research concerns the following:
* That everydqy conversations contain more meaning than that which is implied in the words used;
* that conversation itself implies a "common meaningful context";
* that lithe cOlllJ1on meaning" that results out of conversation, exists on the basis of a preceding process of intersubjective interpretation; and
* that the everydqy interaction situation is rational by nature, so that the meaning of others.' words can be understood in terms of the rules which guide our formulations.
For Collins (1975:44) the ethnomethodologists have developed new insights into sociology. He contends that he is not "doing" ethnometho- 67
do logy ina strict sense, but what he intends to do i s app1y the "spirit" of the approach to the study of stratification. His basic point of departure is that by looking at conversation he will be able to show how the mechanisms of his theory of stratification work.
Collins also stresses that he understands social structure to be some thing that is enacted from moment to moment, and that reality is what ever people negotiate a belief in. He implies that this approach can be loosely applied to stratification in the following manner:
* Most human social situations are conversational situations.
* Each conversational situation is defined by previous conversations.
* Life is a series of ongoing negotiations because if people cannot talk to each other, they cannot have much of a relationship (Collins, 1975": 113-114)•
3.5 SUMMARY.
The eclectic approach of Collins can be clearly seen from an analysis of his work. The major theorists whose work he has used included Marx, Weber, Durkheim, Goffman and the ethnomethodologists. However, Collins also uses Lenski, Woodward, Thompson, Michels and Freud, to name but a few, to support his formulations. These theorists' contributions will be mentioned in the relevant chapters in this text - and thus no attempt will be made to discuss their work in this chapter. At various points in the proceeding chapters, references will also be made to the work of the theorists already mentioned. 68
CHAPTER 4 ATHEORY OF STRATIFICATION
4.1 THEORETICAL ORIENTATION
The central focus point in Collins' conflict theory is stratification and the struggle for wealth, power and prestige that occurs. According to Collins (1975:49), stratification and the struggle for status touch many features of man's social life.
On the basis of the distinction between the radical and analytical conflict traditions in the previous chapter, the conflict theory developed by Randall Collins can be placed in the analytical tradition. Conflict theory, says Collins, is "••• the most appropriate vehicle ••• " for creating a successful explanatory theory of sociological phenomena (Collins, 1975:14).
What Collins proposes to do, is to explain a wide range of social phenomena on the basis of a conflict of interest which occurs in the pursuit of status, as well as the resources and actions available to individuals/people in their pursuit of wealth, power and prestige (Wallace and Wolf, 1986:130).
In this respect, the conflict tradition is used as an approach to scientific inquiry, and Collins does not take a moral standpoint in this regard. Indeed, Collins (1975:ix) claims that he is being realistic by focusing on conflict and not moralistic.
"Thi s book focuses on confli ct because I am attempti ng to be realistic, not because I happen to think conflict is good or bad." 69
Collins develops his theory of stratification by using three classical models, namely: Marxism, Functionalism1 and Weberian sociology. Although Collins (1975:49) contends that these theories fail to account for the complexities of stratification they cannot be forgotten.
"But even though the great theoretica1 models of stratifica tion are failures, their hulks remain in full view, too massive to be dismantled, too central to be forgotten. 1I
4.1.1 The influence of conflict theorists on the work of Collins
Collins (1975:56) claims that the conflict tradition is the most fruitful tradition of explanatory theory. The theories of Machiavelli and Hobbes, Marx and Weber2 are used as points of departure by Collins, even though these theorists focused on structure and the macro-level of sociological analysis.
4.1.1.1 Machiavelli and Hobbes
Collins (1975:51) states that the basic elements of the conflict approach were recognized by Machiavelli and Hobbes. Their contributions lie in their explanation of human behaviour as an effect of individual self-interests in a materiali.stic world which is ruled by threat and Violence. The following quotation illustrates this point:
liMen follow their own interests, success breeds honour, power breeds ambition, morality is based on violence ••• " (Collins, 1974:148).
1 Functionalism as represented by the work of Durkheim. 2 Collins (1975:43) classified Weber as having a nominalist conflict approach. 70
Machi ave11 i and Hobbes (i n Colli ns, 1975:57), both viewed socia1 order as a result of organized coercion and identified an ideological realm which underlies the power struggle. According to Machiavelli (in Collins, 1974:148) the ideological realm can be manipulated by the elite in their struggle for power.
The basic elements of interest, coercion and ideology are expanded upon by Collins in the related chapters on stratification and organizational theory.
A more specific contribution to conflict sociology was made by Karl Marx who, although writing from a macro-level perspective, provided the basis for the conflict theory of stratification.
4.1.1.2 Karl Marx
Although Marx's brand of sociology is classified as radical, Collins (1975:56) claims that various elements of Marx's formulations can be used as a foundation upon which to build a comprehensive conflict theory of stratification. The three Marxian elements which Collins makes use of include the following:
Firstly, the class division is determined by the ownership or non-owner ship of property; i.e. material conditions. These material conditions influence how a person will make a living, and lead to a struggle for control over the ownership of property (Col lins, 1975:57).
Secondly, material conditions also affect the mobilization of the social classes into an organized political force. Collins (1975:57) contends that the abi1i ty for the soci a1 class to organize itself depends on its abi1ity to form a "... coherent, in tercommunicating group "and communication, therefore, becomes an element which affects the differences in class 1ifestyles. 71
Thirdly, material conditions incorporate the means of mental production (Collins, 1975:57) and this implies that those who control the material conditions also control the ideological realm. The control of the ideological realm reflects another level of dis tinction between classes (Collins, 1975:58).
Marxian sociology, therefore introduces three elements upon which Collins builds his theory, namely, property, the mobilization of interests through communication and the control of the ideological realm. However, Collins (1974:159) views Marx as 'having placed too much emphasis on the principles of economics which has resulted in a one-dimensional approach. It is Collins' view that the classical Marxian Model which primarily focuses on the economic domain
" ultimately assumed a monocausa1 explanation for a mu1ticausa1 world" (Collins, 1975:49).
The abovementioned principles, i.e. property, mobilization of interests through communication and the control of the ideological realm, are illuminated in the work of another German Sociologist, Max Weber. Collins views Weber's model as a "new paradigm" in the ongoing problem of building a scientific theory of stratification.
4.1.1.3 Max Weber
The contribution of Max Weber to the development of Collins' theory may be divided into four distinct categories beginning with a tripartite model of class, status group and party, adding the means of emotional production as an area of struggle for control, focusing on a theory of organizations1 and lastly emphasizing the coercive potential of the state.2 To begin with, the Weberian model of stratification encompasses a "tripartite" categorization between class, status group and political party. Collins, (1975:53) uses Weber's categorization, but claims that
1 See Chapter 6. 2 See Chapter 7. 72
each category yields information concerning the way people think and behave because they are areas of contacts with others.
Apart from this, Weber's insight into religion is significant. The insights concern the "means of emotional production" (Collins, 1975:58) which underlie the power of religion; transform classes into status groups; underlie ethnicity and make legitimacy a focus point in the question of domination. According to Collins (1975:58) Weber's insights parallel those of other authors who claim that certain forms of inter action are designed to arouse emotions and a sense of solidarity in the community, especially ,via participation in rituals. These rituals can then be used in the struggle for power, whether external or internal to the community; they can also be used to legitimate some group's domination over the other. In other words, emotional solidarity does not supplant conflict, but becomes a weapon - a resource - to be used in a power struggle.
Furthermore, Collins claims that Durkheim and Goffman expand on the mechanisms of emotional production but they do so within the framework of Weber's theory.
Collins (1975:59) proposes that Weber's theory of religion highlights a further distinction between people, in that the basic hierarchy that is implicit in religion, i.e. the distinction between ritual leaders, ritual followers and non-members of a community, is found in all types of "stratified solidarities".
An important criticism that Collins levels at both Marx and Weber, is that they vi ew stratifi cati on on the macro-l eve1, as a 1adder or an ordinal scale in which one class is higher than the other. In this connection, Collins (1975:51) proposes that no person has ever seen anything human that resembles a ladder and that human society consists of people.
In the same vein, Collins (1975:52) criticizes Marx and Weber for focusing on structures that do not exist: 73
II as when class or status categories make us think in terms of distinct associationa1 groups that no one has ever seen. 1I
Collins (1975:53) maintains that "structures" can only be found in the real behaviour of people as they go about their dai 1y lives. He, therefore, claims that instead of trying to place individuals as members of a group, it would be far more productive to seek out those facets that influence an individual's behaviour and make him associate with others:
IIInstead of trying to place individuals as members of certain groups, I should look for a set of influences on how each individual behaves, including what will make him associate with others in particular ways. Thus we can incorporate both the categorizing and the associationa1 side of stratification theoryll (Collins, 1975:54). ' .• The Marxian and Weberian approach to stratification, although grounded in the macro-level of sociological analysis, provides only part of the solution to. the problem of developing a comprehensive explanatory theory. A positive effort at solving this problem, may be found in phenomenological sociology.
4.1.2 Collins' approach: phenomenological sociology
It is Ritzer (1983:109) who contends that Collins' approach to stratifi cation has more in common with phenomenological or ethnomethodologica1 theories than with Marxian and Weberian sociology.
Collins (1975:53) himself claims that although Weber's approach is on the way to a solution of establishing a comprehensive explanatory theory, phenomenological sociology provides the answers. 74
4.1.2.1 Phenomenological sociology
In phenomenological sociology, all concepts are grounded in the observable aspects in everyday life. Structure becomes nothing more than the repetitive encouters between individuals in everyday life and therefore Collins (1975:53) proposes that the subject matter to be used in the development of a theory of stratification, becomes II ••• the observable behaviour of individuals in everyday life ••• 11.
By using this type of approach scientists are able to see just how individuals construct ideas of reality and maintain them in the progressive negotiations of their social encounters. According to Co11 ins (1975: 55) this approach is useful to the conf1 ict theory he wishes to establish, as the negotiations between individuals indicate the mechanisms by which interpersonal influences operate, i.e. power relations:
"This is particularly useful for a conflict theory that seeks to avoid the pitfalls of treating the reified ideology of dominant groups as the fundamental' rea 1ity of group 1ife. Ideas are constructed according to the power resources diffe rent people have as they encounter each other. The details of interpersonal negotiations show us the mechanisms by which social influence over mind and body operate. Power relations and their accompanying forms of reality construction can thus be understood as the key to the realm of 'class' variables ••• The social construction of reality can be treated in detail as the mechanism by which different sorts of associations in fluence the individual; and the kinds of subjective reality an i ndi vidua1 constructs he1ps to exp1ain what associ ations he will choose to carry on. 1I
Based on the variety of principles extracted from Marxian sociology, Weberian sociology and phenomenology, Collins makes several assumptions of his own, which underlie his theory of stratification. 75
4.1.2.2 Collins' assumptions and postulates
The four basic assumptions made by Collins (1975:59) include the following:
Firstly, although Collins is aware of the macro-level of sociological analysis, he is committed to micro-sociological analysis. Stratification becomes reducible to people in -everyday life encountering each other (Ritzer, 1983:108). The focus of Co 11 ins' work is thus on the individua1 1eve1 and structure becomes reducible to the repetitive encounters between individuals.
Secondly, each individual constructs his own subjective reality, but the process of construction depends on communi cation wi th other
peop1e and therefore Co 11 ins (l975:60) conc1udes that II •••
ll people hold the keys to each other's identities • This assump tion is reflected in the work of phenomenological sociologists.
Thirdly, in the encounter with others, each individual seeks to maximize his own subjective status, according to the resources available
to, him and to his rivals.
Fourthly, the conflict perspective proposes that although humans are sociable, they are prone to conflict. The reason for the proneness is that violent coercion is always a possible resource in any relationship and it is always a zero-sum sort. Furthermore, Collins (l975:59) contends that when coercion is used in any circumstances, the experience will be unpleasant, and confl ict, in the form of antagonism to being dominated, wi 11 be elicited. Coercive power may also be used to obtain certain goods and deny them to others and therefore, the availability of coercion results in conflict being everpresent in the society and in interpersonal relationships.
The aim of Collins is to build a scientific, general explanatory theory of sociology by establishing a set of definite and testable statements (Collins, 1975:47). 76
Throughout his work~ certain main themes can be identified and these themes are based on eight basic postulates identified by Collins (1975:73)'which include the following:
(i) Each individual constructs his own subjective reality.
(ii) Individual cognition is constructed from social communications.
(iii) Individuals have power over each other's subjective reality.
(tv) Each individual attempts to maximize his subjective status to the degree allowed by the resources available to himself and others he contacts.
(v) Each individual values highest what he is best at and attempts to act out and communicate about it as much as possible.
(vi) Each individual seeks social contacts which give him greatest subjective status and avoids those in which he has lowest status.
(vif ) Situations, in which differential power is exercized and withdrawal is not immediately possible, implicitly involve conflict.
In summary then, Collins' (l975:60) eight basic postulates imply that individuals live in self-constructed subjective worlds in which each individual's subjective experience is affected and/or controlled by others. People, in other words~ influence and control each other in any situation, i.e. reciprocal interaction takes place. Within the interac tive process, antagonism will result if individuals try to control each other, resulting in interpersonal conflict.
In this sense, Collins views life as a struggle for status, in which individuals use all their available resources, inclUding other people, to help them achieve the best position possible. 77
The resources can be obtained in three areas of contacts with others, namely, the work situation, associationa1 contacts and the political arena. Each area of contact wi 11 be analyzed wi th reference to the availability and control of resources in the contact area, which may influence the individual's pursuit of wealth, power and prestige.
A distinction is also made between general resources and specific resources that an individual may use in a specific situation.
4.2 GENERAL RESOURCES
Two general resources to be used in the pursuit of status were identified by Collins, namely, communication and rituals.
4.2.1 CODIDunication
When people encounter each other they commun i cate wi th each other. Therefore, the physical world is not the only world that is lived in but there is another world which consists of talk, t ,e, a symbolic world (Co 11 ins, 1975: 103) •
It is through the world of talk that individuals are able to shape their social relationships and construct their own subjective realities. Con versations then become the building blocks of all social networks (structures) whether formal or informal (Collins, 1975:45).
Collins, (1975:91) assumes that by explaining the intricacies of conversation, he will produce the core of a theory on stratification:
"If we can explain who will talk to whom and about what, we wi 11 have the centrepiece for a grounded theory of stratifi cation and socta1 structure."
In simpler terms, it is necessary to find out whom the individual meets, what his motivation is to converse with others and the resources which the individual has available; i.e. what determines conversation. 78
4.2.1.1 Determinants of conversation
Three determinants of conversation were identified by Collins, namely, proximity, motivation and available resources.
(i) Proximity (Nearness)
The pre-condition for most social structures is the face-to-face contacts between individuals (Collins, 1975:132). Within any situation, those individuals who are accessible to each other, will talk. Collins refers, in this regard, to occupational situations and neigbourhoods.
According to Collins (1975:133) the friendships that form within a neighbourhood can be predicted by the nearness of houses and apartments, . the sharing of pathways, etcetera. However, proximity should never be isolated as the main determinant of conversation, because people must want to talk to each other and therefore proximity should be connected to motivation and the availability of resources.
(ii) Motivation
A conversation is an exchange which takes place between two or more people. Each individual in the conversation wi 11 attempt to negotiate the best possible exchange for himself so that he can obtain inter personal status.
Collins (1975:134) claims that the things being exchanged vary and thus the motives will vary too. However, the exchange itself becomes a resource through which a person may optimize the amount of respect and support he receives from others. In other words, the individual is motivated to participate in a conversational exchange because by doing so he can maximize his personal status. 79
(iii) Resources and constraints
Meeting someone in a face-to-face encounter does not ensure con versation. Conversation depends on having something to talk about, i.e. havi ng the necessary resources. Co 11 ins (1975: 135) contends that the resources come from a number of areas such as shari ng practi cal con cerns, socio-po1itica1 interests, participation in entertainment, a common 1anguage, mutual acquai ntances and so forth. Thi s type of re source is referred to by Collins <1.984:198) as "cultural capttal", and can easily be reinvested in future conversational exchanges.
Collins (1975:200) also identifies emotional energy as a resource which determines what the person "feels" about the conversation he/she is about to participate in, how much the person wants to talk to the other and how successful each person feels he/she will be within the conversa tion he is about to enact. In other words, an individual's feelings will act as a resource for the conversational exchange.
Non-conversational resources, for example strength, are also avai1ab 1e and according to Collins (1975:136) tend to come from outside the conversational realm. Other non-conversational resources include power, wealth, styles of entertainment, the control of information, personal contacts, physical attractiveness, etcetera (Collins, 1975:136).
Any individual who wishes to enter a conversational exchange, needs both the opportunity and the resources to do so. If the individual has both opportunity and resources, he will be able to create and maintain the new relationship which develops and which is necessary for the con struction of his own subjective reality. The individual with a great number of resources wi 11 tend to dominate the conversation, as he/she has more emotional energy, self confidence and cultural capital at his/her disposal.
Collins (1975:115) contends that different people have different resources for carrying out a conversational exchange, implying an unequal dispersion of resources between individuals who enter the conversational exchange. However, resources may also be obtained during 80
the conversational exchange. Stratification is, thus, a cause and consequence of the inequality of resources between people entering the conversational exchange.
In any conversational exchange there are constraints placed on who is accessible to whom. Collins (1975:137) contrasts traditional society where inequalities in power dominated the conversational market; and urban society in which the individual has certain conversational and non-conversational resources with which to enter any conversational exchange. In this sense, Collins (1975:137) claims that the conversa tional markets move towards an equality of exchanges. Furthermore, the choice of a conversational partner in the conversational market may also be under constraint. For example, small towns, says Collins (1975:137), present limited conversational markets and the dominant individuals have to be given the correct amount of deference. This places constraints on the conversational market.
The resources an i ndi vidua1 has play an important ro1e in his or her ability to enter a conversational exchange. The individual, however, must also remain aware of the constraints existing in the conversational market.
4.2.1.2 Types of conversation
Collins (1975:115) identifies six categories of conversation. These categories are neither exhaustive nor mutually exclusive and include the following:
(i) Practical talk
Practical talk makes up the social context of individuals' work roles. It consists of work talk and shop talk. The former is engaged in order to carry out a task and the latter is talk that is engaged in when there is something to talk about, even while doing the job (Collins, 1975: 115) • 81
An individual's occupational position1 depends on his ability to engage in practica1 talk, the i ndividua1 must acqui re a specialized 1anguage before he is admitted into an occupation. Generally, the higher the position, the more highly specialized the talk becomes (Collins, 1975:115,119). Therefore, Collins (1975:116) concludes that:
"Each occupation is a little world of sp_ecialized language. Admittance requires learning the language."
A related dimension to the specialized language issue, is specialized knowledge. Informal power is given to those individuals who possess knowledge that others require so that they may carry out their work. By giving advice, the advice-giver shows his superior status and by demonstrating that he is approachable, he becomes popular which is in itself a type of informal power.
A further dimension of practical talk is the authority that it conveys. Power is depicted in the organizational milieu on the basis of who gives and who receives orders. The higher an individual's position, the more likely he is to give orders.
The individual's movement in the occupational milieu habituates him/her to a specific form of conversation, which is extended to other con versational relationships. The individua1 .. who is able to do "practical talk" is likely to have more power and status than other individuals.
(ii) Ideological talk
According to Collins (1975:121), ideological talk in the private realm refers to men's conversations about politics and religion and these two conversational topics divide men into separate groups. Politics and religion are highly emotional issues and are matters of the utmost seriousness. Any conversation about politics and religion will last only
1 See section 4.3. 82
if the participants agree on certain key tssues, Individuals who have strong political and religious views generally seek others who share their views to talk to. Individuals who hold antagonistic views are avoided because any conversational exchange between unequa1s implicitly involves conflict and a possible loss of status.
Collins (1975:121) claims that different people have different resources for entering into ideological conversation. Politics and religion seem to be the "staple" topic of conversation between individuals in higher status groups.
(iii) Intellectual discussion
Collins (1975:121) contends that if people talk about books, ideas, the natural or soci a1 world for the sake of pragmati sm, then these people < •• are involved in intellectual discussion. In this type of talk, it is the verbal part of the interaction between participants that is important (Collins, 1975:122).
Intellectual discussion a1 so reveal s a di stinction between those who know and understand the subject under discussion and those who know nothing about it at all. A conversational elite is formed by those who dominate the conversation, which reinforces the differences between people. Being able to participate in an intellectual discussion implies an increase in the individual's status.
Practical talk, ideological talk and intellectual discussion are viewed by Collins (1975:124) as being impersonal and universalistic types of conversation. The following conversational types are for the sake of enjoyment and are more personal in nature.
(iv) Entertainment talk
Entertainment talk involves talk that engenders feelings of enjoyment. Participation in entertainment talk depends on the participant's ability 83
to generate a conmon bond, as well as a certain degree of shared viewpoints and values. Thus, entertainment talk can lead to the exclusion of some people in the conversation (Collins, 1975:125).
However, ta1k about entertai nment a1so occurs. To ta1k about entertainment necessitates having the recources which permit the individual to develop certain tastes. People who have different resources, therefore have different tastes in entertai nment; and thi s could lead to strain in their conversational exchange (Collins, 1975:126).
Collins (1975:125) states that the values that are expressed in enter tainment talk are derived from life experiences and will therefore reflect the stratification differences between people.
(v) Gossip
Gossip involves judging one's acquaintances, discussing personal relationships. and evaluating the lives of one's acquaintances (Collins, 1975:127).
Gossip requires careful negotiation as an individual reveals his own personal standards and relationships and successful gossip depends on shared values between participants. However, gossip may enforce barriers between individuals in the sense that an individual who does not share the same acquaintances or values as the gossipers, will be left out of the conversation.
Within a conversational exchange consisting of gosslplng, those indi viduals who know who is being gossiped about and who share the same values and evaluative standards, will tend to have more status.
(vi) Personal talk
Personal talk is talk about oneself and ranges from the superficial to the intimate. Superficial talk is polite and the participants are 84
distant, whi le intimate conversations centre on shared feel ings and highly emotional relationships (Collins, 1975:128).
Any individual who talks about himself is taking a great risk. He is allowing others into his personal thoughts and feelings and this exposure requires an exchange characterized by trust. Trust is based on shared experiences of the individuals in the relationship. The indivi dua1s share a common background and 1ifesty1e and therefore know the rules by which personal talk is guided. Equality then becomes an important factor in exchanges that are personal in nature (Co11 ins, 1975:129-131).
Any individual involved in personal talk requires a listener or listeners of equal status, as the individual who is narrating his personal story must be supported in his endeavour. If the listener or listeners are not of equal status, the narrator may lose status and open himself to a hostile counterattack. In other words, the wrong listener mqy cost the narrator a great deal in terms of status.
Relationships. of a personal type are not always friendly and can easily become hostile. Collins (1975:130) is of the opinion that exchanges which are sociable by nature, generate more hostility than disputes of a practical nature. To illustrate this point, the following quotation is used:
liAs we know, most murders are committed by persons who knew their victims personally" (Collins, 1975:130).
In any type of conversational exchange, a division is noticeable between those who can participate and those who cannot. Each individual has specific resources available to him when he enters a conversational exchange and if he successfully negotiates his place, he will feel more self-assured and future negotiations will not be viewed with unease. Conversation, then, is a chain of negotiation which implies the inclusion or exclusion of any individual in group membership of some kind (Collins, 1984:199). 85
Conversation is interaction, duri ng whi ch symbo1s whi ch represent the group membership are generated. Conversation is, therefore, a ritual through which emotional bonds are created because conversation incorpo rates two or more persons who are physically near each other, who focus on a common subject/object and who then co-ordinate their gestures and actions (Collins, 1975:58).
We live in a world of talk, which implies that we live in a ritualized world. Collins (1975:58) claims that man is an animal with strong emotional needs and therefore certain interactional forms are designed to arouse emotion, create common beliefs and a sense of solidarity. These interactional forms are rituals.
4.2.2 Rituals
Rituals are used to symbolize the relationships of dominance and submission and to produce solidarity within a group.
Rituals that ~nderlie group stratification do so because, according to Collins (1987:201), the groups are the aggregate of individuals' thoughts and conversational behaviours. In other words, the relation ships of dominance and submission which occur between individuals are generalized to depict the relationship between groups.
However, rituals may also be used to produce solidarity within the group, i.e. they are the means through which emotional bonds are created between group members.
Collins (1975:58) contends that rituals underlie the power of religion; they transform classes into status groups, territorial communities to identifiable ethnic groups and they make legitimacy a crucial aspect of domination.
Collins (1975:58) makes use of the work of Durkheim, Goffman and Weber to show how rituals develop and are used as a resource in the struggle for wealth, power and prestige. 86
4.2.2.1 What are rituals?
From the work of Collins (1975:94); it can be deduced that rituals are stereotyped activities and behaviours which are repeated constantly.
Collins (1975:58) claims that rituals arise from the physical co-pres ence of individuals during which they focus their attention on a common object which not only results in the co-ordination of their activities but also creates emotional bonds.
The basis of experience for individuals is their repeated conversational interactions with others. These interactions result in a shared definition of reality and the creation of collective symbols. The periodic recurrence of the interaction results in the development of a mutually reinforcing emotional bond (Collins, 1975:65,94).
4.2.2.2 Rituals and stratification
According to Collins (in Johnson, 1981:493), rituals on the micro-level of interaction reinforce the stratification system of society.
Individua1s in a position of dominance wi 11 use ritual s to dramatize their power and will manipulate the rituals in such a way that those individuals in the submissive position will wish to maintain the status quo; f ,e, participation in the rituals by both parties ensures the existing distribution of wealth, power and prestige. The individuals in the dominant position will, in other words, define the situation and make it applicable to everyone.
In comparison, the individuals in the submissive position wi 11 use rituals to dramatize their efforts at detachment and autonomy from the existing definition of the situation. Their effort is to "save f'ace" in a situation characterized by differential distribution of resources. In other words, they will try to manipulate the definition of their position so that they do not lose too much status (Johnson, 1981:493). 87
The rituals through which the subordinates show respect to those in a position of dominance are called deference rituals. Collins (1975:100) mentions the following three types of deference rituals:
Firstly, assymetrical rituals which involve the showing of deference in a one-way relationship, for example, a worker listening to orders from hi s superiors and/or a chi ld being instructed by his parents to do something.
Secondly, mutual deference rituals, in which both people treat the other with respect. The mutual deference ritual is likely to occur between individuals with equal status.
Thirdly, the collective deference ritual, in which groups show respect towards a symbol or a leader, for example, flag salutes at parades or congregation's silence during a church service.1
Every individual is motivated to maximize his status position so that he may receive more deference from others.
4.2.2.3 Ritual, emotional solidarity and power
Collins (1975:59) contends that rituals producing emotional solidarity may be used for domination within a group, for domination of one group over the other, or they can be used to impose a "hierarchy of status
1 Co11 ins, in Chapter 4 of his work, traces the history of deference and demeanour from simpler societies to private households. In each type of society, Collins indicates how the rituals of deference and demeanour are practised. Collins (1975:157) pays particular attention to status competition in America. He describes the resources of the upper class and the rituals which characterize their everyday lives; as well as the changes that occurred which .affected the lives of the upper class. Collins (1975:2001) also refers to the entrepreneurs and the middle class and how they use rituals in their daily lives. According to Collins (1975:210) these deference cultures have evaporated and the status stratification wi 11 continue to change. Several causal principles were formulated by Collins on the basis of the historical background. 88
prestige" in which one group dominates the other by providing an ideal which is to be emulated, i.e. definition of reality.
Rituals, therefore playa crucial role in the struggle for power within groups and between groups; and once the basic rituals are established, they can be deliberately manipulated (Collins, 1975:102) by individuals or groups in their struggle for power. Power, according to Collins
(1975:102), depends on an individual's ability to make IIr aw coercion into ritual deference" and to draw feelings of emotional solidarity from threats and punishments.
The abi 1ity to manipu1 ate emotional sol idarity becomes one of the main weapons - resources - to be used in the struggle for power within groups and between groups. Collins (1975:102) states, with regard to the use of rituals in the struggle for power, that:
"Power in human society depends heavily on leaders being able to make raw coercion into ritual deference and especially being able to draw on spontaneous feelings of emotional solidarity by incorporating emergency, transition, and celebration rituals in the exercizes of threat and pun; sh ment."
The control of rituals, then is another resource to be used in the struggle for wealth, power and prestige, both on the individual level and the group level.
4.3 SPECIFIC RESOURCES
Apart from the general resources, several specific resources are available to an individual in his pursuit of status; they include occupations and associationa1 groups. 89
4.3.1 Occupation
Collins (1975:61) claims that occupations are among the most important resources available to individuals in their pursuit of status.
The fundamental importance of occupations5 according to Collins is that they are the way peop1e keep themse1ves alive. However, the way people relate to each other in the work situation differs greatly and these basic differences become the basis of the class cultures.
Collins (1975:62) identifies three dimensions of occupations which are important for the development of class cultures.
4.3.1.1 Power as a dimension of occupations
Power is one of the crucial elements used to define the differences among work situations because it is in the occupational sphere that the individual has contact with others and either exerts an influence over, or is influenced by, the power relationships between himself and others.
Collins (1975:63) claims that many definitions of power exist, but the most acceptable is the Weberian definition where power is considered to be the ability to secure compliance against someone's will to do otherwise. Collins (1975:63) states that since individuals are the referent, power becomes that whi ch wi 11 directly affect someone' s behaviour, namely, the giving of orders.
On the basis of giving orders, Collins (1975:63) distinguishes amongst three classes; name ly, those who take orders from few or none but gi ve orders to many; those who defer to some but command others, and those who only take orders. The continuance from upper class through middl e class to working class corresponds to this dimension. 1
1 Although Collins (1975:63) corresponds the classes with order-giving or order-taking, it will not be discussed in this Chapter. What is of importance is that Collins stresses that the differences in power po sitions are the most fundamental determinant of mens' outlooks. 90
Being in a position to give orders affects the behaviour of the order giver and the order-taker. The former must have a bearing, think certain thoughts and speak authoritatively. The 1atter must 1i sten and execute the order and thi s involves sUbjugating himself to the order-giver' s domination.
The act of subjugation impl ies confl ict because in situations where differential power is exercized, and coercion is a potential resource, conflict is likely to be present. As Collins (1975:63) so aptly states:
"0ne animal cows another to its heels: That is the archetypal situation of organizational life and the shaper of classes and
cultures. II
4.3.1.2 Communication as a dimension of occupations
Collins (l975:64) proposes that the volume and diversity of personal contacts becomes another dimension of occupational cultures.
Within the occupational world, an individual meets others and converses with them. The conversations may be about practical issues; for example, to ask advice on how certain tasks are to be completed; or it may be sociable, that it, talk for talk's sake within the work situation.
According to Co11 ins (1975:64) hi gher occupational positions are characterized by their abi lity to sustain relationships with a 1arge number of people.1 However, some occupations do necessitate contact with many people but have a low occupational position, for example, salesmen and entertainers.
1 The ability to sustain relationships with a large number of others is referred to as cosmopolitanism (Collins, 1975:64). 91
4.3.1.3 Wealth and physicality as dimensions of occupations
With regard to wealth, Collins (1975:66) proposes that organizational forms of power produce the income which is a determinant of an individual's outlook. Money can be used to buy goods or resources that an individual can use in his pursuit of status. Collins (1975:217) sums up the effect of wealth in the following proposition:
PROPOSITION 6.7: WEALTH IS USED TO PRODUCE THE GREATEST AMOUNT OF SUBJECTIVE STATUS POSSIBLE UNDER GIVEN CONDITIONS OF STRATIFICATION.
The physical demands of an occupation are another aspect of occupations that correlates with power. Those in a position of power can force others to do the "dirty work" and then reap the benefits. Collins sums up the effect of physicality on the individual's lifestyle when he states that:
"But physical demands do influence lifestyle, making the lower classes more inured to hardship and dirt, and allowing the upper to be more effete and fastidious" (Collins, 1975:66).
The basic theme that emerges from the discussion of occupations as a resource, is that those in a position of power are normally those who give orders to few and take none, are paid accordingly and thus have wealth with which to support a certain type of lifestyle and whose work makes few physical demands. The individual who has a lower occupational position with a comparative power position, has to make do with less wealth and greater physical demands.
Collins (1975:64) .wanted to show how the amount of occupational deference the individual gives and gets affects the individual's behaviour. Collins "formulated the following propositions which can be used to highlight the effects of the giving and taking of orders. 92
PROPOSITION 1.0: EXPERIENCES OF GIVING AND TAKING ORDERS ARE THE MAIN DETERMINANTS OF INDIVIDUAL OUTLOOKS AND BEHAVIOURS. (Collins, 1975:73)
PROPOSITION 1.1: THE- MORE ONE GIVES ORDERS, THE MORE H£ IS PROUD, SELF ASSURED, FORMAL AND IDfNTIFIES WITH THE ORGANIZATIONAL IDEALS IN WHOSE NAME ~£ JUSTIFIES THE ORDERS (Collins, 1975:73)
PROPOSITION 1.2: THE MORE ONE TAKES ORDERS, THE MORE HE IS SUBSERVIENT, FATALISTIC, ALIENATED FROM ORGANIZATIONAL IDEALS, EXTERNALLY CONFORMING, DISTRUSTFUL OF OTHERS, CON CERNED WITH EXTRINSIC REWARDS, AND AMORAL (Collins, 1975:74)
PROPOSITION 1.3: THE MORE ONE INTERACTS WITH OTHERS IN EGALITARIAN EXCHANGES, THE MORE rlE ACTS INFORMAL, FP'TENDLY, AND TENDS TO ACCEPT OTHERS' IDEALS (Collins, 1975:74)
PROPOSITION 1.4: THE MORE ONE BOTH GIVES AND TAKES ORDERS, THE MORE HE COMBINES BOTH FORMALITY, SELF-ASSURANCE, AND ORGANIZA TIONAL IDENTIFICATION WITH SUBSERVIENCE AND EXTERNAL CONFORMITY; ~E IS LITTLE CONCERNED WITH THE LONG RANGE OR ABSTRACT PURPOSES OF THE ORGANIZATION (IN WHOSE NAME HE IS GIVEN ORDERS), BUT STRONGLY IDENTIFIES WITH HI~ OWN SHORT-TERM ORDER GIVING RATIONALE; hE ATTEMPTS TO TRANSFORM ORDER-TAKING SITUATIONS INTO ORDERS THAT Kf PASSES ON TO OTHERS (Collins, 1975:74)
Occupations also influence the establishment of social ties in the sense that people who share the same work situations generally have something to talk about which leads to conversational exchanges and the establish ment of friendships. Furthermore, jobs bring people together who share the same occupational levels and whose incomes ensure that they live in the same neigbourhoods (Collins, 1975:80-81). All this serves to promote associational ties between individuals and thus occupations serve as a resource in the establishment of associationa1 groups. 93
4.3.2 Associationa1 groups
Although occupations remain one of the prime determinants of asso ciationa1 group formation, and resources to be used in the pursuit of status, other factors which influence an individual's outlook and behaviour include sex, age, education, ethnicity and recreational group membership (Collins, 1975:82)
Each of the abovementioned is a resource whi ch can be used by the individual in his pursuit of wealth, power and prestige; and each factor may also contribute to the formation of a distinct stratified group.
4.3.2.1 Age and sex
According to Collins (1975:83) the different age groups each have their own interests which they pursue and available resources which they use. They therefore tend to form their own special group. The same principle applies to the sexes.1
4.3.2.2 Education
Education has become a prominent facet in our lives and Collins has treated education as an important basis for status group differences (Wallace and Wolf, 1986:133).
(i) Historical trends
Collins (1979:4) proposes that historical trends show the rising importance of education. This sketch of the historical trend includes nine~eenth century schooling and post-World War Two education.
1 Age and sex stratification are discussed in the following chapter. 94
In the mid-nineteenth century, formal school ing was of 1ittle impor tance, but towards the end of the century stress was placed on training of some sort. However, it was only after World War One that firm requi rements for entrance to a profession were estab1i shed, especi ally for higher education.
The Depressi~n led to an expansion in the general schooling system and after World War II, the necessity of an education was established. Today most jobs require one form of schooling or another. In modern industrial society, increased technology has led to a need for highly ski lled workers and this in turn has further emphasis on education as a determi nant of success.
(ii) Education as a determinant of success
The reason that education has become a determinant of success is that those who are highly educated have set up the job requirements in favour of the educated. Education in thi s sense, becomes a criterion for selection. The. individual is selected to do a specific job because he fulfils the requirements.
If people recognize education as an important route to success, they set out to acquire more of it so that they can achieve greater status (Collins, 1975:88; Collins in Wallace and Wolf, 1986:134).
There is growing evidence, however, that although formal education provides the required job skills, the better educated are not necessarily more productive than the lesser educated. Furthermore, Co1lins (1979: 17) produces evidence to suggest that what is taught at schoo1s or on theoretica1 courses does not necessari ly 1ead to the acqui rement of ski11. It does, however, raise the status of the pro fession and this implies that education becomes a resource to be used by an individual in his pursuit of status. The main purpose of education in this sense, is to assign rank. 95
Education, therefore contributes to the distinction between classes and individuals. Those who have an education generally form an elite group that forms a status group on its own. Education remains a prerequisite for a job in any society, i.e. it it used as a resource in the struggle for power, wealth and prestige. (Collins, in Wallace and Wolf, 1986:133) as the educated have set up job requirements in favour of those who are educated.
However, education is not the only variable which contributes to a distinction between people. A connected variable is ethnicity which acts as a clear indicator of the differences amoung people.
4.3.2.3 Ethnic groups
1 Another resource to be used in an i ndi vidua1 s or group 1 s struggle for < •• wealth, power and prestige is his or their ethnicity.
According to Collins, (l975:84) ethnic groups are territorial groups that have been. transplanted to another place and have thereby come into contact with outsiders. This occurs because of migration or conquest. The ethnic group is transplanted into a multi-group situation where groups vie with each other for power.
Ethnic groups arise from a cultural community which has a particular occupational, political, household and recreational structure. The group is held together by the possession of a common culture; i.e. they share common values which arise from common experiences.
The ethnic group forms a distinct group on its own and its position in society depends on ~hether or not the group members are successful in their struggle with other groups over power and economic positions. In a society where stratification takes place on the basis of ethnicity the dominant ethnic group will ensure that it reserves the best positionss for itself, economically, socially and/or politically. This serves to reinforce the distinctions between the ethnic groups (Collins, 1975:86). 96
Individuals, in their pursuit of wealth, power and prestige will have to determine whether their ethnicity is a valuable resource or not.
4.3.2.4 Recreational groups
Recreation is an activity that is engaged in by almost everyone in the modern affluent society; and for some it has become the most important reality (Collins, 1975:83).
A repetitive theme in the work of Collins is that everyone tries to arrange situations so that he can maximize his own' subjective status. Games and entertainment are worlds of their own in which individuals can display their skills. Individuals normally engage in these activities in which their skill stands out. The resources that individuals have at their disposal will determine what type of games or entertainment they will participate in; i.e. money and occupational outlooks can influence what one likes. For example, contact sports are popular with the working class, and the upper classes can support opera because they can afford it (Collins, 1975:84).
However, styles of entertainment also provide a system of stratification all on their own. An individual's outlook is not only determined by his job, but also by how he dominates in the entertainment circle. Collins (1975:84) highlights how entertainment styles affect an individual's outlook, when he states:
II ••• being a star or a mediocre amateur athlete or culture buff can be an additional determinant of dominant or subordinant attitudes in an tndtvtdual ,"
The associational group variables of age, sex, education, ethnicity and recreatton, are variables that affect individuals in their everyday life. Status groups emerge in an effort by individuals who share the same characteristics to provide support for one another in their attempt at defining their subjective realities. Essentially then, those individuals who are similar, band together to 97
develop a distinctive life style, from which others are excluded (Collins in Johnson, 1981:496).
By belonging to a particular status group, the individual has a resource available to him that he can use in his pursuit of status and power.
4.4 SUMMARY
The central focus point in Collins' conflict theory is stratification, and the struggle for wealth, power and prestige that occurs.
Collins emphasizes that the subject matter for his theory of stratifica tion can be got from the existing work of the following theorists, namely Marx and Weber.
Marxian sociology introduces three elements which are important, namely:
* the ownership/non ownership of property;
* the mobilization of interests through communication; and
* the control of the ideological realm.
Weberian sociology introduces the following elements into Collins' work, namely:
* the tripartite model of stratification which encompasses economic class, status group and political party;
* the emphasis on religion as the facet with transforms classes into status groups; makes legitimacy a central point in the question of domination and which introduces the distinction between leaders; followers and non-members of any "stratified solidarity". 98
ll, However, Collins points out that these theorists focused on II st ruct ure and that he wishes to focus on a micro-sociological analysis. Accordingly, Collins (1975:59) assumes the following:
* Stratification is reducible to people in everyday life who encounter each other;
* each individual constructs his own subjective reality based on his interaction with others;
* each individual wishes to maximize his own subjective status according to the resources he has available to him;
* conflict is always present, as coercion is always a possible resource.
Collins formu1 ates eight basic postul ates,1 and in summary they imply that individuals live in self-constructed subjective worlds in which each individual's subjective experience is affected and/or controlled by others. Within. the interactive process, antagonism will result if individuals try to control each other, resulting in interpersonal conflict. Life then, becomes a struggle for status, in which people use all the available resources, including other people, to achieve the highest possible position.
Resources may be divided into general or specific resources.
General resources, include communication and rituals. It is by talking to others that individuals shape their social relationships and construct their subjective realities. Collins (1975:91) assumes that by explaining who will talk to whom, about what and for how long, the central point for stratification will be found. The interaction process itself depends on face-to-face contacts with others, the individual's willingness to converse, the shared topics of conversation, and
1 See section 1.3. 99
non-conversational resources such as strength. In simpler terms, the individual must be presented with· the opportunity and resources for conversation to take place.
In any conversation, a division is noticeable between those who partici pate and those who cannot because they do not have the necessary resources. In his analysis of the six types of converset.ton' namely, practical talk, ideological talk, intellectual discussion, entertainment talk, gossip and personal talk, Collins highlights that conversation is a ritual through which emotional bonds are established between those who participate. Those who are not able to participate are thus excluded from group membership.
Rituals, the second general resource identified by Collins (1975:100), are used by individual s in positions of dominance to dramatize their power; and by individuals in submissive positions to "save face" in situations where they have little status. But rituals can also be used by groups, either to produce internal solidarity, or to define a reality in which a particular group has more status than other groups.
Collins (1975:102) concludes that rituals thus playa crucial role in the struggle for power within and between groups.
Several specific resources were identified by Collins, and they range from occupations, age, sex, education and ethnicity to entertainment.
An occupation· is one of the most important resources available to individuals in their pursuit of status. It is in the occupational sphere that the individual encounters a power relationship between himself and others. This power relationship is based on the giving of orders. The order-giver is the .authoritative figure, whi le the order-taker subju gates himself to the order-giver's domination. Thus, those who are in power give orders to few and take none, are paid in accordance and they use their wealth to live a certain lifestyle. The individuals in lower
1 See 4.2.2.2. 100
occupational positions take orders and make do with less income. Occupa tions also bring people together i.e. they promote the development of associational ties.
Membership of a particular group also influences an individual's status. The association group may be formed on the basis of age, sex,l educa tion, ethnicity and entertainment.
Education is an important route to success and status t ,e, it assigns rank. The reason for thisis that those who have an educati on have formed an el ite group and have set up job requirements in favour of these who have an education.
Ethnicity is also an important factor which influences status. In a society based on ethnic distinction, the dominant ethnic group will reserve the highest status positions for itself on economic, social and political levels. Each individual who pursues status, will have to decide for himself if his ethnicity is a valuable resource or not.
Recreational groups are formed by individuals who have the necessary resources to pursue a particular type of entertainment. However, Collins emphasizes that if an individual is a mediocre athlete or a cultural fundi he can acquire a certain status.
Essentially those indi vi dua1s who are simi 1ar bond together to form a distinct group on its own, from which others are excluded. This group membership may be a resource which the individual can use in his pursuit of wealth, power and prestige.
1 Age and sex stratification wi11 be dealt with in the following chapter. 101
CHAPTER 5 AGE AND SEX STRATIFICATION
5.1 INTRODUCTION
Stratification in general depends on the ability of an individual to use those resources that are available to him in his pursuit of status. In every encounter that an individual is likely to have, he competes with others for a dominant position, on the basis of his resources and the resources that others have. Besides the general and specific resources identified in the previous chapter, two further dimensions within a family context were identified by Collins, namely age and sex. These dimensions allot a variety of resources to an individual which he may then use in his pursuit of status. For example, on the basis of being a man, an tndtvtdual will have physical strength which he uses as a re source to obtain a superior position. On the basis of their allotment, resources may be distributed unequally; this in turn leads to conflict, and for this reason, the conflict approach is propagated by Collins. Within the conflict approach, the explanatory principles can be developed. However, Collins I conf1 ict approach is in contrast to some approaches and an expansion of others.
5.2 THEORETICAL ORIENTATION
Collins is aware that there are others who have paid attention to the field of family sociology. Although some have made a worthwhile contribution, others have been ideal i stic and in thi s connection he refers specifically to functionalism. 102
5.2.1 Functionalism
Functionalism is considered to be the traditional theory which is used in Family sociology. An analysis of the family in the functionalist mode imp1 ies that the fami 1y contributes to the total functioning of the society (Collins, 1985:16).
The family in society serves several purposes. The major purpose is that of reproduction which ensures that society will continue across generations. Another purpose underwrites the sexual division of labour. The male and female roles are considered to be mutually reinforcing, and thus it contributes to the maintenance of the system. As Collins (1975:225) himself claims:
"The sociology of family, kinship, and socialization has been the bastion of functionalism, framing its analysis against an ideal system in which men, women, and children all fit nicely in their p1aces."
However, Collins rejects functionalism as unrealistic and stresses the need for establishing a general explanation on the basis of conflict.
5.2.2 Conflict theories of the family
Collins identifies three main conflict orientations to the family.
5.2.2.1 Marxism
According to Collins (1975:232) the Marxian approach involves particular economic conditions which stipulate the sexual domination of one group over another. These economic conditions are related to the existence of the capitalist system in which sexual inequality is explained in terms of capitalistic exploitation. 103
Co llins proposes that economi c condi t ions do play a ro1e in sexua1 stratification, but that the initial situation between men and women is coercion, and the state is a further element that interacts with economic conditions in determining sexual stratification. The Marxist tradition fails to recognize that the most basic desire is sexual gratification, and not labour:
..... men have appropriated women primarily for their beds, rather than their kitchens and fields, although they could certainly be pressed into service in the daytime too" (Collins, 1975:232).
In this sense, Collins (1975:232) identifies a" longstanding pru dishness ..... in the Marxian theory of family which has, he claims, deterred its development.
5.2.2.2 Feminist theories
Feminist theorists have an approach in which economic discrimination against women is used as a point of departure. However, since economic conditions are of lesser importance, it is the "system of institutional sexism or patriarchy" which is in operation, that interested Collins the most (Collins, 1985:19).
According to the feminist theories, men are an interest group that act to uphold their advantages over women. Women, however, do not passively accept this state of affairs and history becomes a series of struggles between men and women for domination. In simp1 er terms, the fami ly system at any given moment, is the result of a power struggle which exists between men and women.
Men have had the most power resources in most societies, and therefore most family systems tend to have been dominated by men. In modern times however, women are equally able to acquire power resources, which should precipitate a more egalitarian system (Collins, 1955:19). 104
Although Collins mentions the two theories namely, Marxism and Feminism, his main point of departure incorporates the theory of Sigmund Freud.
5.2.2.3 Freud
Collins (1975:226) contends that it was Freud who began the conflict model of sex and age stratification. The relevant ideas that Freud propogated concerning stratification, include the following:
(i) Freud accepted Darwin's claim that man is an animal and therefore he has certain physical appetites and instinctually aroused behaviours.
(t t) Freud, like Durkheim, saw emotional arousal as the basis of social ties; and unlike Durkheim, saw that such ties are normally ambivalent,' incorporating both attraction and domination.
(iii) According to Collins (1975:226), Freud, like Mead, accepted that human co~sciousness becomes internalized through interaction with other individuals. However, Freud went beyond Mead, and showed that all communication involves a struggle for control, and that when the dominant person's communications are internalized, intrapsychic conflict is likely to occur.
(iv) Freud proposed that conflict underlies the sexual and power struggles between males and females, and between adults and
children. Furthermore, Freud claimed that: II ••• blind, selfish
lust for sexual pleasure is a crucial motive in everyone ••• 11 (Collins, 1975:227); and an inhibited striving for love is likely to emerge where social conflicts require that motive be toned down or displaced.
(v) Freud hypothesized that the primary condition of an organism is egocentric and se1f-assertive,1 and that forms of control arise
1 See Collins (1975:73) or postulates IV and V, that were formulated by Collins in the previous chapter. 105
as a consequence of external control (Collins, 1975:227). In this sense, Freud's perspective emphasizes intrapsychic conflict which ref1 ects and i nterna1i zes socia1 conf1 i ct; and soci a1 bonds are explained by the outcomes of the struggle for emotional gratification.
Co 11ins contends that Freudi ani sm and Marxi sm are ali ke, as a realm of real motives and material conditions as well as a covering ideology or "false consciousness" that is a result of domination are identified by both theorists (Collins, 1975:227).
(vi) Collins (1975:227) proposes to use Freud's theory to explain the structure of the family; t ,e, the relationships between men and women, adults and children; because:
"••• a great many soci a1 arrangements can be exp1ai ned by sexual and aggressive motivations, and that these are suppressed precise ly to the degree that external con flicts overpower the individual. Ideal conceptions of virtue and social membership are to be explained as ideologies imposed by the structure of dominance."
Although Freud's emphasis is on childhood, Collins stresses that the main theme to be carried over to his work, is the manner in which sexual and aggressive motives determine the behaviour of adult men and women in their encounters with each other in everyday life.
5.2.3 Collins' approach
The general approach of Collins reflects his ambition to construct a powerful explanatory science, and not to reflect who is better than whom. In this sense, Collins is not interested in who rules, but in the variables that contribute to who wi11 dominate whom. In regard to hi s own approach Collins (1975:277) states that: 106
liTo press for a conflict theory of sex and age stratification must bean effort at a superior level of detachment, not simply a plea for the underdog; the aim of constructing the most powerful explanatory theory requires seeing the resources and interests of the conflict in their fullest light, not to elevate the ideals of one particular party into our standard of theoretical adequacy."
In his study of sex and age within the family context, Collins intends to identify those resources that the sexes and ages have - and that they use to obtain an advantage over others. These resources are used to bargain for a superior position and therefore to obtain power. Sex and age are said to be dimensions of an individual's life that exercize a substantial influence on his relationship with others.
In conclusion then; Collins (1975:225) contends that the family is just another dominance structure in which a certain degree of inequality is enforced.
The two major dimensions within the fami 1y that enforce these in equalities are sex and age. The sex dimension refers to either male or female dominance in respect of who acquires a superior work or political position, who does household labour, and who controls the scheduling of sexual intercourse. The age dimension implies a similar structure in which the older generation exercizes control over the younger generation's behaviour and definition of reality (Collins, 1975:225).
5.3 SEXUAL STRATIFICATION
Collins (1971:3) claims that the most basic element of sexual strati fication is the human sex drive and male physical dominance.
Collins formulated three postulates in connection with sexual stratification: 107
(t) "All human beings have strong drives for sexual gratification" (Collins, 1975:228).
(i t) "Human beings all have the capacity for aggressive arousal, particularly in response to being coerced" (Collins, 1975:229-230).
(iii) "Males, on the average, are bigger and stronger than females in the human species ••• resources for social domination are di stributed unequally between the sexes in general •.•" (Collins, 1975:230).
Following from these propositions, Collins claims that virtually all human societies are sexually active, and ~emales appear to have been sexually repressed more than men. This implies that in every society, there is some type of power situation that sets the conditions in which men and women pursue their interests, including sexual gratification. However, the resources available to each of the sexes differ, and are unequally distr~buted, implicitly involving conflict.1
Collins (1975:231) proposes that the unequal distribution of resources in its simplest form refers to the superior size of the male. Males are considered to be the sexual aggressors whi ch imp1i es an element of coercion being present ina11 everyday sexua 1 encounters. The ma 1e' s dominance has therefore historically shaped the fundamental features of the female's role. In this sense, men have taken advantage of their strength, and recurrent behaviour or "structure" would seem to reflect an underlying situation\of power conflict.
After considering the three postulates, Collins (1975:230) concludes that: " without considering other resources, men wi11 generally be the sexual aggressors and women will be sexual prizes for men."
1 See Collins (1975:73) or postulate VII and VIII. 108
Furthennore, family organization, which Collins proposes is a stable form of sexual possession, can be founded on conditions that detennine how violence is used. Political organizations are the organizations most concerned with violence, so if the political situation upholds a certain type of economic situation, changes in the relationship between men and women are likely to occur. In this regard, Collins (1975:230) says that:
"••• when the political situation restricts personal violence and upholds a particular kind of economic situation, economic resources occuring to men and women can shift the balance of
sexual power and hence, the pattern of sexual behavior. II
Sexual possession is in essence sexual property. In this regard, property refers to a relationship among people which is enforceable by the society.
5.3.1 Sexual property
Collins proposes that the basic feature of sexual stratification is the insti tution of sexua1 property. Sexua1 property becomes the re 1ati ve1y permanent claim to the exclusive rights over a person (Collins, 1975:234). In other words, the key to property is the right of possession, the right to keep someone else from possessing your property, and the willingness of society to back up these rights. However, vari ations in sexual property are 1ike ly to occur, especially if their is a shift in the balance of power between men and women. In this regard, Collins (1975:235) states:
"With male dominance, the principle fonn of sexual property is male ownership of female sexuality; bilateral sexual property is a modern variant which arises with an independent
bargaini ng position for women. II
Sexua1 property in thi s sense becomes the basi s of the fam; ly, as Levi-Strauss (in Collins, 1975:235) indicated: 109
"Men taking permanent sexual possession of particular women constitutes the biological fami ly; chi ldren are part of the family because they belong to the women and hence to the owner
of the women. II
Levi-Strauss also noted that the negative side of sexual property is reflected in the incest taboos. For example, incest between siblings viol ates the property ri ghts of the father to give hi s daughter as sexual property to another.
In modern societies, a marriage becomes the contract that guarentees the property rights of individuals. This is reflected by the fact that marriages are not considered to be legal until the sexual relationship has been initiated (Collins, 1975:236). Sexual property is thus the basis for family structure• ..• Throughout hi story, rna 1e domi nance has been vi ewed as the basis for sexua1 property; however, Collins claims that variations on this theme have occurred.
5.3.2 Variations in sexual stratification
Sexual stratification is a phenomenon that can vary, and this variation results from two factors: namely, the use of force and the market positions of men and women. These two factors play an important role in determining the degree of domination of one sex over the other.
Coll ins (1975 :237) contends that where force operates freely, male dominance will determine the sexual stratification of the society; however, in a market 'characterized by state control of the use of force, a more egalitarian form of sexual stratification is likely to be present. In other words, if the sexual market changes, the dominance pattern is 11 kely to change as we 11. Furthermore, although these two factors operate independently it is the social structure that determines the distribution of force and produces the individual resources that are used in a sexual market. In this regard Collins (l975:237) intends to 110
compare four historical cases in which four main types of social structures and their effects on sexual stratification will be discussed. Furthermore, Collins asserts that the four types of social structures are ideal types.
5.3.2.1 Low technology tribal societies
The low technology tribal societies are characterized by a subsistence economy, and little economic, political or status stratification (Collins, 1975:239). Sexual stratification exists but in a mild form, and is characterized by male dominance in the enforcement of sexual property ri ghts. However, women cannot be forced to do too much work since everybody in the society must work. Men and women then share a relatively equal market position; and although male strength is a possible resource to be used to enforce sexual property rights, the need for survival limits the male sexual property rights. '.
5.3.2.2 Fortifi~d households in stratified society
The basic unit in most historical pre-industrial societies is the fortified household (Collins, 1975:240). Within these households, it is the owner of the economic and political resources who monopolizes the use of force, and in most cases this owner is male. Stratified below the head of the household is the rest of his fami ly and his workers or servants.
In this type of social organization, Collins maintains that male sexual domi nance is maximi zed and women are exp1oited. In the higher socia1 classes, women are viewed as valuable exchange property, and because of this they are guarded so that they do not lose their market value (Collins, 1975:241).
Collins (1975:241) maintains that ·women in this type of society, are used as sex objects for the men who own them. He substanti ates this statement by referring to the Bedoui n Arabs where women are generally considered to be a lesser creatures than men: 111
"In highly warlike societies like that of the Bedouin Arabs, the resul t is an overriding concern for adultery and the institution of extreme control over women. The ideal of female chastity (including premarital virginity) is an aspect of male property rights and is regarded as enforceable only by males; women are commonly regarded as sexually amoral, unc 1ean and lacking ;n honor, and hence, are to be controlled by force" (Collins, 1975:241).
Women however, may obtain power, but they are still subordinate to men. Collins indicates that one way for a woman to achieve power is by dominating the servants in the household.
The fortified household in a stratified society therefore promotes male dominance in the use of force, and is further characterized by an unequal market situation between men and women.
5.3.2.3 Private households in a market economy
Collins (1975:242) proposes that the development of a centralized bureaucratic state produces a market economY which has ramifications for the sexual roles.
The changes that occur in the sexual market involve a reduction in the males use of force, although he still remains the head of his household. However, men monopolize the economY and in so doing they attain economic wealth as a resource.
A free marriage market is likely to be organized around a bargaining situation in which men trade their economic and status resources for the possession of women.
Women are potentially able to negotiate their own sexual relationships; however, their main resource remains their sexuality; i.e. their attractiveness. 112
A romantic ideal develops in which the sexual bargaining of a relation ship occurs through idealized gestures and symbolization, i.e. there is no direct negotiation (physical force) but a covert attempt to keep the relationship on the surface. Courtship thus becomes important, and the ultimate goal becomes a socially recognized legitimation of the rela tionship; t ,e, marriage. Courtship necessitates male deference to the woman before and after the marriage and the ideal relationship becomes that of mutual fidelity and sex within the bond of marriage. Men's aggressive tendencies are therefore displaced, and are supplemented by an emphasis on mutual tenderness. This shift to tenderness is increased by the stress on emotional support and companionship which is seen by Collins (1975:244) to coincide with the rise of the nuclear family.
Collins'(1975:247) sets the first rise in the position of women in the Victorian period. It is during this period that women developed a status sphere on their own. However, there was a great deal of prudery (sexual repression) during this time which is indicated by the fact that men's natural sexual dominance, although recognized on the surface, had to be suppressed. The women's sexuality suffered the same fate.
The sexual market in this type of social organization was on the surface equa1, but man's use of force and a woman's sexua1ity were still recognized resources to be used in the bargaining process.
5.3.2.4 Affluent market econ~
An affluent market economY has led to widespread employment opportuni ties for women. This in turn has given rise to a free sexual market in which the woman has been relatively freed from the bonds which pre viously prevented her from realizing her full potential. Collins (1975:249) in this regard states that:
"To the extent that women have thei r own incomes, they are free to strike their bargains without economic compulsion; and their incomes may become a bargaining resource of their own." 113
Although the woman now has an income of her own, her economic position is relatively subordiflate to that of the man. Her other resources still include her physical attractiveness, social standing, compatibility and emotional support (Collins, 1975:250). A reverse has occured with reference to the previous emphasis on female attractiveness. Women may bargain for men's attractiveness because they no longer rely on men for economic resources.
In an affluent market economY, men are still the aggressors and pursuers, and women play the role of the sexually pursued sex. Sex, therefore, is still used as a bait to bring about commitment in a relationship.
Attractiveness in modern society is still regarded as an important resource to be used in an attempt to maximize one's status. Women who are attractive but 1ack other resources generally opt for the more conventional male-female relationship. Women who are talented and attractive break with convention and enter into a egalitarian bargaining market. Attracti ve persons tend to demand more deference than unattractive persons. The unattractive will normally pursue a lasting relationship relying on conmitment and emotional support as resources (Collins, 1975:253).
In spite of the progress made by the women in society, Collins contends that discrimination against women will ensure that she retains a lesser role in any society. He points out that:
"Sexual stratification is not about to disappear, although its forms may become more complex" (Collins, 1975:254).
Collins (1975:254) maintains that this type of historical comparison is necessary to indicate that the degree of subordination required from women is determined by the use of force, economic resources and the women's "exchange" value.
Women are in a favourable market position when they have economic resources of their own and power at the personal level has been removed. 114
Male domination, on the other hand, is firmly established where power is concentrated in the hands of the head of the household.
Sexual property seems then to be the basic phenomenon that characterizes the relationship of men and women throughout the ages. Collins proposes that if it is so, then II ••• by implication we have the basis of a
ll conflict theory of family and kinship, and of other related behaviours • (Collins, 1975:254).
Collins extends his theory of sexual stratification to include kinship, which he claims can be viewed as II ••• a network of economic, legal, and status relationships II (Collins, 1975:254) that extend along sexual property 1ines.
5.3.3 Family and kinship structure
Kinship in essence becomes an extension of sexual property. Collins (1975:254) claims that:
"••• kinship tells us of the variations within the main types of sexual property out1ined earlier."
According to Collins (1975:254-255), family and kinship involve three distinct variables.
Firstly, descent and inheritance of property are ascertained in the fol lowing ways: matrilineal, patrilineal, and bilineal. A further distinction is made within these three major forms in terms of descent traced from siblings, cousins, aunts, uncles and even remote relatives.
Secondly, variations occur in living arrangements and these variations include matrilocality, patrilocality and neo10ca1ity.
Thirdly, variations exist in the organization of sexual propertyr, for example monogamy, polygyny and polyandry can occur. 115
It is Collins' intention to construct a typological grid with the main variable being the resources that produce sexual stratification.
Three main kinship structures were identified by Collins (1975:255-258), and they include the following:
(i) The first pattern to emerge is where lineage type is determined by the distribution of economic resources' among men and women.
Horticultural societies are characterized by a matrilineal descent and inheritance pattern. Kinship systems are large and complex as is the economic division of labour. Hunting and gathering societies have a less distinctive matrilineal pattern, and the structure of the group is made up of kinship ties.
Although men were relatively dominant, family life was organized around the women and they did most of the productive work.
Agrarian societies are ch~racterized by a patrilineal pattern as men control the economy. Kinship ties are negotiated by using women as the exchange property.
Highly bureaucratic and conmercialized societies are character ized by a bilateral kinship pattern as property has become individualized as current income is more important than inheritance. Descent and inheritance are, according to Coll ins (1975:255), treated in a more ad hoc fashion.
(ii) Living arrangements are a supplementary to the explanation of lineage structure. In this regard, if a matrilineal pattern exists, matrilocal systems almost always occur; the same can be said for patriloca1ity and neolocality. Collins maintains that locality of the home is a matter of convenience.
(iii) Lineage syst~s summarize a certain amount of information about sexual property. 116
Collins maintans that polyandry is rare and it would tend to produce conflict within the dominant sexual class and the end result would be the appropriation of women by the dominant males. Stable polyandry does occur in cases where there is a shortage of women. However, violent disputes concerning the possession of women is still likely to occur.
Polygyny on the other hand, occurs where men are superior to others to such a degree that they are able to possess several wives. Female subordination is a pre-requisite as severe sexual stratification is produced in these circumstances. Polygyny seems to disappear in commercialized societies, accompanied by the development of secular ideologies that enforce monogamy.
Sexual stratification therefore varies from society to society and in terms of historical ages. Collins highlights that in each type of social structure, there are male and female resources available, that a system of sexual roles evolves as well as a dominant sexual ideology. Collins entrenches sexual stratification within the family context, and proposes that the sex dimension of family life enforces inequality. The other dimension of family life that Collins reviews is age.
5.4 AGE STRATIFICATION
Collins (1982:132-133) proposes that just as a question of sexual property ari ses between men and women, so too does the questi on of generational property arise amongst the various age groups. In other words, certain age groups have the necessary resources to control others. For examp1 e, parents have the power ' forcefully to keep children in their houses, and send them to school. However, children have ~he right to claim a place in their parents' home, to part of their parents' income, and to care. Therefore age stratification becomes a study of those resources that the various age groups have available to them, which help to determine the power they wi 11 have over other age groups, thei r abi lity to formul ate ideologies and to make them the prevailing definitions of reality. 117
Coll ins follows his previous work method in identifying various theoretical perspectives on age.
5.4.1 Theoretical overview
Collins (1975:259) claims that most of the literature available on childhood is based on an idealized adult point of view and five different theoretical view points are given on socialization.
The first ideology identified by Coll ins is that of functional ism. Functionalism argues that fami1ies are a functional necessity for the survival of society~ and therefore parental domination just happens to exist. Socialization becomes nothing more than the process of passing on culture which implies that society perpetuates itself. Coll ins states that this ideology does not say why parents want to socialize their children; i.e. it does not account for individual motives. Neither does it explain changes that may occur in the behaviour of adult society.
Secondly, the socialization school admits that socialization is an ongoing process. Changes, however, may occur because adul ts are continually renegotiating relationships. Furthermore, the socialization of the chi ld is an interactional process between the participants, and the outcome is a negotiated product which changes according to those changes in the resources of the parties involved.
Thtrd ly, the reinforcement theorists claim that socialization is a one-sided control model in which the child is punished or rewarded until the desired behaviour is produced. Collins maintains that the re inforcenent approach has several weaknesses which include artificial settings for their research and the exclusion of subjective elements such as emotion and the influence of interaction. Coll ins a.grees that rewards and puni shment do have an effect on behavi our, but the crucia1 question remains II ••• who is rewarding or puni shing whom? II (Collins, 1975:262) 118
The fourth ideology includes those studies of cognition and language which correct the anti-cognitive bias of the behaviourists, but which has serious weaknesses of its own. This model unfortunately ignores once again motivations and social interactions. The fact that people influence each other is also ignored.
The fifth ideological approach is phenomenology. This perspective high lights the social construction of reality which, according to Collins, he1ps us to understand that cogni tive development is a process of negotiation. The concentration of resources in the hands of adults leads to their imposing their II ••• standardized verbal meanings upon the behaviours of the chiId" (Collins, 1975:263). The chi ld is then mani pulated to live in a world already defined for him. The phenomenological approach is thus the forerunner of the work of Goffman in Co 11 ins I categorization.
The dominating theme in the work of Goffman is the social construction of reality. Goffman distinguishes between frontstage (idealized per formances are carr-ted off), and backstage (in which actors prepare to recuperate). In everyday life, it is the frontstage that is enacted and what one thinks about (backstage) depends on what one has talked about with others. In idealized situations that have no conversational back ground, emotional reactions are controlled as far as possible.
Furthermore, emotional behaviour is linked to the verbal consciousness, and the individual continues to react emotionally towards others regardless of the verbal content of the interaction. In other words, there is an unconscious e1enent to behaviour. The unconscious may be IIrecovered" through providing a label for the areas of experience.
Collins proposes that the dynamics of power and solidarity in human relationships depends on the unconscious forms of behaviour. In this regard, the authority that parents have over their children operates by keeping the fear of punishment on the non-verbal level. This is done by monopolizing the verbal consciousness through the idealized structure of control. 119
Collins proposes that a combination of Freud and phenomenology provides a powerful model on which to build a comprehensive theory of age stratification. He further proposes that developmental psychology is a study in age stratification. In summary then Collins (1975:265) claims that:
"Whatever their ages, indi viduals maneuver for their best possible position; whatever results from this will end by being called 'the way it is' by those who find their own advantage served by it."
5.4.2 Parental resources
Following Collins' formulations in the general theory of stratification, an individual will always attempt to maximize his resources but in relation to the resources of others around him.
Three main resou~ces tied to age differences were identified by Collins (1975:265-266) •
5.4.2.1 Time
The first resource that the age group has is time. Collins proposes that being there first, gives the older group an advantage. This is due to the older generation being able to accumulate advantages and resources which put the younger generation at a disadvantage. The individual who comes first, starts to build the network of corrmunication first and therefore take the centre position for himself. He therefore defines the reality of the situation and makes his definition absolute. The later arrivals may either accept the given state of control, or seek to construct a counter network. This is also applicable to the occupational sphere.
Collins proposes that the socialization of children follows the same steps. Adults will organize the pre-existing order against new arrivals. Changes do occur, but the possibility for widespread conflict exists. 120
5.4.2.2 Size and strength
The potential resource in any personal encounter is physical coercion.
As in sexual stratification where men are considered to be the dominant species because of their strength, so too are the adults in relation to the children. Size and strength become resources to be used by adults; i.e. it becomes a control strategy.
However, adults are also able to provide goods which young children need to survive. Once children are old enough to acquire resources of their own, they may counterattack the size and strength of the adult, result ing in the renegotiation of the adult-chi ld relationship. The rene gotiation generally implies a likelihood of conflict.
5.4.2.3 Physical attractiveness
Physical attractiveness is identified by Collins as another resource to be used in the bargaining of a higher position in the status hierarchy. In the case of sexual stratification members of the opposite sex use their physical attractiveness in their bargaining for a relationship. In age stratification, individuals from various age groups differ in their physi cal attractiveness. For exampl e, babies are a source of direct pleasure for adults as they can be cuddled and petted. Collins (1975:266) sums up this facet of the parent-child relationship rather crudely when he says:
"One of the main resources of infants and small children is the direct pleasure they can give to adults as pets."
At the other end of the continuum, chi ldren find adults a source of pleasure, thus they consolidate the adult-child relationship, and bargaining takes place between both age groups. Collins (1975:285) sums up this facet in the following proposition: 121
PROPOSITION 9.4.1: THE MORE ATTRACTIVE THE CHILD THE MORE SUCCESSFUL IT CAN NEGOTIATE DESIRED TREATMENT FROM ADULTS.
These resources that parents have also prescribe the types of control strategies that parents will use.
5.4.3 Parental control strategies
Parental control strategies depend largely on what techniques the parents can afford.
Four main types of control strategies were identified by Collins (l975:267-270) namely physical punishment, shame and/or ridicule, love deprivation, and material and/or social rewards.
5.4.3.1 Physical punishment
Physical coercion is considered to be a potential resource in all relationships.
Violence is considered to be a relatively cheap resource to be used by parents who 1ack other resources. Physi ca1 puni shment when used as a control strategy tends to produce boys who are aggressive towards their parents and outsiders.
Collins proposes that physical punishment by the dominant group elicits counter-aggression by the subordinated group. In proposition form the physical punishment as a control strategy can be summed up as follows:
PROPOSITION 9.11: THE GREATER THE USE OF PHYSICAL PUNISHMENT BY THE DOMINANT AGE GROUP, THE MORE COUNTER AGGRESSION BY THE SUBORDINATE GROUP, THE MORE EMPHASIS PLACED ON EXTERNAL CONFORMITY AND THE MORE THE SUBORDINATES WILL VALUE THE POSSESSION OF POWER (Coll ins, 1975:284). 122
5.4.3.2 Shaming or ridicule
As a control strategy, shaming and ridicule tend to emphasize conformity to the expectations of the dominant group. This control strategy requires parents to know what their children are doing; i.e. high surveillance. Collins maintains that this form of control normally comes to the fore in high density communities and tends to produce individuals with self-control.
Collins (1975:284) sums up shaming and ridicule as a control strategy in propositional form:
PROPOSITION 9.12: THE MORE CONTROL BY SHAMING, THE MORE SUBORDINATES EMPHASIZE SELF-CONTROL OVER VISIBLE DEMEANOR, AND CONFORMITY TO GROUP EXPECTATIONS.
5.4.3.3 Deprivation of love
Control by deprivation of love requires certain conditions. Parents who use this control strategy can do so only if they give a great deal of individual attention to each child. Collins maintains that this form of control is generally confined to middle-class households where the mother has direct contact with her children. The deprivation of love is also almost sure to promote the internalization of the parents' point of view. Collins proposes that love deprivation is likely to be the only control strategy that produces strong feelings of guilt for any trespass that may occur. Love deprivation may be summed up in proposition from as follows:
PROPOSITION 9.13: THE MORE CONTROL BY THREATS OF LOVE DEPRIVATION, THE MORE THE SUBORDINATES IDENTIFY WITH MORAL PRINCIPLES, INHIBIT THEIR EMOTIONS AND SEXUAL IMPULSES, AND SUFFER SUBJECTIVE EXPERIENCES OF GUILT FOR TRESPASSES (Collins, 1975:284). 123
5.4.3.4 Material and/or social rewards
Collins claims that control by material rewards is one of the most frequently used control strategies. Parents who use this type of control ·strategy must however, be able to afford it; i.e. they have the necessary resources. This use of material rewards leads children to over comply with demands to the extent that they are rewarded materially for their compliance.
According to Collins (1975:267), control by social rewards implies that parents spend quality time with their children, ensuring an affectionate, sociable and expressive relationship.
These two control strategies are summed up in proposition fonn, which illustrates effectively the effect that each one has on the subordinates (children).
PROPOSITION 9.14: THE MORE CONTROL BY MATERIAL REWARDS, THE MORE THE SUBORDINATES COMPLY WITH VISIBLE DEMANDS CLOSELY TIED TO THE REWARDS (Collins, 1975:284).
PROPOSITION 9.15: THE MORE CONTROL BY SOCIABLE REWARDS, THE MORE THE SUBORDINATES ARE SOCIABLE AND EXPRESSIVE.
Collins maintains that parents use several or all types of control strategies 1n an attempt to dominate their children. Parents will also tend to use those strategies which they can afford.
In consideration of the various control strategies, parents wi 11 be motivated to use a strategy depending on what use the chi ldren are to the parent. Children may work in the household, they may contribute to the family's status; they may act as companions and may have minor uses or be outright nuisances.
When children's value is connected to their ability to work, any technique may be used. Love deprivation is costly, and thus will not be used in situations in which children's labour value is high. Violence 124
will be used where the work is crude, and shame where diligent application to the task at hand is needed (Collins, 1975:270).
Where the child's value is bound to the status of the family violence is unacceptable, and shame and rewards would seem to secure compliance (Collins, 1975:270).
Where children act as companions and are a direct source of gratifica tion, social rewards are likely to be used as a control strategy (Collins, 1975:271). In these circumstances, children are attractive as playthings or friends, and therefore have considerable bargaining power.
Children tend to develop their own resources through which they renegotiate the parent-child relationship.
5.4.4 Children's resources
Although parents have the major advantage concerning the necessary resources, child~en also have resources with which to renegotiate relationships and initiate change.
The resources that children have can be categorized in accordance with their ages, and Collins (1975:272-276) differentiates amongst three age groups, their resources, and the changes that can occur.
5.4.4.1 Infancy and early childhood
In infancy and early childhood, the child has few resources, and those that he has, are connected to his physical attractiveness to adults. The child may use crying and pestering as a way in which to get attention, but generally his ability to negotiate a change in his relationship with adults is minimal. 125
5.4.4.2 Pre-adolescence
Chi ldren between the ages of six and puberty can be made to work by helping adults. These children are still small enough to be coerced, but they have lost their physical attractiveness. In this regard Collins (1975:272) says:
"Children reaching this age- tend to become too 1arge for adults to easily pick them up; this means that children lose one of their resources ••• , since holding small children is one of the ways adults receive direct physical pleasure from
them. II
Chi ldren are al so going through considerable physical changes which further reduce their attractiveness. Collins maintains that it is for this reason that children in this stage of development, become docile.
However, in this stage, children acquire new resources and this reduces their dependence on adults. This occurs owing to the appearance of peer groups which is f'act litated by the school system. The school system frees the parent from caretaking, and offers the child a chance to achieve in other areas.
Following the trend of physical dominance, boys have more resources vis a vis adults because they get stronger with age, and are thus capable of fighting back. Collins maintains that it is for this reason that violent punishment is most often used as a control strategy against boys.
5.4.4.3 Puberty
More grown-up chi ldren, in the stage of puberty, develop resources of their own. Children in this stage can no longer be physically coerced to do anything, and thus acquire the full capacity to support themselves.
The teenage years are full of conflict with adults, because adults do not permit the chi ldren to enter the adult sphere, but prefer to keep them under control. 126
Institutionalized age groups that are accepted and controlled by adult society emerge where activities in the economic political and religious spheres go on separately from tne family. Such groups are found in industrial societies, and Collins uses the Communist Youth Organization in the Soviet Union as an example.
Non-institutionalized age groups emerge spontaneously through the action of the young age group itself. They normally arise where conditions are difficult, and the youth group is seen as "rebellious" and "deviant".
In connection with the rise in youth groups, Collins formulated the following preposition to illustrate the conditions preceding the emergence of such groups.
PROPOSITION 9.432: THE MORE EMPHASIS ON EXTRAFAMILIAL POLITICAL, RELIGIOUS, OR ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION PLACES UPON LIMITING LOYAL TY TO FAMILIES AND FAMILY-BASED CULTURES, THE MORE EMPHASIS UPON EXTRA FAMILIAL YOUTH GROUPS ORGANIZED AND CONTROLLED BY ADULTS.
5.5 SUMMARY
Age and sex stratification involve the allotment of a variety of resources to an individual, and this allotment is generally unequal and will lead to conflict.
Collins acknowledges the contribution of the following perspectives to the development of his own theory, namely:
* Functionalism which implies that the sexual division of labour as well as the dominance of one generation over another contributes to the maintenance of the system.
* Marxism which blames the economic conditions for the sexual domination of one group over another. 127
* Feminism which emphasizes that men are an interest group that acts to uphold their advantages over women.
* Freudianism which stresses that sexual and aggressive motives detennine the behaviour of adult men and women in their encounters with each other in everyday life• • Collins recognizes that each of the above theories has limitations,l but that they may be used to build up a comprehensive explanatory theory of age and sex stratification.
The basic element of sexual stratification is the human sex drive and male physical dominance. Within every society, a type of power situation will be found that provides the conditions in which men and women pursue their interests. Each sex has certain resources avai1able to them, however, these resources are nonnally unequally distributed. For example a male's dominance is due to the ~dvantage of his physical strength.
The male's physical dominance has historically shaped the fundamental features of the female's role. Collins warns however, that if a shift occurs in the economic situation, a change is likely to occur in the relationsh~p between men and women. With this idea in mind, Collins com pares this relationship throughout history, from low technology tribal societies, fortified households, private households to the affluent market econolT\Y.
* Low technology tribal societies have a sUbsistence economY implying a nmi ld" form of sexual stratification in which the male's sexual property rights are limited, as survival necessitates an equal market position.
* Fortified households in stratified societies are characterized by male dominance and the exploitation of women, implying an unequal market position.
1 See Section 2 of Chapter 5. 128
* Private households in a market economy introduce a change in the man's dominant position. Although some male dominance is retained, women are now enabled to negotiate a better position for themselves. An emphasis on romance introduces a free marriage market in which the male's aggression turns to tenderness and increased emotional support and companionship.
* An affluent market economy has helped to place women firmly in the job market and this has freed them from previous restraints. Although men are still the sexual aggressors, women are now able to initiate a relationship which they desire.
Collins (1975:254) contends that although sexual stratification has levelled out, it will never disappear. Instead, its forms will become more complex. For example, although women are in the job market, they are discriminated against in terms of income and positions.
In essence then, an individual's sex gives her/him a variety of resources which s/he may use in her/his pursuit of status.
Age stratification introduces the idea that various age groups have resources avai1able to them which help to determine one age group's domination over another.
Collins, in the development of his own theory on age stratification, mentions five different theoretical viewpoints on socialization:
* Functionalism which states that socialization of the child by adults is a functional necessity which ensures the perpetuation of society.
* The socialization school which emphasizes that the socialization of the child by the adult is an ongoing process of negotiation. The negotiated outcome depends on the resources of the parties involved.
* Reinforcement theorists who view socialization as a one-sided control model in which the child is rewarded or punished by the adult. 129
* Cognition and language studies which have ignored the reasons behind the interaction.
* Phenomenology which allows the scientist to see that adults have the resources through which they impose their definition of reality on the child.
It is Collins' contention that individuals no matter what their ages attempt to gain the best possible position in their negotiation with others, i.e. highest possible status. He identified three possible resources which are tied to the age differences, namely:
* Time which implies that being there first is an advantage;
* size and strength which imply that adults can dominate children because of their physicality; and
* physical attractiveness which implies that the various age groups are attracted to one another.
A variety of parental control strategies are available to parents and their use of one of them depends on what strategies the parents are able to afford. The following control strategies were identified by Collins (1975:267-270), namely:
* Physical punishment whi ch is a cheap resource and is used by those parents who lack resources other than violence. Violence is also used where children must do demanding physical work.
* Shaming and ridicule which depends on the parents knowing what their children are doing. Shame and ridicule are used where children's work is needed.
* Deprivation of love which is confined to middle-class households in whi ch the mother has direct contact with her chi ldren, and which produces feelings of guilt. Love deprivation is used particularly where children's labour has a high value. 130
* Material rewards which are used often but which imply that parents are able to afford using thi s strategy; and social rewards whi ch require parents to spend time with their children. Social rewards as a control strategy is used when chi ldren are a direct source of gratification.
Collins also identified various resources that children have, and which children use to renegotiate their relationships with their parents. These resources also depend on the child's age, and include the following:
* Infancy and early childhood in which the physical attractiveness of chi1d and his pestering of his parents are the on 1y resource the chi ld has.
* Pre-adolescence which involves the loss of attractiveness as a resource and the child becomes docile.
* Puberty in which the child acquires resoures of his own and in which the child's peer group becomes an important influencing factor.
Co11 ins has shown that each sex group and age group has resources avai1able to it which can be used in the pursuit of wealth, power and prestige. These resources are, however, unequally distributed, resulting in conflict or a power struggle between the competing parties. 131
CHAPTER 6 CONFLICT THEORY OF ORGANIZATIONS
6.1 INTRODUCTION
The notion that sociology has" a solid explanatory foundation in the area of stratification and organizations" was proposed by Coll ins (1975:41).
Organizational theory has contributed to Collins' conflict theory on two levels. On the micro-level, occupational positions within the organiza tions are said to shape the individual's outlook and life style. It is in these positions that the individual obtains those resources necessary to achieve maximum status and power.
On the macro-leve~, Collins attempts to show that all kinds of organiza tions are the result of a set of general vari.ables. These variables include, the control strategies, the types of tasks to be performed and the structure of the organization.
According to Collins (1975:286) organizational studies are the most advanced in sociology, and organizational analysis is considered to be "••• the most fruitful way to causally explain phenomena in almost any field of sociology". However, as organizational studies have expanded and diversified into many subfields, a unifying theory is needed that links all the subfields. Collins (1975:286) proposes that the guiding thread which unites the various subfields of organizational studies and links them to the general questions arising from contemporary sociology, is the organizational theory of Max Weber. 132
6.1.1 The contribution of Max Weber
Although Max Weber's contribution to the conflict theory of Randall Collins was discussed in a previous chapter, it is necessary to highlight those aspects of his work which deal with organizational theory per see
The following elements of Webers' organizational theory have had a noticeable influence on the formulations of Collins.
6.1.1.1 Interests
Co11 ins (1975: 289) points out that Weber sees organizations as places where a conflict of interest occurs. Everybody is capable of pursuing his own interests even in opposition to authority, and often techniques of administration put resources into the hands of individuals in sub ordinate positions, enabling them to undermine authority.
Collins (1~75:2891 claims that Weber refers to the pursuit of interests as an explanation for all types of organizational arrangements. In his treatment of class, status group and political party, Weber has laid down the basics of an explanation. For example, classes are groups who pursue economic interests vis a vis opposing interests. Each group comprises an interest group, refering simultaneously to a type of organizational control.
According to Collins (1975:289) then, the basic elements of organiza tional theory would seem to incorporate the following:
" ••• indi vidua1s pursuing their own interests; sanctions they may use to gain compliance; and the administrative forms through which they are applied; the way in which particular kinds of tasks, attempted with particular technologies and in particular geographical situations, shape these conflicts and give the organizational network its particular changing shape
over time. n
". 133
6.1.1.2 Structure of organizations
Collins (1975:290) deduces from the work of Weber that the structure of an organization may be regarded as a network for the application of control devices so that certain assignments can be carried out. The techniques used to administer the control devices, namely material technology or ideological techniques, will also help to determine the structure of the organization.
A further dimension of structure is the content of the communications within an organization. The main type of communication is order giving; i.e. orders are communicated to the individuals by the person/s in authority in such a way that disobedience is unlikely. This introduces Weber's concept of legitimacy. According to Collins (1975:291) Weber's idea of legitimacy concerns the way in which men influence each other's emotions and ideals. This influence entails that, although the threat·of real sanctions is in the background, one's authority is successful when one does not have to carry out one~ threats, but gives orders in such a way that disobedience is unthinkable. The successful authority can then be said to control ritual action which presents a proper image of reality and through which he acquires deference.
6.1.1.3 Typology of organizations
Weber (in Collins, 1975:292) distinguishes amongst three types of organizations and legitimacy, each having its own conditions, dynamics and forms of authority.
The first type is ad hoc groups which consist of people coming together on the basis of shared interests. Control depends on the length and intensity of the shared interests. Ad hoc groups usually emerge around a chari smatic leader who acts as a motivating force for the group's solidarity. The authority of the leader in an ad hoc group is based on his exceptional powers; and the compliance of the followers rests on an emotional identification with the leader, or on the followers' commit ment to the ideals and values that the leader embodies. This form of 134
organization consists of religious or political sects, and/or cultural movements (Collins, 1975:292-293). If the ad hoc group is to increase in size, the personal ties will have to be extended into a network (Collins, 1975:293).
The second type is the patrimoni a1 organization whi ch i nvo1ves the organization of property on a personal basis. Loyalty to the organiza tion is expressed through participation in ceremonies designed to make the personal ownership of property unquestionable. The authority in this type of organization is based on a personal relationship between the leader and his subjects, and the belief that such a relationship has always existed. Compliance of the followers is based on their belief in the justness of the existing order and
II... unshakeable loyalty to particularized symbols representing the cultural identity of the fami ly, ethnic group, or cIub" (Collins, 1975:293).
In Weberian terminology, this involves the ideals of traditional 1egitimacy.
The third type is perhaps Weber's most famous ideal typical con struction, namely the bureaucracy. Collins (l975:294) highlights the following aspects of Webers' bureaucracy:
"••• separating the man from the job and the f amt ly from the man, creating a set of abstract rules and regul ations that subdivide responsibi 1ity and give each man only part of it, provide for codifying performance standards and keeping formal records of what is done, fixing formal qual ifications for putting men in positions and for paying and puni shing them. The crucial encounters in this form of organization then, are those which constantly reinforce the notion that men a re only occupants of positions who are subject to records and formal rules, ritual deference is to the rules themselves and to the organization in the abstract, not to any particular individual." 135
In simpler terms, the person who exercizes authority in a bureacracy does so by virtue of the fact that he occupi es a position that is defined by rules as a position of authority. The subordinates submit to this authority because their position is defined as one of submission. Loyalty is not given to a person, but to the position, on the basis of rul es, Legitimacy in thi s context is of a rational-legal type, whi ch implies that the enactment of the organization follows general principles of rationality (Collins, 1975:294) •
. Although these are ideal types, they imply, according to Collins (1975:292) a multiple causality. These ideal types are end points on a continuum with several variations. The ideal types may also be used for descriptive and explanatory purposes. Furthermore Collins proposes then, that organizations can be explained in terms of a number of variables of which the most important are coercion, material interests and status ideals.
Although Collins does not define an organization per se, the basic theme is that organizations are "arenas for struqqle" where superiors attempt to exercize control over their subordinates (Collins, 1975:295). Taking Collins' emphasis on the micro-foundations of sociology, the organiza tion becomes nothing more than the repetitive behaviour of individuals, i.e. what they say, think and do, how they influence each other in their attempt to get things for themselves by using other people as a means. Collins (1975:53) laid the foundation for the abovementioned description when he stated that:
"When the people who act out an organization are home asleep or chatting with their friends in the corridor, the organization at that moment does not exist. I be 1ieve that everything we hav~ hitherto referred to as 'structure' insofar as it really occurs ••• can be found in the real behavior of everyday life, primarily in repetitive encounters."
Collins (1975:296) argues that although Weber laid down the core for a theory of organizations, the general part of the theory comes from a variety of traditions, namely the Chicago tradition, the model of Wilensky, the work of Stinchcombe and many more. 136
Co11 i ns uses the elements of Weber I s theory and the formu1ations of others to build up his own theory. He begins his discussion by referring to control strategies which shape the interests of the individuals in an organi zation and then uses thi s model to explain the structure of various organizations.
6.2 ORGANIZATIONAL CONTROL
Through the use of Webers I theory and the formu1ations of others, Collins comes to the conclusion that the organization can be seen as
II ••• power struggles along several dtmenstons" (Collins, 1975:295) and that within the power struggle various tactics and devices are used to effect control. Thus, a great part of Collins' analysis of the organization centres around organizational control.
Within an organization, a variety of control strategies exist which may be implemented in an attempt to control the members of the organization. Each control strategy occurs in certain circumstances and has hidden drawbacks. Knowing. what the control strategies are, indicates what types of structure the organization has as well as what the dynamics of confl i ct are.
6.2.1 Control strategies
Collins identified three types of control strategies (Collins, 1975:298-307) i.e.: coercion, material rewards and normative control.
6.2.1.1 Coercion
Coercion is an everpresent resource that can be used to enforce the relationships of dominance and submission. No individual wishes to be physically hurt and the ultimate sanction of death would ensure obedience. 137
According to Collins (1982:66) experience has shown that coercion results in a resentful labour force because no person likes being coerced. When an individual is coerced, the first response is a feeling of unpleasantness. If the individual has the necessary resources he will fight back; if not he will try to escape. Compliance may also occur, but it is viewed as a last resort.
Collins (1982:67) proposes that any leader who tries to coerce his subordinates wi 11 have to take account of the costs of keeping the subordinates in their positions. Coerced workers who cannot escape from the situation have recourse to apathetic behaviour and doing the barest minimum of work:
"Coercing peop1 e makes them appear stupid ••• Forced to do meaningless work for someone else, they comply in as perfunctory a way as possible. They withdraw as much as they can within a she11" (Collins, 1982:69).
It is only through appearing non-cooperative that the coerced worker can retain a modicum of dignity and if he appears stupid he is unlikely to be punished. Coercion is an element of any forum of control but is according to Collins the most alienati ng type. Furthermore, Co11 ins c1aims that the order-taking cl ass has an inbui1t degree of implicit rebellion against authority.
6.2.1.2 Material rewards
Collins (1982:63) proposes that the control strategy of material rewards is based on the premise that:
"The most obvious way to get other people to do something is to pay them to do it."
He also, however, shows in this connection that if money is to be used as a control strategy, then the motivation for the workers' participation in organizational activities is an acquisitiveness. The 138
worker or subordinate will comply with the demands made on him only to the extent that he is rewarded for his compl iance. In regard to the aforementioned, Collins (1975 :299) formul ated the following proposition:
PROPOSITION 10.2: CONTROL BY MATERIAL REWARDS LEADS TO COMPLIANCE TO THE EXTENT THAT REWARDS ARE DIRECTLY LINKED TO THE DESIRED BEHAVIOR.
Control through material rewards does, however, have drawbacks. One drawback is when to pay the worker. If a monthly payment is made, little control is exercized over whether or not they have done the job. To pay over shorter periods of time is a better method as an effort is then made to tie money to exactly how much work is done. Another way to con trol workers is to tie their pay directly to what they produce. However, this type of incentive scheme does not control the quality of the goods produced and results in the attitude of more reward for as little effort as possible (Collins, 1982:64). Incentive systems therefore centre on the worker's manipulation of the system, as Collins (1975:299) proposes that:
PROPOSITION 10.21: THE GREATER THE EMPHASIS ON MATERIAL REWARDS, THE GREATER THE ACQUISITIVE ORIENTATION ON THE PART OF INDIVIDUALS BEING CONTROLLED, AND THE GREATER THEIR EFFORT TO MANIPULATE TO THEIR OWN ADVANTAGE THE SITUATIONS IN WHICH PERFORMANCE IS MEASURED AND REWARDED.
Motivated by money, and freed from coercive controls, workers are likely to form trade unions which enter into negotiations with the organization concerning pay and piece-rates.
Material rewards for the higher ranks, permits men to pursue their own careers rather than commit themselves to the organization. 139
6.2.1.3 Normative control
A third strategy of control is that which permf ts the recruitment of members who are intrinsically committed to the same goal as their superior, i.e. control by ideals.
Although pay is important for people actually accepting a position in an organization, and the threat of punishment may be used to keep them there, people have to identify with an organization and its ideals before they commit themselves. According to Collins (1982:69) the most effective way to control the worker is to make the worker feel that the organization is part of his own identity· and that he is contributing to something he believes in. He refers to this type of control as normative.
Co11 ins (1975 :301) proposes that there are methods for estab1i shi ng nonnative control which include giving the members power or oppurtunities for power, and/or creating infonnal solidarity.
(i) Power
According to Co11 ins, hi gh ranking members of an organi zation wi11 identify with their jobs and the organization. The reason for this is that these members of an organization have been given the responsibility for acting on the part of the organization; i.e. they have been given a position of power. When an individual is asked to explain the organiza tion's policy to outsiders, or when he gives orders to subordinates, then the individual feels that he is part of the organization. However, power is according to Collins, a reward in itself and by exercizing power the individual is exercizing ideals. Collins (1975:361) sums up the whole question of power in the following proposition:
PROPOSITION 10.3: THE MORE ONE GIVES ORDERS IN THE NAME OF THE ORGANIZATION THE MORE ONE IDENTIFIES WITH THE ORGANIZATION. 140
Co11 ins (1975: 301) claims that Goffman has shown on the mi cro-1eve1, that individuals enact their authority by idealizing themselves, and reifying their positions and their organizations. In other words, the individuals attempt at constructing reality, is in essence, an effort at maintaining power. In order to have power then, an individual must be committed to act like a person in power and by acting like a powerful person, the individual attempts to control others.
However, certain drawbacks exist concerning normative control. Normative control is based on the principle of "shared power"; (Collins, 1975:302) and by sharing power, t~e orde~-giving function of managers is weakened and the less hierarchic the organizations will be. Furthermore, accord ing to Collins (1975:302), efforts at worker participation have not worked very well because efficiency is weakened when workers are given power to decide how the organization must function.
(ii) Informal solidarity
Collins (1975:303). contends that the strongest commitment to a group and its ideals results from participation in social rituals. Furthermore he claims that these commitment evoking situations, produce less severe forms of normative control. In other words, individuals who participate in these rituals and derive power from them, become dedecated to the organizational ideals.
Thus, normative control can be acquired by making the members of an organization committed to each other as equals - or as friends; t ,e, creating informal solidarity.
Collins identifies several ways of doing this.
Firstly, the organization may recruit members who already have social ties; e.g. family members, or personal friends.
Secondly, the organization may underwrite those conditions which are conducive to the creation of personal friendships such as 141
similarity of members, the presentation of opportunities for informal gatherings, the i sol ation of members from outsiders and the celebration of rituals among equals.
Thirdly, by promoting conf1ict agai nst outsiders, sol idarity within a group is increased. Loyalty to the organization is also promoted when members of an organization are aware of the danger and hostility emanating from another organization. However, some organizations are built around the conflict with outsiders; e.g. the army, church, or police force. When no real conflict exists, leaders ~ay create similar conditions by using ceremonial conflicts.
Fourthly, another factor which produces solidarity through conflict is
identified by Collins as a "hazing ritual II (Co11 ins, 1975:306). These rituals involve giving people in senior positions the power to demand all kinds of ritually demeaning services from those in subordinate positions. For the seniors, their attachment to the organization is enhanced because they enjoy wielding .their powers; as Collins (1975:307) so aptly states:
"... they get to enjoy the excercizing of power in a highly ritualized form, which makes for much emotional experience and strong reification of the symbol sand ideals of the organization."
For the lower echelons, the sense of collective experience enhances the solidarity of the group, and the fact that they too will one day be in the senior position makes the experience bearable.
In summary, then, there are various ways to establish personal ties of loyalty within the organization. However, even though these personal ties are created, it does not necessarily imply that the individuals will produce what is required of them. The informal groups, if they are motivated against authority, may prove problematic for organizational control. According to Co11 ins (1975:307) then, informal ties are mostly confined to higher levels of organizational authority. Another drawback 142
of informal ties is that it takes time and effort to establish them, and therefore very little time is left for actually working (Collins, 1982:71)
Organizations that rely on normative control per se, are usually characterized by conflict concerning the policy, ideals and goals of the organization. Collins (1975:307) claims that no method of control should be used alone, but rather that a combined form should be used.
6.2.1.4 uTaken for grantedU control strategy
There is a fourth control strategy which Collins identifies, namely that of what people take for granted:
"The main way in which an organizational politician can exerci ze power over what other people do is by i nfl uenci ng what they take for granted" (Coll ins, 1982: 72).
According to Collins (l982:72) virtually everything a person says or does can be called into question. The only way human beings can live together is because they are wi 11 ing to take what most people say for granted, f ,e, without explanation. Anger will result when people are pressed for explanations and people therefore try to avoid arguments or disputes in thi s regard. If people are involved in an argument con cerning one specific thing, all else is taken for granted, and thereby the social reality is reinforced. The example used by Collins is if a boss and a clerk are arguing about one specific thing, the implication is present that the boss gives the orders and the clerk is expected to carry them out. Tacitly, the boss's authority is generally upheld. Collins (1982:75) claims that every leader tries to make sure that the things he or she is most concerned about become part of what others take for granted. If they control what others take for granted then they have exercized indirect power.
When considering the four control strategies, namely coercion, material rewards, normative control and the "taken for granted" strategy, it is 143
easy to accept Collins' conclusion that the most effective control strategies are those that operate indi rect1y. Coercion is the most obvious kind of control strategYt but is is ineffective in getting things done and also promotes resistance. Material rewards are realistic and involve serious drawbacks t one of which is the promotion of acquisitiveness on the part of the worker. The establishment of informal ties may operate indirectly as a control strategyt but having people like each other does not necessarily imply conformity to organizational ideals. Informal groups may also be a problem for organizational con tro1 t as they may be motivated against organizational policies. For this reasont Collins (1975:307) contends that the creation of informal ties is limited in most organizations to the higher levels of authority. All in all t the purpose of any organization is to achieve a predetermined goal. Thus t the control strategy used will depend on the types of tasks to be performed within the organizations and the devices used to admi ni ster them.
6.2.2 Devices used for administering control strategies
The devices used to administer the control strategies involve not only the continual issuing of instructions but also seeing how they are carried out (Collins 1975:307-372). He places the control devices on a continuum of direct and tndtrect, and claims that certain control devices work better in coalition with certain control strategies.
He identified five such devices; namely surveillancet the criterion of efficiencYt rulest information control and environmental control.
6.2.2.2 Surveillance
According to Collins (1975:307) the first type of control device is surveillance. Surveillance tends to limit freedom of action because it is used to control what a person does in the given hours of work. Both the worker and higher ranking officials are affected by this type of device. Surveillance tends to lead to compliance with the behavioural 144
demands; alienation from organizational ideals; low initiative on the part of the worker, and also tends to necessitate a larger number of supervisors. In proposition form, the abovementioned reads as follows:
PROPOSITION 11.1: THE MORE CLOSELY A SUPERIOR WATCHES THE BEHAVIOR OF HIS SUBORDINATES, THE MORE CLOSELY THEY COMPLY WITH THE OBSERVABLE FORMS OF BEHAVIOR DEMANDED (Collins, 1975:307).
PROPOSITION 11.12: THE CLOSER THE SURVEILLANCE, THE GREATER THE RATIO OF SUPERVISORS TO WORKERS (Collins, 1975:305).
PROPOSITION 11.13: THE CLOSER THE SURVEILLANCE, THE GREATER THE ALIENATION FROM LONG TERM ORGANIZATIONAL IDEALS, AND THE LOWER THE INITIATIVE OF THE WORKERS (Collins, 1975:369).
6.2.2.2 Criterion of efficiency
The second type of device is the criterion of efficiency, which requires that the outcome of work should be directly visible. In modern organiza tions, conflict may occur owing to insufficient information concerning the multiplicity of the efficiency criteria. The value of criteria such as speed, volume, cost, safety, perfection and/or quality of production may be difficult to clarify as an attempt to minimize cost, maximize speed, safety, perfection or quality can cause problems, i.e. the multiplicity of criteria of efficiency is not recognized (Collins, 1975:308).
6.2.2.3 Rules
The third of control device is rules, which are according to Collins a more direct form of control. Rules require written conrnunications and record keeping, t ,e, admini stration. Rules not only reduce uncertainty wi th reference to the reaction of a superior to an error, but' reduce 145
initiative as well. Rules do not cover every contingency, and can there fore be considered ineffective in certain situations. Many organizations keep rules as a type of reserve control which could be used in a time of crisis. Rules permit the dispersion of authority equally, but it may also lead to power being invested in those individuals who are able to protect themselves by rules and regulations which they in turn apply at their own discretion.
A reliance on rules promotes standardized behavior, impersonal relationships and minimum adaptation on the part of the organization members. Collins formul ates the effects of rul es in the form of the following propositions:
PROPOSITION 11.3: THE MORE RELIANCE ON WRITTEN OR FORMALLY CODIFIED RUL.ES, THE MORE STANDARDIZED THE BEHAVIOR OF ORGANIZATIONAL MEMBERS (Collins, 1975:309).
PROPOSITION 11.31: THE MORE RELIANCE ON RULES, THE LESS THE AUTHORITY OF AN INDIVIDUAL, AND THE MORE IMPERSONAL THE RELATIONSHIPS AMONG ORGANIZATIONAL MEMBERS (Collins, 1975 :309).
PROPOSITION 11.32: THE MORE RELIANCE ON RULES, THE SLOWER AND LESS ADAPTIVE THE BEHAVIOR OF ORGANIZATIONAL MEMBERS (Collins, 1975:309).
6.2.2.4 Information control
The fourth type is an indirect form of control which involves the defining of reality i.e. information control. Collins (1975:310) claims that since organizations are invisible, they are in other words a set of beliefs arid rules of conformity, that people carry around in their head. Information becomes vital in determining what the organization is. In thi s sense, covert power. goes to those indi vidua1s who control the information process. Members of an organization can act only on what they believe the situation to be - so whoever uses information to define · 146
the situation, indirectly controls the behaviour of others. Collins shows how, in relation to information control, the work of Crozier can be used to indicate that power is found in areas of uncertainty. Based on studi es of French organizations, Crozi er (i n Collins, 1975:311) maintained that engineers and maintenance men had power because
"••• They were the only ones in a highly routinized operation who dealt with the unexpected in the form of machine
breakdowns. II
Collins (1972:83) maintains in this regard, that it is people who have a unique access to areas of uncertainty because they have the necessary information, who have the greatest influence over others.
The power-holders-in areas of uncertainty are usually experts who make what they do seem mysterious and impressive. The powerholder maintains secrecy concerning his actions. The expert is able to put other people at his mercy in interpreting what is going on; t ,e, in defining the situation (Collins, 1982:83).
The effects of information control are summed up by Collins (1975:310) in the following proposition
PROPOSITION 11.4: INFORMATION CONTROL THE MORE EXCLUSIVELY AN INDIVI DUAL CONTROLS INFORMATION ABOUT AREAS OF UNCERTAINTY IN AN ORGANIZATION, THE GREATER HIS POWER TO CONTROL OTHERS' BEHAVIOR.
6.2.2.5 Environmental control
The last type of control device is environmental control. According to Collins (1975:312) the notion of environmental control arises from studies of modern organizations where two types of environmental control devices were identified: . 147
Firstly, the physical world of the worker is constructed in such a way that he is tied (physically) to the job. For example assembling lines or trench warfare, where the worker is physically "gripped" to do his job.
Secondly, the workers are dispersed over a large area so that communication and the formation of informal groups is limited.
Both types of environmental control are used to force the worker to concentrate on the task to be performed; i.e. the idea behind environmental control is to minimize attention-destroying activity.
Coll ins (1975 :312) gives the following two propositions in connection with environmental control:
PROPOSITION 11.5: THE FEWER THE PHYSICAL ALTERNATIVES WITHIN EASY REACH OF AN ORGANIZATIONAL MEMBER, THE MORE LIKELY HE IS TO CONCENTRATE ON THE TASK TO WHICH HE IS ASSIGNED.
PROPOSITION 11.51: THE MORE DISPERSED INDIVIDUALS WITH COMMON WORK EXPERIENCES ARE, THE LESS LIKELY THEY ARE TO FORMULATE A STRONGLY HELD COMMON OUTLOOK, AND THE LESS POWER THEY HAVE.
6.2.3 The relationship between control strategies, devices and tasks
Collins (1975:312-315) foresees systematic compatibilities and incompatibi 1ities" between the various types of control strategies, devices and the type of tasks to be completed by an organization. The type of tasks to be completed by members of an organization lie on a continuum from low initiative (manual labour) to high initiative (planning and decision making).
In organizations where the types of tasks to be carried out require low initiative from their workers, coercion will be used as a control 148
strategy. The control devices will include a high amount of surveil lance, environmental control and the' rigid application of rules. An example of a "coercive" organization is a "total institution" identified by Goffman (in Collins 1975:313) where members are prevented from es caping and making contact with outsiders. This also implies a degree of information control by the authorities. When coercion is used, but the necessary dev~ces are not available, members of the organization will be concerned with themselves resulting in the formation of cliques, and corruption.
Tasks which require slightly more initiative from the worker, wi 11 normally be accompanied by material rewards as a control strategy. The members' interest in the organization is dependent on the level of reward they will receive. The devices used will include less surveillance and more stress on the efficiency criteria, i.e. the individual's activity is not checked, but what he produces is. This impl ies astandardtzed output which necessitates an emphasis on rules.
As the level of initiative increases, so to does the uncertainty sur rounding the outcome, and the organi zation' s dependence on a normative control strategy. Normative control involves the exercizing of power 1n such a way that loyalty to the organization is maintained by offering members the chance of mobility and power and by inviting them to par ticipate in the ceremonial rituals of the organization. When normative conmi tment is used as a control strategy, then the devi ce used to administer the strategy is information conto1 i.e. jobs requiring a high amount of initiative are normally those involving decisions about how to control others (Collins, 1975:314).
According to Collins (1975:315) certain tasks cannot be completed without a certain amount of normative commitment, but he contends that each effort at control has its problems, and that a mixture of normative incentives, material rewards and subtle coercive threats are likely to produce a stable form of control. 149
Having discussed the control strategies and devices and their connection to the types of tasks to be carried out in an organi zation, Collins (1975:290) comes to the conclusion that:
liThe structure of an organization may be regarded as a network for applying controls so that certain tasks can be carried out or at least attempted, since the outcomes are rarely just what was expected. Just what the structure will be depends on what the controls are, as well as on the techniques available for administering them. 1I
6.3 THE STRUCTURE OF ORGANIZATIONS
In his analysis of organizations, Collins (1975:315) stresses repeatedly that an organization only exists II ••• in the actual behavior of real people at some moment in time". The organization is made up of 'people attempting to get something for themselves, and in so doing exercizing a reciprocal influence over each other.
The particular nature of the structure of an organization is explained by Collins (1975:316) in the following manner:
II ••• 'organizational structure' is only a way of referring to how people behave repetitively toward each other ••• and any pattern is the result of bargaining among many parties. They may be very unequal in their resources, to be sure: but what patterns emerge is to be causally understood as the result of a struggle over who wi 11 do what among people whose very inequality gives them different aims as to how they want others to behave."
Power again becomes the key element in the development of a com prehensive theory of organizational structure because the ability to influence anyone depends on a personls power. Therefore, an explanation of the sequence of order giving and taking, of the types of tasks to be completed and the strategies of control, all contribute to the under standing of what organizational forms occur. 150
6.3.1 Hierarchial organizations
Collins (1975:316,329) identifies two types of organizations, namely those that are hierarchial and those that are membership-controlled.
In attempting to develop an explanation of the structure of organiza tions, Collins views the following variables as the seq~ence of order giving and taking important; the types of tasks people do and control strategies and devices. Collins (1975:317) claims that:
"There are a great many things to be explained: the numbers and sequences in which people give orders and advice to each other, the kind of physical work they do and how they pass along the fruits of their 1abors through different kinds of networks, the amount of written reports and instructions, the kinds of deference styles, and the degree to which conver sational content is made up of abstract rules or expre~sions of personal obligation."
The sequence of .ordergiving thus is one of the determinants of organizational structure.
6.3.1.1 The power contingency: centralization and decentralization
In his analysis of the sequence of ordergiving and taking, Collins differentiates between two types of organ;zationa1 hierarchy, name ly centralization and decentralization.
According to Collins (1975:316) an organizational hierarchy that is centralized not only refers to a long chain of people who report one to another in one direction and who pass orders on to the other; but it .. also refers to the concentration of resources into a centralized authority. In corrtr-ast j decerrtraltzatlon occurs when people pass along few orders, report along the chain of command, and initiate actions themselves; i.e. many plans are left to be filled in by subordinates. l
1 Decentralization will be discussed further on in this section. 151
The chain of command may vary but the fewer links there are, the greater is the surveillance and compliance with behaviour that is demanded. He further maintains that if the group is not geographically dispersed over a large area, then surveillance and compliance will again be great.
In a situation where the size of the group is 1arge, and they are geographi cally dispersed over a 1arge area, centra1 contro1 can be mountained through using written rules and standardized reports (Collins, 1975:318). When rules are used as a control device, there is less personal loyalty to superiors and less personal authority of any individual, but an increase in the division of authority into specific responsibilities does occur.
Collins also proposes a relationship between centralization of control and an efficient transportation and communication system:
PROPOSITION 13.5: THE MORE EFFICIENT THE TECHNOLOGY OF TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION, THE MORE CENTRAL CONTROL CAN BE MAINTAINED IN A SITUATION OF LARGE SIZE AND .GEOGRAPHICAL DISPERSION (Collins, 1975:317).
Centralization of control, therefore, is implied by a reliance on rules, standardized reports, geographical dispersion, large size and an efficient transportation and communication system.
6.3.1.2 Personalism and bureaucratization
A further characteristic of organizational structure is the types of interpersonal relationships that exist; i.e. whether they are per sonalistic (personal relationship exists between leader and sub ordinates) or bureaucratic (impersonal relationships exist within the organization) •
On the basis of this distinction, Collins formulates a number of propositions concerning the movement from personalistic to bureaucratic styles of interceremonial relationships. The following vari ables contribute to the development of a bureaucratic style: 152
* The availability of technical and organizational resources as well as the chance on impersonal control methods, i.e. rules;
* the ability to keep written records and give written communications;
* an efficient technology of transportation and communication;
* the availability of other organizations that commit the individual to each other independent of other group solidarities; and
* the size and geographical dispersion of an organization which is a motivating factor for the use of bureaucratic forms of control.
As an increase occurs in each of these variables, a greater degree of bureaucratization is found.
Collins (1975:320) contends that bureaucratization may be emphasized if the intention is to prevent any person or group from appropri ating authority for an extended period of time.
Collins uses Weber's typology of organizations as a basis, but he claims that certain expansions are necessary if a general explanation of organizational structure is to be found. He therefore uses Woodward's (1965 in Collins, 1975:321-323) typology of individual production as evidence for his generalized formulations, and interprets this typology in terms of task mobility, uncertainty, predictability, control strategy and the co-ordination needs in the execution of a task.
Collins shows that the various ways in which each of these variables stands in relation to each other, can give rise to various types of organizations. Woodward's typology includes unit production, mass production and process production. 153
(i) Unit production
Unit production implies the making of one unique item at any given time (Woodward, in Collins, 1975:322). The task is highly unpredictable and requires skilled workers for it to be carried out. The main method for achieving the set objective is through shared authority and the fostering of informal solidarity, i.e. normative control. The leader of a unit production operation is required to become part of the informal group and to join in their activities if he wishes to have any control over them. Mutual consultation between leaders and subordinates is also likely to occur.
Co-ordination needs are low, the task is unpredictable, unique and com plex, authority is shared and this implies a relatively flat structure, and informal ties are paramount.
(ii) Mass production
According to Woodw~rd (in Collins, 1975:322), mass production refers to the making of many small items and then assembling them. In this case the authoritative hierarchy has a pyramidal form, with the lower strata consisting of unskilled and semi-skilled workers, and the higher strata of managers whose main task is co-ordination. A great emphasis is placed on rules, especially the staff hierachy who administer the rules. The relationship between members of the organization are formal and bureaucratic.
Mass production implies a sequentional interdependence (i.e. the operations of one individual or unit depend on the completion of another). According to Collins (1975:326) sequential interdepence is likely to illicit several conflicts especially between those later in the chain and those earlter, and the managers of both groups. Through informal bargaining, however, the problems may be solved.
In mass production, the tasks are predictable, the outcome is certain, a hierarchial authoritative structure is present, and the use of a control 154
strategy may vary from coercion to material reward to normative control. Devices such as surveillance, environmental control, the efficiency cri teria, and rules will be used to control the worker. The co-ordination needs are high if the end product is to be attained.
(iii) Process production
Woodward (in Collins, 1975:322) refers to process production as taking the same materials through a series of operations, for example the processing of food stuffs or oil refineries.
The work force of such an organization consists of a few skilled workers who keep watch over the machinery and related problems, and the white-col 1ar workers who are primarily concerned with research and planning, sales and other related contingencies. The environmental control of the work process is great, resulting in a predic"table work process and an emphasis on written rules and reports. Process production results in a standardized bureaucratic organizational form, in which few co-ordination problens occur; and in which a low level of conflict is experienced.
(iv) Pooled production
In addition to Woodward's typology of industrial production, Co11 ins found it useful to label a fourth type which was identified by Thompson 0967; in Collins, 1975:323); t ,e. pooled production is where an organization carries out many separate operations; for example, one government but various government agencies. The production tasks are routine which minimizes the problems of control and co-ordination. Such organizations are often highly bureaucratized with all the corresponding attributes.
Collins identifies a parallel situation in which the units are interrelated by -pool ing. The structure of the organization wi 11 be II centralized around a bureaucratic main office, from which staff units 155
impose standardized rules, and line authority branches out into a number of geographic or functional subdivisions" (Collins, 1975:323).
An opposite contingency was also identified, in which a number of divisions that differ are reciprocally related. Collins (1975:324) contends that each is an uncertain environment for the other and their actions have to be continually co-ordinated. Each division manager has mutual power over the other, resulting in a high level of conflict. However, the conflict may be minimized if mutual consultation is built into the structure. This type of production has a high level of uncer tainty and the co-ordination problems can be severe; but a decentraliza tion of authority mqy account for the lessening of these problems.
In reference to his discussion of the various organization types, Collins claims that they can be viewed as ideal types; i.e. end points on a continuum. There are a great number of organizational structures, and this global typology is useful in the sense of gathering fnformation from which general principles can be devised (Collins, 1975:324).
The variety of variables that Collins analyzes and that can be determinants of the structure of an organi zation, are set in propositional form.
Three examples of propositions formulated by Collins concerning the typology of organizations include:
PROPOSITION 15.5: THE MORE UNIQUE THE' PRODUCT OR UNPREDICTABLE THE PROBLEMS OF THE TASK, THE LESS RELIANCE ON RULES AND THE GREATER THE DECENTRAlIZATION OF AUTHORITY (Collins, 1975:324).
PROPOSITION 15.3: THE GREATER THE PROPORTION OF TASKS IN AN ORGANIZA TION THAT ARE PREDICTABLE, THE MORE EMPHASIS ON SPECIALIZED STAFF ATTACHED TO ITS CENTRAL HEAD QUARTERS TO FORMULATE AND APPLY STANDARDIZED RULES ACROSS DIVISIONS (Collins, 1975:326). 156
PROPOSITION 15.5: THE MORE THAT RECIPROCAL INTERDEPENDENCE DEVELOPS WITHIN A COMPLEX BUREAUCRATIC HIERARCHY, THE GREATER THE SPL IT BETWEEN FORMAL AND INFORMAL CHANNELS OF INFLUENCE, AND THE MORE CONFLICT AMONG STAFF AND LINE UNITS AND AMONG DIFFERENT LEVELS AND DIVISIONS (Collins, 1975:327).
Collins (1975:328-329) proposes that the quantitative shape of the or ganization is produced by the ratio between administrative and production personnel:
"The quantitative shape of the organization is the result of many variables, and the same ratios can be produced in a number of different ways. Process production organizations, for example, tend to have a high administrative ratio ••• Or ganizations that emphasize coercive controls need a large hierarchy to exercize surveillance. Organizations facing hi gh 1y unpredi ctab1e tasks give the appearance of a 1arge administrative ratio because the technical workers are given nominal supervisory rank, while supervisors immerse themselves in technical responsibi1ity."
The essence of Collins' analysis has been hierarchic organizations and this implies centralized control that promotes conflict. However, Collins extends his analysis to include membership-controlled organizations.
6.3.2 Membership-controlled organizations
In contrast to the hierarchic organizations, Collins (1975:329) identifies membership-controlled organizations in which control is exercized from the bottom. Control is of a more democratic nature, and all members of the organization are regarded as decision-makers. Membership-controlled organizations have elected bosses who represent their staff in all related situations. As Collins (1975:329) states: 157
"The typical membership-controll ed organization is al so a pyramid, except that it is upside down. Formally, it has many bosses and few workers, the former being the elected officials and their staff, who represent the membership, speak for them, negotiate for them, present their view, or carry out services
for them. II
The same control problems are, however, experienced by both the membership-controlled organization and the hierarchic organization.
Power relations among the members of an organization are a determinant
of the organi zation I s structure; and Colli ns (1975: 329) proposes that the basic theory of power in membership associations is to be found in Michels l Iron Law of Oligarchy.
6.3.2.1 The Iron Law of Oligarchy
According to Collins (1975:330), the original model developed by Michels centred on political parties, but it has since its inception been found· applicable to a variety of organizations. He points out in this regard that although Michels l model does have a few problems, it nevertheless
gives a II ••• general key to community and national power structure" (Collins, 1975:331).
A membership-controlled organization is controlled from the bottom; i.e. all members are the ultimate decision-makers. The reverse pyramidal form of control implies "••• many bosses and few workers ••• " (Collins, 1975:329) but the bosses are elected as the representatives of the . workers, i.e. they are selected by and from within the membership ranks.
Power in a membership-controlled association, is Michels l Iron law of Oligarchy, and the focus is on those factors that allow power to be diffused from its legitimate centre. Briefly then, bosses are elected from within the membership ranks, but a small number of decision-makers christa11ize out of these "bosses" in a membership association. These decision-makers although elected from within the ranks as representa- 158
tives of the members, establish an informal group that usually maintains secrecy concerning their internal discussions. Although disagreements may occur among members of thi s group, they are usually voi ced in private.
Leaders tend to have a long tenure in office, the same people are elected over and over again. A leader is usually replaced by someone who has been chosen by the small group of decision-makers, i.e. those at the top sponsor a new leader, and thus leadership is seldom influenced from the bottom.
Goals which are developed by the leaders reflect consideration for the maintenance of the organization and gaining personal power. The members of the organization however, pursue their own interests which are often in conflict with the leader's interests. In the conflict of interests, the leaders are most likely to win as they have .the ability to mobilize the greater majori ty and they are able to suspend thei r opponent's resources. The 1eaders also control the admi nistrative resources and this gives them a definite advantage (Collins, 1975:330).
By recasting the original model of Michels; Collins (1975:331) identi fies two dependent variables to be explained; namely the degree of oligarchy in an organization; and the kind of policies of its leaders.
(i) What are the determinants of an oligarchy?
The degree of oligarchy implies the following:" how widely people participate in organizational government, how closely elections are . contested, how much turnover there is in office, and how open the organization is to debate among competing factions" (Collins, 1975:331). The question can be asked if the structure of the organization is closer to the democratic ideal or if it is characterized by a hierarchy which is monopolized by a small group.
Membership associations generally have a small group that assumes power. If the leadership group is to maintain its power, the group's resource 159
of informality wi 11 be important because it allows them to carry out their policies and pursue their own concerns. The informal deliberations between the members of the leadership group do not stop when an attempt is made to enforce mass control. Rather, the deliberations continue at a different level.
Another leadership advantage is their access to information and adminis trative resources (Collins, 1975:333). The leaders of any organization . have contact with the world outside their own sphere; t ,e, they have access to information. They control information in the sense of defining the situation, so that any definition that the leaders put forward will be accepted as feasible by the others. The leaders a1 so control the administrative resources which include the control of communications within the organizations as well as the material resources. These resources are used not only in an official capacity but also in the struggle for control of the leadership. The leaders may al so use the admi nistrative resources to appease rebe11 ious members of the organization.
Leaders not only define reality for their fellow members, they control finances, time and the resource of secrecy. Dissatisfaction among members of the organization may result in challenges being issued to the leaders. The leaders however, have the advantage because they are looked
upon as the fl ••• officially selected ritual leaders" (Collins, 1975:334) and have identified themselves as representatives of the association on numerous occasions. The dissatisfied section are regarded as rebels who are in open opposition to the unity of the group~ Although both groups form "factions" within the membership organization, the leadership group have the ability to hide their "apartness" better than the rebellious group.
(1i) What factors are conducive to the establishment of an oligarchy?
The most noticeable factors that are conducive to the establishment of an oligarchy are according to Collins the following: 160
(i) Large size because the admini strative resources are put in the hands of the leaders and they will use them to solve the problems facing the organization (Collins, 1975:334).
(ii) Dispersion, especially where members of the organization are spread out and have little chance of communicating with others, and at maintaining coherent organization ties (Collins, 1975:335) •
(iii) The unequal dispersion of resources in any type of organization.
This implies that II ••• the sheer diversity of interests and re sources in a complex situation like a large city with a network of overlapping governmental jurisdictions tends to make organi zations or factions reciprocally interdependent; the result, as we can predict from our theory of organizational structure, is the emergence of an inner circle of power-brokers, whose position astride the channels of informal communications makes them dif ficult to displace and unaccountable to formal democratic controlsll (Banfield, 1961 in Collins, 1975:336).
{iv} Payment for the leaders of an organization for holding the leadership position (Collins, 1975:336).
(v) The age of an organization, i.e. from its conception onwards the organization moves through developmental periods.
From the initial act of establishing an organization (which is charac terized by democratic participation), the organization moves through periods of rest and crisis. Crises create situations which are charac- . terized by ritual commitment to a set of ideals. Networks are then built up on the basis of info~al bargaining which helps to establish a real istic and truthful belief about the organization (Collins, 1975:337). The networks are strengthened when the informal bargaining takes on a complex fonn, and fewer resources enter the organization. It is this network of informal bargaining that eventually results in a ruling oli garchy unless there is a severe external crisi s whi ch affects the interests of the members. However, all else being equal Collins fonnulated propositions which sum up the age factor: 161
PROPOSITION 16.1: THE OLDER AN ORGANIZATION, OTHER THINGS BEING EQUAL, THE GREATER THE TENDENCY TO OLIGARCHY (Collins, 1975:337).
PROPOSITION 16.5: THE MORE FREQUENTLY CRISES ARISE IN THE EXTERNAL ENVIRONMENT WHICH AFFECT THE IMMEDIATE INTERESTS OF THE MEMBERSHIP, THE LOWER THE DEGREE OF OLIGARCHY (Collins, 1975:337).
When Collins (1975:331) recasts Michels model, he identifies two variables; the degree of oligarchy, and the kinds of policies of its leaders.
(iii) What are the detenainants of the leaders' policies?
The second variable, the kinds of policies of the organizations leaders, depends on the first variable, and Collins (1975:332) views his task as being able to provide an explanation on why the leaders policies do diverge, based on the following three dimensions; namely, the leaders' pursuit of self interest, the leaders' devotion to conservative inter ests, and the leader~pursuit of a militant idealistic policy.
According to Collins (1975:338), the leaders of an organization tend to regard the world in a different light compared to the ordinary members of an organization. What makes them different is their tendency to give orders rather than receive them, their status which is derived from speaking in the name of the organization, and the extent of their identification with the ideals of the organization. The leaders' identi fication with the organization occurs in various ways; either through maximizing their personal gains, by maintaining the status quo, or by expanding their own programmes. Alternative policies that a leader may follow include the following:
(i) A policy of compromise will be followed by a leader in situations where he/she has engaged in bargaining within or across organizations. In other words, if the leader is in communication 162
with others, the wider is his scope of thought, and the more power he has to apply sanctions to enforce a compromise.
(t t) A policy of conservatism will be propagated by a leader in a highly successful organization which has a great many material resources. The leader will also pursue his own material interests to such an extent that corruption may occur. A few examples of an organization following a conservative policy include political organizations, unions and churches.
(iii) A policy of militancy and idealism will occur in organizations characterized by minimal resources, internal homogeneity and bargaining power:
"••• it is their leaders who have the purest ideological conmitments ••• " (Collins, 1975:339). < ••
Militancy and idealism normally decline once the organization has achieved success and received recognition. An example of an organization.fo110wing such a policy is a political faction.
(vi) A policy of adherence to immediate desires will be propagated by leaders in organizations that demand active participation by their members. Collins (1975:339) mentions three membership or ganizations that encourage active participation. They are, mass movements (whi ch depend on members being present for demon strations); political parties (need voters, campaign workers and contributors); and trade unions (need members when a union is initiated).
Another variable Which demands active support for the leader, is the extent to which rival organizations exist which appeal more directly to the leaders followers. In order to tempt his fo 11 owers, the 1eader wi 11 have to satisfy their most urgent needs. 163
As in previous instances, Collins (1975:338-339) formulates a number of propositions which sum up the various policies that a leader may choose:
PROPOSITION 17.1: THE MORE POLITICAL BARGAINING A LEADER ENGAGES IN WITHIN OR ACROSS ORGANIZATIONS, THE GREATER HIS TENDENCY TO MAKE COMPROMISES AND THE LOWER HIS IDEALISM AND MILITANCY.
PROPOSITION 17.2: THE GREATER THE MATERIAL RESOURCES OF AN OR GANIZATION (ESPECIALLY PERMANENT PROPERTY OR STABLE ARRANGEMENTS FROM PRODUCING INCOME),
THE GREATER ITS LEADER I S TENDENCY TO CON SERVATISM.
PROPOSITION 17.3: THE MORE ACTIVE PARTICIPATION OF THE MEMBER
SHIP IS NEEDED TO CARRY OUT AN ORGANIZATION I S PROGRAM, THE MORE CLOSELY THE LEADERS WILL ADHERE TO THE IMMED lATE DES IRES OF THE MEMBERS.
6.3.3 Professional communities
Professional conmantt'ies are another type of organization that is identified by Collins. These professional communties are an area that fits into Collins' general theory of organizations; and are a type of membership - controlled organization (Collins, 1975:340).
6.3.3.1 What are professions?
According to Collins (1975:340), professions can be defined as "••• occupations which fonn highly self-conscious. and seIf-regulating colleague groups". Professions also exhibit the following characteris tics: 164
{i} Professions have a basic equality amongst their members. However, if the resources are di stributed unequally, then an i nterna1 hi erarchy wi11 emerge whi ch wi 11 contro1 the careers of individual members; i.e. the rise of an oligarchy.
{ii} Professions also refer to the acquiring of control over the practising of a particular skill as well as the admittance of new practitioners, the training and evaluation of the practitioners.
{iii} Professions also have an ideological cover which takes the form of an ideal of skill, impartiality and altruism. Public accep tance of the ideology is generally widespread thus giving the profession high autonomy and power.
(iv) A continuum exists, along which occupations are graded according to greater or lesser characteristics of a profession. According to Collins (1975:341) it is therefore not surprising that occupations tend to push in the general direction of a profession.
If an occupation is to become a profession, it wi 11 need certain resources. Collins (1975:341) proposes to answer the question: "How do men who bond together as a collegial group acquire power over individual practitioners pursuing their own private interests?". According to Collins (1975:341) an established profession has two forms of control.
Firstly their monopoly is inforced by the state through certain pro cedures so that the coercive power of the state may be used against the non-conforming individual practitioner. This however, depends on the collegial group's political resources.
Secondly, the collegial group may operate as the validating group which medi ates the materia1 rewards of members by determi ni ng an individual's career. In other words, men become successful professiona1s because the co11egia1 group claims the right to jUdge the professionals' behaviour and recommend them. Collins claims that a strong profession is one which is based on the 165
capacity of the collegial group "••• to validate the expertise and thus mediate the careers of its members ••• 11; and it is this type of profession whi ch usually acqui res the support of the state (Collins, 1975:342).
Furthennore, Co11 ins says that professions themselves emerge around particular kinds of tasks and the technologies used to carry them out.
Strong professions, therefore, emerge around a particu1 ar task which requires high initiative and commitment on the part of the worker in the execution of the task. Professions thus arise in situations requiring normative control because the practitioners need personal autonomy for the carrying out of their tasks; and organizing themselves so that the individual can become committed to the ideals of the group. Payment is norma lly hi gh.
Collins (1975:342) states that, these high initiative tasks have two main dimensions. The first dimension involves the unpredictability of the task whfch requires a definite skill to be completed. The second dimension involves. the power relationship between practitioner and client.
Furthennore, Collins (1975:342) contends that strong professions occur where "... the skills whi ch are the ri ght degree of effect;veness and ambiguity, but also ones that provide highly desired services". Practi tioners wi 11 be in a strong position when they provide a sense of security in the face of the unknown that is still unpredictable. This requires the practitioners to support each other in their attempts to create reality for their clients and emotionally manipulate them so that they are convinced that the practitioner is a IIpi llar of strength in the storm" (Collins, 1974:343).
Strong professions have an ideological side which is part of the power relationship between practitioner, and client. For Collins the basis of a professional's power vis a vis his client, is the professional's capacity to present himself continually as an expert. In this sense, the professional is freed from being judged by laymen - but he still has to 166
contend with the colleague group who exercize discipline over their members (Collins, 1975:343).
The three types of resources that can determine an occupation's chance of becoming a powerful collegial group, can be summed up as follows:
PROPOSITION 18.1: THE MORE SUCCESSFUL TRAINED PRACTITIONERS ARE IN COMPARISON TO UNTRAINED PRACTITIONERS IN PROVIDING A SERVICE IN AREAS OF UNCERTAINTY, THE HIGHER THE POTENTIAL POWER OF THE OCCUPATIONAL GROUP OVER CLIENTS AND OVER ITS OWN MEMBERS (Collins, 1975:344).
PROPOSITIOn 18.2: THE MORE VALUABLE ARE THE SERVICES TO CLIENTS OR EMPLOYEES, THE GREATER THE POTENTIAL POWER OF THE OCCUPATIONAL GROUP CONTROLLING THOSE SERVICES (Collins, 1975:344).
PROPOSITION 18.3: THE GREATER THE POLITICAL RESOURCES OF AN OCCUPA TIONAL GROUP, THE MORE LIKELY IT IS TO ACHIEVE A COERCIVE MONOPOLY OVER PRACTISE (Collins, 1975:344).
6.3.3.2 Types of professions
Collins (l975:344) identifies various occupations which according to their uncertainty, value of service and political resources, vary in their professiona1ization.
(i) Technical
The execution of tasks with verifiable products which are attained through a complex method, result in technically orientated professions. These types of professions will enjoy relative autonomy, a good income and prestige as long as the conditions of skill, complexity and uncertainty of outcome are met. When the outcomes become predictab1e, the professionals can be controlled by the laymen (Collins, 1975:345). 167
(ii) Ritual or organizational
The professlonal's existence depends on the problems faced by the buyer of the professional's services. In other words, a demand for the profes sional's services must be made. Collins (1975:345) identifies the fol lowing occupations as falling into this type; namely, the legal profes sion, the priesthood, medicine and teaching.
(iii) Pseudoprofessionals
The pseudoprofessionals are those individuals who form a collegial group because their power depends upon their mutual cooperation in the control of areas of uncertainty. Politicians are the purest example of pseudo profess iona1s,
Collins (1975:346) proposes that the features that Michels identified in a powerful political oligarchy are parallel to those of a successful profession; name ly, a monopoly on practice, admitting new members by cooptation, and claiming the exclusive right to evaluate members. Furthermore, Collins (1975:347) claims that most strong professions are in fact status groups:
"The same resources that give them their high mobilization and their ability to ritualize their encounters and defend an idealized image, produce simultaneously their professional organization, their class, and their status culture."
6.4 SUMMARY
Organizations are arenas for struggle in which the individual attempts to obtain certain resources to use in his struggle for status, to actualize specific goals and to gain control over others. Because Collins emphasizes the micro-level of analysis, organizations are considered by him to be nothing more than the repetitive behaviours of 168
individuals; t ,e, what they think, do and say and the influences that each individual brings to bear on others.
It is Collins' intention to show that all kinds of organizations are the result of a particular state of a set of general variables; and these identified variables are namely, control strategies, tasks and structure. The elements of conflict that were identified in an earlier chapter are visible in organizational theory, especially the pursuit of interests that in turn determine what is to be produced in the organiza tion, its goals and ideals, and the network of relationships that make up the organization (Collins, 1975:298).
Control strategies are determinants of organizational structure, and Collins identified three major types, namely coercion, material rewards and normati ve contro 1. Coerci on is always present as a resource for control, but its effectiveness is questionable. The reason fo~ this is that it produces a resentful, apathetic, non-cooperative and alienated work force. Material rewards result in the internalization of an acquisitive orientation, and although it is more effective, workers can manipulate their pe~ormances to such an extent that it has a detrimen tal effect on the production process. Normative control involves on the one hand, giving a worker a responsible position so that he can talk in the name of the organization, and also allowing an individual to give orders in the name of the organization whi ch promotes identification with the organization. On the other hand, loyalty to an organization is promoted by recruiting members who are committed to each other, by pro viding conditions that are conducive to the creation of personal friend ships; and by promoting the threat from another organization as a reality. In simpler terms then by giving a worker power and by allowing a certain amount of informal solidarity, the worker is manipul ated to identify with the organizations ideal s, Confl ict may, however, ari se when the decentralization of power produces a situation of "too many chiefs and not enough indians"; and informal solidarity can create a counterproductive situation in which personal loyalty is to each other and not to the organization. 169
A fourth type of control strategy underlies all three of the abovemen tioned in the sense that when any superior gives an order or simply talks to a-subordinate, the implication is that he has the right to give the order and that he has a superior position that demands deference. This type of control functions indirectly and is known as the taken-for granted strategy. Collins concludes that the best form of control operates indirectly, but that a combi nation of strategies is most effective.
Control strategies are usually applied with the help of certain devices. These devices include~ surveillance in which the superior keeps a watchful eye over the worker in order to ascertain if the worker is complying with the demands made of him; the criterion of efficiency, which emphasizes that the outcome of the work should be directly visible; rules, which are the most direct form of control, and which prescribe standards, impersonal relationships and the minimum amount of adaptation on the part of the members of an organization; information control in which the members of an organization have the situation expressly defined for them, and where areas of uncertainty give to certain individuals-power and status; environmental control in which the workers environment is regulated so that no attention-destroying activity can occur.
The integration of control strategies, devices and types of tasks can be presented in the form of a figure. Note that Collins (1975:315) claims that certain tasks cannot be completed without normative control but that a mixture of normative and material rewards and subtle coercive threats produce the most stable form of control. 170
TABLE 2
SYSTEMATIC REPRESENTATION OF THE INTEGRATION OF CONTROL STRATEGIES, DEVICES AND TASKS
Tasks Strategies Control Devices
Low-initiative Coercion * High Surveillance tasks * Environmental Control * Application of Rules
Medium-initiative Material * Certain amount of tasks Rewards Surveillance * Criteria of Efficiency * Application of Rules
Hi gh-i niti ati ve Normative * Information Control tasks Control
The structure of an organization therefore depends on a combination of the abovementioned facets~ Collins distinguishes between two major types of organizations namel~, hierarchial organizations and membership controlled organizations of which professions are the most important type •
. Collins identifies four types of hierarchial organizations. The first is the organization which "engages in unit production. This implies the necessity for initiative with its accompanying control strategy and administering device. (See tabel 2.) The second type is mass production in which the task acquires a little initiative and the strategies may range from coercion to material reward to normative control. 171
The third type is process production in which little initiative is needed to complete the task but where control of the environment is great and written rules are stressed. Pooled production is the last type, of which the government with its variety of agencies is the most obvious example. Tasks are standard and co-ordination needs are minimal. Rules seem to be the most common control device. Collins uses these four types as global typologies or end points on a continuum. Using these typologies as a basis will contribute to the development of organiza tional theory.
The second type of organizational structure identified by Collins is the membership-controlled organization. Membership type of organizations has an inverse pyramidal form in that it has many bosses and few workers. The bosses are the elected officials who represent the membership. All members are thus ultimately decision-makers. However, power becomes dif fused from its legitimate centre, and the result is that the "bosses" from within the ranks of the bosses, a small dec'i sionmak tnq community focus on its own, form a decision-maki ng communi ty on thei r own. Thi s ·sma11 group upholds its power by controlling information, administration and the resource of. informality. The development of this small group is assisted" by an enlarged organization that puts the administrative resources in the hands of the leader the dispersion of members over a 1arge area; the unequal dispersion of resources, the payment of the leaders and the progressive aging of the organization. The policies of the leaders are determined by their ability to engage in political bar gaining; their desire to pursue their own material interests; their ideological commitments and their willingness to adhere to the immediate desires of the members of their organization•
.Amembership controlled organization takes various forms and profession al communities are one type of membership-controlled organization. Professions generally have the following characteristics, namely, a basic equality amongst their members, the acquiring of a specific skill, an ideological cover and a continuum of professionalization. Professions have three manners by whi ch they acquire power - on the one hand the state may be called in to support their monopoly, and on the other hand, the collegial group acts as the validating group for an individuals 172
success. The third way the professions acqui re power is because they occupy positions that include highly unpredi ctable tasks and therefore require strong commitment, personal autonomy and high initiative to get the task done. The professional world ~s in a sense a closed market, as training is a necessary requirement for entrance. Collins (l975:344) identified three types of professions, namely technical (technical training is a pre-requirement for getting the task·done); Ritual or organizational (demands are made for the services of a professional) and Pseudo professionals (professional group is formed because power depends on mutual cooperation). The professional world has all the characteristics of an oligarchy.
Collins identified two types of organizational structure. However, within all types organizations general elements are found. Thus, organizations are charactereized by power struggles between those who give orders (leaders) and those who take orders (workers). The leaders of the organization use a variety of control strategies to get the task done. These strategies are accompanied by devices for their administra tion and the structure of an organization therefore is determined by various combination$ of these variables.
Collins formulates a variety of propositions concerning the control strategies, devices, types of tasks and the various types of organizations. In this regard, Collins (l975:289) contends that the basic elements of an organizational theory are:
II ••• individuals pursuing their own interests; sanctions they may use to gain compliance; and the administrative forms through which they are applied; the way in which particular kinds of tasks, attempted with'particular technologies and in particular geographical situations, shape these conflicts and give the organizational network its particular changing shape over time. 1I
This model was then applied to various kinds of organizations to illustrate how they explain the various organizational structures. 173
CHAPTER 7 STATE, ECONOMY AND IDEOLOGY :ATHEORY ON POLITICS
7.1 INTRODUCTION
Collins sets out to explain politics by using those elements that have already been identified in previous chapters which dealt with organiza tional theory and stratification; namely interests, resources, power, control strategies as well as a comparative historical analysis. Collins' intention is to establish and explanatory base, upon which a theory of politics. can be built• Collins (1974:328) claims that politics in its broadest sense, refers to the management/control of events to win social conflicts. It is the struggle of individuals and/or groups, with conflicting beliefs and interests, over the control of the organization of violence, i.e. the state. The state has an effect on stratification, the economy, the patterns of deviance and fami ly structure. It is, in other words, central to any society.
The fundamental concepts of politics are identified, as the state, the tactics of political control, i.e. coercion and normative control, and the distinction between internal politics and geo-politics.
7.2 THE STATE
Numerous Sociologists have defined the state, but Collins utilizes the Weberian definition which contends that the state is the organization which upholds the claim to the monopoly of the legitimate use of force (Weber, 1968:54). 174
The state is, according to Collins (1975:351), the way in which violence is organized. In other words, it ultimately consists of those people who have the guns and weapons and are prepared to use them.
The powerof the state rests then on its ability and willingness to use violence both internally and externally. Internally, the state may threaten or use violence in support of a variety of interest groups; and externally the state I s wi 11 ingness to use force wi 11 act as a deterent to potential enemies.
The state's abi 1ity to use force depends heavi lyon the mi 1itary organization and the police force. It is the army that ultimately fights wars and either wins them or loses them. Wars can be said to influence the development (winning wars) or disintegration (losing wars) of the state. Collins proposes that wars or threat of wars are the basis for po1iti cs ina society.1 The mi 1i tary organizati on therefore becomes the core of the state,· to be used either in outright warfare, or as a threat.
Politics in any s.ociety, involves thus both outright warfare and coercive threats, and much of the internal politics of a modern state is based loosely on coercive threats. It involves manoeuvring around the organization that controls violence. In this regard, Coll ins (1975:353) states that:
"Elections, bargaining within parliamentary bodies, and bargaining within political parties, are manoeuvers to create a coalition to gain control of the apparatus of the state •••"
Since the mi 1i tary organization is the apparatus of the state, any theory on pol itics must include an understanding of the factors which affect the military organization and thus ultimately affect the state.
1 See the section on the legitimacy of the state. 175
7.3 TACTICS OF POLITICAL CONTROL
Just as there are organizational control strategies which act as determinants of organizational structure, so too there are tactics of political control that affect the structure of the state. These tactics inc1ude the coerci ve power of the mi 1i tary, and the control through ideology.
7.3.1 The military organization
In his explanation of the state as the organization of violence, Collins makes use of an analysis of certain resources such as economic production and technology, weaponry, supplies, and support for the dom)nant army. Each resource has played a historical role and will play a contemporary role in the development of the military organization upon < •• which the state is built. Furthermore, the variables of centralization and decentralization are incorporated into Collins' analysis of the historic progression of the mi 1itary organization to its contemporary position.
7.3.1.1 Technology and economic production
The first factor that Collins identifies in his analysis of the military organization, and which has an influence on the nature and extent of the military organization, is that of technology and economic production.
A summative proposition is formulated by Collins (1975:355) in connec tion with this factor, and reads:
PROPOSITION 19.0: THE TECHNOLOGY OF ECONOMIC PRODUCTION LIMITS THE PO TENTIAL SIZE AND STRUCTURE OF POLITICAL ORGANIZATION.
Collins then uses the empirical generalizations of Lenski (in Collins, 1975:355) to show how more powerful forms of economic production lead to changes in the political order. In societies that produce little or no 176
economic wealth except for what is needed for survival (i.e. subsistence economy) more political equality exists because there is no reason for the domination of one group over the other. As economic production is increased through technology which leads to a economic surplus, the society enlarges and stratifies, bringing with this change, political inequality. In this regard, Collins (1975:355) formulated the following proposition, which reads:
PROPOSITION 19.1: THE GREATER THE SURPLUS OF GOODS PRODUCED PER WORKER IN PRIMARY PRODUCTION BEYOND WHAT IS NECESSARY TO STAY ALIVE, THE GREATER THE POTENTIAL FOR POLITICAL ORGANIZATION AND POLITICAL INEQUALITY.
In a highly industrialized society, technology has increased economic production and put resources into the hands of whoever can marshal them. In this sense, technology underlies the potential for state control over large territories and populations, a greater complexity in administration, a dispersal of power resources into part of the hierarchy, and the mobilization of large numbers of people into a political force (Col l tns , 1975:356).
Economic production will thus affect the size and structure of the political organization as with an increasing surplus in the economy, society enl arges geographically and in population, creating the potential for the development of an army. In this regard, the following proposition may act as a guideline to the variations within military organizations:
PROPOSITION 20.1: THE GREATER THE ECONOMIC SURPLUS, THE GREATER THE POTENTIAL SIZE OF ARMIES PROPORTIONAL TO THE POPULATION (Collins, 1975:357).
7.3.1.2 Weaponry
The second factor affecting the size and structure of the mi 1itary organization is weaponry. The following proposition introduces two related variables, namely who pays for the weapons and who wields them. 177
PROPOSITION 20.2: THE ORGANIZATION OF ARMIES ARE DETERMINED BY THE EXPENSE OF WEAPONS AND WHETHER THEY ARE WIELDED INDIVIDUALLY OR BY A GROUP (Collins, 1975:357).
Thus, in his analysis of weapons, Collins makes use of two variables, the cost of the weapons, and either the individual's use or group's use of the weapons. These variables are also used in relation to certain other variables such as the structure of society and conflict.-
The first type of weaponry Collins identifies, is those that are expensive and individually operated. They are characteristic of a highly stratified society where warrior knights monopolize the fighting.
The second type of weaponry is those that are cheap, and individually operated. This enables the general popul ation to take part in the fighting and a more democratic form of society prevails.
The third type of weaponry is cheap weapons which are operated by a group. A certain amount of interdependence among the individual fighters is allowed, but they cooperate when it comes to the use of the weaponry. Conflict within the group is a possibility.
The last type of weapons to be identified, is the expensive group operated ·weapons which are characteristic of modern warfare. Modern war fare is carried out by armies which are highly bureaucratized with a central hierarchy of command and a large subordinate group of soldiers. This army is under the control of whomever has the resources to maintain it. The weaponry factor can be summarized in the following proposition:
PROPOSITION 20.24: THE GREATER THE PROPORTION OF WEAPONS SUPPLIED BY THE MEMBERS THEMSELVES, THE MORE TEMPORARY AND THE LESS DISCIPLINED THE WAR COALITION, THE GREATER THE PROPORTION OF WEAPONS SUPPLIED FOR THE GROUP BY AN INDIVIDUAL, THE GREATER ,HIS DISCIPLINE OVER THE GROUP, AND THE MORE PERMANENT THE ORGANIZATION (Collins, 1975:359). 178
7.3.1.3 Supplies
The third factor affecting the military structure is that of supplies; i.e. the method of feeding the troops, supplying them on a campaign and their payment for services (Collins, 1975:260). The method of supplying an army is related to the method of economic production. In societies characterized by a subsistence economy, the army wi 11 have no set of supplies to carry with them, resulting in the army staying close to home; or existing on what they obtain from their victories. Modern societies, on the other hand, are characterized by high levels of productivity, transportation and communication and therefore a central administration for ~he distribution of supplies is required.
Thus Collins (1975:360) identifies a continuum of power, from where the army lives off the land or by trade and the individual soldier has the most power (i.e. power is decentralized); to a centrally supplied army in whi ch power is in the hands of the commander, (t , e. power is cen tralized). The following propositions illustrate the effect of a cen tralized and decentralized administration.
PROPOSITION 20.31: THE MORE AN ARMY IS SUPPLIED BY INDIVIDUAL SOLDIERS REQUISITIONING THEIR OWN SUPPLIES AS THEY TRAVEL, OR BY INDIVIDUALLY TRADING BOOTY FOR SUPPLIES IN NON HOSTILE AREAS, THE MORE DECENTRALIZED THE ARMY OR GANIZATION (Collins, 1975:360).
PROPOSITION 20.33:. THE MORE AN ARMY IS SUPPLIED BY THE CENTRAL COMMAND REQUISITIONING OR CARRYING STORES WHICH IT PERIOD ICALLY DISTRIBUTES TO ITS TROOPS, THE MORE CEN TRALIZED THE CONTROL OVER THE ENTIRE ARMY (Collins, 1975 :360).
7.3.1.4 Support for the domi~ant army
The fourth factor is a military factor that affects the structure of the state, namely that the structure of the state wi 11 depend on how the 179
dominant armY is supported. If individual soldiers are allowed to collect their own payment for fighting, the less likely a permanent, centrally controlled government is to be established. When the commander of the army collects booty to redistribute to his troops, then the army will unite as a governing and governable unit, until the booty is distributed. These two systems are referred to by Collins (1975:362) as
"booty systems II , and neither promotes any form of permanent admi nistra tion. Afurther type of booty system is that of feudal decentralization, in which the army is rewarded for its services by having land assigned to individuals. This type of support system sets up a new government in the conquered area, but the central control is weak.
In contrast to the three abovementioned systems, Collins (1975:362) identifies two further systems of support that contribute to the maintenance of a centralized state. These two systems are namely, where the army is supported by the quartering of troops in a permanent garrison that is supported by 1oca1 tribute; and where the army is supported by quartering troops in garri sons that are suppl ied by a centralized administration that collects seperate taxes.
The success of the garri son system depends on the balance of power between the local conunanders and the ruler. If the troops are locally supplied, then the local commander will have more power. If the ruler himself supplies the garrison then he has more power, but this requires an efficient tax system, and means of transportation; i.e. centralized control. This type of control is easily implemented when the industrial society is commercialized. However, industrialization is not in itself an explanation for centralized control, but only provides a resource for the struggle over control. Collins (1975:363) sums up his emphasis on the military organization as follows:
"In the modern world, the boundaries and structures of states continue to depend on how military force is organized, including both the armY and the police."
Another facet which shapes the military organization and is crucial to the study of politics is the control of other territories by a state. 180
This facet is referred to by Collins (1975:408) as the geographical side of pol itics.
7.3.1.5 Geo-po1itics
Collins (1975:351; 1981 :71) has stated that the state is based on the mi 1i tary control over a given territory, and that the key to all the other features of the state is the effectivity of military control.
The extent of the state is determined by the resources which form the basis of military power,l and the territorial configuration in which the power of the military is exercized. These two variables interact, and both should be used to account for the incidence and outcome of war; t ,e, they should be used to explain the movement of state boundaries (Collins, 1981:71).
Geo-po1itics emphasizes the external relations of the state, and therefore involves an analysis of the territories upon which military control is exerted. The extent of these territories depends on the stateIS mi 1i tary abi 1i ty, and in thi s 1i ght, these territories become determinants of state power.
(i) Territorial configurations
Territorial configurations involve the physical topography of territo ries upon which military control is exercized. Collins (1981:778) identified two main dimensions of territorial configurations, namely heartlands and barriers, that playa role in the attempt to exercize military control over a territory.
1 See section 7.3. 181
(a) Heartlands
Heartlands are the basic units of geo-po1itics, and Collins (1981:78) contends that they are made up of a territory wi th some degree of geographical unity which is accessible to military control from within and without.
One of the key variables, then, in determining the size and stability of the state, is the extent to which closed heartlands exist in the territory which the state wishes to conquer or control. Collins claims that heartlands are the basic unit of geo-po1itics, and in any struggle to extend state boundaries they playa crucial role. In this regard then, he states that:
"The fi rst step is to estab1i sh mi 1itary control over an entire heartland" (Collins, 1981:79).
(b) Barr;ers
Barriers set the boundaries for natural heartlands, and have an in fluence on the military situation. A variety of barriers is identi fiable, and Collins (1981:79) claims the-y have repercussions for a state's control.
Rivers, although they are not strong barriers, may playa vital role in the negotiations of a boundary or frontier. Seas and lakes are more definite boundaries, but they can serve as transportation channels in the case of sea warfare. Mountains are an imposing barrier, but the most significant are those lands bounded by natural barriers of inhospitable territory, such as deserts and jungles. Military threats can rarely ever lead to actual expeditions across such barriers, but with the advent of advanced military technology these two barriers - mountains and deserts/jungles - could be overcome.
Natural barriers in themselves are seldom the only determinant of state boundaries. Collins (1981:80) suggests that these barriers should be 182
combined with the progress in military technology, the size and economies of the heartlands, and the dynamics of the external relationships among the states concerned.
After describing the bases of military power, and the natural barriers and basic unit of geo-politics, Collins (1981:80) proposes seven principles of geo-politics, each of which is analyzed in terms of the abovementioned determinants of state power.
(ii) Principles of geo-politics
Collins identified seven main geo-political principles namely, territo rial resource advantage, marchland advantage, ba lance of power, over expansion and disintegration, stalemates and powervacuums, imperialism which follows unification and partial diffusion and external prole tariats (Collins, 1981:80-106)~·
(a) Territorial resource advantage
The principl e of territorial resource advantage impl ies that states based upon larger and wealthier heartlands, will tend to dominate smaller and poorer ones, all else being equal. Having a large heartland, a large population, a healthy economy implies that the state will be able to field the larger army, and thus conquer or dominate smaller ones. However, Collins warns that resources of any given territory are only one variable that determines dominance; and thus smaller and poorer states could defeat the larger and richer states.
(b) Marchland advantage
The principle of marchland advantage implies that marchland states will have a power advantage over states that are more centrally located.
If a group of bordering states exist, which have the same level of mi 1itary organization, those on the edge of the group have the power 183
advantage as they have a significant enemy on one side only~ and these states are referred to as marchland states. They often derive strength from the fact that they back up against natural barriers. However these natural barriers are not formidable, and with increasing military technology, are easily overcome.
(c) Balance of power
The balance of power principles states that a balance of power exists when two or more states confront each other with relative equal positions or advantages. However, a balance of power does not imply stability; it is rather a dynamic situation which leads to a change in the positions of states depending on the distribution of resources.
If two strong states exist on opposite sides of a natural barrier, the region is likely to be stable. If within the barrier region, a buffer state exists, stability is still ensured, for example Luxembourg which is in the hilly region between France, Germany and Belgium. However, between strong states in an unstable region, the buffer state is a con querable resource in the struggle for control, i.e. in the shift to destroy the balance of power. This buffer state becomes difficult to conquer especially if there is a strong army presence on the other side; and repeated conquests by outside states may fragment the buffer state in a number of different pieces, producing an imbalance of strength within the buffer state. In the long term, therefore, unification of the buffer state with a larger state becomes inevitable.
(d) Overexpansion and disintegration
Overexpansion by a large state beyond its heartland border is likely to result in disintegration either of the political party in control, or the territory itself.
Collins has previously claimed that the basis of the state is its mi 1itary power. Therefore, ·if the state expands beyond its territori a1 184
borders, and its military power is defeated, a loss of control is likely to occur in the border area and may resonate to the government itself. Further, Collins contends that modern popular revolutions are made pos si ble by a defeat in war whi ch destroys the coercive apparatus of the state. Disintegration then occurs where the state is no longer able to control territories beyo~d its heartland.
- When a state has expanded its boundaries, unification may be prolonged by universal religions or- ideologies; however, as the military unity disintegrates, so too do the religions and ideologies. Thus Collins (l981 :101) concludes that religions and other ideologies follow geo-po1itica1 lines. As an illustration, Collins shows how international communi sm has broken up into competing factions; t ,e, communi st ideo logies of China, Russia and Yugoslavia are similar and are produced by geo-po1itical strains.
(e) Sta1emates and power vaCUlDDS
Stalemates and power vacuums are to a certain extent analogous. When two equally strong states are pitted against each other, and they cannot defeat each other, the struggle, according to Collins (l931:96), has reached a stalemate. From this stalemate struggle, a power vacuum arises, and often another state uses this power vacuum to its own advantage. It intrudes into the vacuum and expands its own boundaries considerably, often conquering the stalemate states.
(f) Imperialism fallows unification
Imperialism involves the expansion of state boundaries i.e. the con quering of adjacent states. The principle of imperialism following unification in general implies that once a state's heartland is unified, a state embarks upon the conquest of other territories, t ,e, imperialism. Collins (1981:102) claims that this process occurs either because the expansive external policy has a direct tie to the internal dynamics of political control; or because the state is dependent on its 185
conquests for economic survival. A further reason is that by continual expansion, leaders consolidate their position internally, i.e. they legitimate their position by successful external expansion.
(g) Partial diffusion and external proletariats
According to the principle of partial diffusion and external prole tariats, mi 1itary and economic technology diffuses rapidly to less advanced territories which are adjacent to the heartland. The result of the diffusion is a population growth and periodic invasions of superior states by the external proletariats or "barber-tans" (Collins, 1981:102).
These principl es of geo-pol itics exp1 ain the expansion of state boun daries and the related problems of military control over the newly annexed area. However, geo-politics involves not only the external relations of the state but the internal stability as well. The former implies that the state's position vis a vis other states, is determined by the strength of its military force. If a state has a strong military force, it will be willing to use it against enemies or for expansion. In the 1atter case, the state's position in the international arena wi 11 underlie its internal stability, as a powerful military force once again acts as a deterrence for internal rebellion.
Although an efficient and powerful military organization implies out right warfare, politics in most instances refers to manoeuvring to gain contro1 of the apparatus of the state. However mi 1itary control or the use of force is not the only control strategy identified by Collins.
7.3.2 The role of ideology in control
The normative control strategy identified by Collins in the previous chapter,l is applied to the political scene as control by ideology. He points out in this connection that although a variety of variables
1 See Chapter 6, section 6.2. 186
exists which contribute to the maintaining of central control of mi 1itary resources and mi 1itary power, name ly effici ent techni que s of transportation and communication, a 'system of money, an economic sur plus, a central administration and so forth, centralized control also requires shrewd political manoeuvring, and organization building by a would-be-ruler. Resources alone are not sufficient upon which to build, and therefore skill is needed to weld the technical and material resources into a new framework. This skill necessitates firstly reorgan izing the followers of a leader so that loyalty is paramount, implying that he can use the followers to enforce his commands upon each other, and secondly, the leader is required to set up a central administration (especially non-military). Both the creation of loyalty and the setting up of a central non-military administration has historically been the function of the religious organizations (Collins, 1975:365).
Collins (1975:366) claims that religion is not only a matter of II ••• other worldly concerns ••• 11 but it has a political tinge as well. Religious interaction had important implications for politics in the sense that it provided a legitimating ideology which supported the state's use of violence, and a1 so in the sense that it provided a non-military bureaucratic civil service that administers the military resources. Furthermore, the power of the the state is ultimately the power to use violence. In this regard Collins (1975:366) states that the coercive sanction overrides all others and that II ••• its quality as the ultimate thing men wish to avoid gives its wielders the power to shape the rest of the social order. Used as a means of appropriating property, it becomes the basis for control by rewards; operating as a threat that makes men dependent upon one another, it under1ies the most intense emotional bonds. 1I
According to Collins (1975:366), however, violence is effective only when it is exercized by a social coalition; i.e. one individual cannot coerce many others, and thus organization becomes the most important factor. Collins introduces the example of a dictator to illustrate just how control by ideology is possible. 187
A dictator rules because he has organized his followers to such an extent that his followers watch over each other and are all scared to take the lead in acting against him. The leader is thus powerful because others believe him to be powerful, and this belief ensures that the subordinates maintain those sanctions that keep their leader powerful. If his subordinates l belief in his power begins to crumble, the leader is likely to lose his position of power. Symbolic acts (rituals) therefore become increasingly important, as they uphold the belief in the leader t s position. Therefore, Collins (1975:367) concludes that politics becomes the process whereby an individual defines himself as the II ••• powerful center in an interpersonal network, and especially in tenns of the part of the network that wields the weapons of violence".
Outright warfare and rituals thus become two tactics in the organizing of power. Collins (1975:367), in this regard, claims that:
"Men ls beliefs about power are as crucial as the actual excercize of coercion itself, and the minute-by-minute tactics of organizing power involve not only fighting and organizing supplies but putting on ritual shows in an effort to influence solidarity and deference among supporters and enemies alike."
Therefore if the leader wishes to define his leadership as legitimate, he must firstly maintain the impression that he is more than willing to use the coercive force of the military to ensure loyalty; and secondly, . the leader must ensure that his power becomes a reality for his followers. This implies that the leader must control those mechanisms which underlie emotional solidarity and obedience; i.e. rituals. Collins (l975:368) highlights the relationship between ritual and politics in the following manner:
"If a ruler has the material and conununications resources well in hand, the words and symbols by which men refer to this state of affairs take on the solidity of physical objects. The government, although it is only a network of men reacting to each other, becomes a real thing in their minds, and its leader becomes more than an ordinary man ••• he becomes a god 188
or priest, reflecting the awe of his coercive power and the impenetrab1eness of his network of mutual threat. 1I
Legitimacy becomes in this sense, a way of communicating about how coercion and material resources are organized, and just how men's beliefs and emotions are manipulated. Political power has thus throughout history been reflected ideologically, in religious beliefs.
7.3.2.1 The historical relationship between politics and religion
The relationship between politics and religion is of long standing, and even in modern society the relationship continues.
Collins (1975:366) claims that in a tribal society, religious and political power was usually vested in the same man, while in the commercialized society, religious power is vested in religious organizations which have developed separately from political organizations. However, important connections have been maintained.
Weber (in Collins, 1986:77) contends that states seek religious legitimation, while religious organizations welcome the support of the state especially in their bid for power over other religious factions. Collins (1975:366) annexes this contention of Weber, and proposes that religious interaction has implications for politics in that it cor responds to the exercize of power, and it promotes the establishment of an administrative core that is non-military.
According to Collins (1975:371), the correlation between politics and religion is also reflected in times of crises:
II ••• rumblings on the theological front foreshadow efforts at a more substantive rebellion. 1I
The relationships between politics and religion has changed and become increasingly complicated as the result of the separation of the church from the household. Although religions have faded into the background, 189
they have been replaced by secular ideologies which Collins (1975:369) contends are variants of the conditions which produce religions. Collins therefore attempts to explain the general conditions that produce the main types of ideology.
7.3.2.2 Conditions producing a dominant ideology
Collins (1975:368-380) identified three basic variables which contribute to the production of a dominant ideology; namely, social units, the relationship between the social units, and the voluntary or automatic participation in the ceremonies.
(i) Social units
Collins identifies five social units which reflect the ideals of loyalty and morality to which the individual must orientate himself. These social units are arranged along a continuum according to their control of power and material resources.
Firstly, when power and material resources are under the control of a family or household, then religious ceremonies will take place within it, and will be directed at glorifying and bolstering the authority of the head of the family or household.
Secondly, when power and resources are controlled by a ruling household, the religious ceremonies will take place within the dominant household, and glorify the authority of thi s household over others.
Thirdly, when the control of power and resources depends on the joint activity of the tribe or community, then the religious ceremo nies usually involve the whole conmunity and are directed at supporting the authority of the leaders in the community and bolstering the loyalty of its members. 190
Fourthly, when associations control power and resources, then the religious ceremonies occur within the association, and will bolster loyalty to the group and its leaders. The authority of the group's leader is also highlighted.
Lastly, when the control of power and resources is diffused to specialized organizations that are designed for practising religious ceremonies, then these ceremonies become universal and are accessible to the whole community and support an ideal of moral behaviour {Collins, 1975:369). The leaders in such a cosmopolitan community rely on the religious organization to support their authority.
It must be remembered that Collins sees ideologies as variants of the same basic set of conditions that produce religions. Thus history has shown that the ideological side in religious beliefs has reflected political power and the coalitions formed around it. However, even though re 1i gion and the state have become separated and have changed, their relationship continues. Religions may have fallen into the po litical background, but modern ideologies have arisen in their place.
(ii) The relationship within the social units
Collins (l975:370) in regard to the relationship within social units, proposes that if the relationship is characterized by equality and brotherly love, then mass participation in rituals wi 11 take pl ace. Rituals will therefore serve to promote loyalty and enthusiasm within the social unit. However, as the relationship progresses to. a more hierarchic nature, the religious ceremonies will increasingly emphasize a powerful entity/god, and a speci alized staff wi 11 evolve, who wi 11 carry out the ceremonies, thereby confining the general membership to spectatorship status. 191
(iii) Voluntary and automatic participation
Collins proposes that the goals that are furthered by rituals vary according to whether the recruitment of members to participate in ceremonies is voluntary or automatic.
Collins (1975:372) contends that if participation is automatic, then the ceremoni es promot ing 1oya1ty to the symbols whi ch represent the socia1 unit will be fostered. If, however, participation is voluntary, then the ceremonies are likely to foster universal goals. These ceremonies which promote universalism link heterogeneous people together in a ceremonial comniunity and become part of a universalistic religion. This religion becomes a means of symbolic communication and a supplier of loyalties.
Conditions that lay down the ground work for a universalistic religion are therefore centralization of control, a hierarchic relationship within social units, and voluntary participation in ceremonies.
7.3.2.3 Universalistic religions and secular ideologies
Religion has through the ages been looked upon as a ceremonial means of warding off sickness and evil, assuring victory in war, bringing about good crops and other material benefits. Men made a living or exercized power through these ceremonial procedures, and the procedures were invoked to tighten the group bonds and emotional so.lidarity. In other words, religion served to knit the group together, and make an enemy of everyone outside. Universalistic religions changed this "traditional" type religion because they took on a new organizational form. They linked people together from a variety of social units, arose in cosmopolitan areas, and occured in a new political and economic order. Universalistic religions were the forerunner of secular ideologies, and Collins documents the changes that have occurred in society which acted as a point of departure for the development of secular ideologies. 192
(i) The shift in legitimacy
Collins contends that the decline in religions and the rise of secular ideologies is one of the most important developments in politics in modern society. Instead of legitimating their power in terms of the support of spirits and gods, leaders began to claim that they represented the nation/peop1 e and or certain fundamental rights or principles concerning human affairs.
The increasing importance of education has helped to shift the state's claim for legitimation from the church to the schools. Schools have come to replace churches as the source of bureaucratic officials, and also to become a battle ground for obtaining subjects' loyalties. In this regard Collins (1975:378) maintains that "••• for schools may not be very effective in importing technical knowledge, but they do serve well enough in drilling students into loyalty to the state".
However, this shift to educational legitimation is not without its problems, because schools also serve to mobilize students and intellec tuals especially in a moralistic and volatile setting. Students and intellectuals are by themselves not a serious threat, but when the military control slackens, and they associate themselves with a mass movement of dissatisfaction, they pose a threat to the legitimacy of the existing regime. Revolution is likely to result if the threat is serious and coincides with a break in military control, or a severe economic crisis, or a break-up within the elite, or a defeat in war.
(ii) Communication
COJTll1unication is related to the shift in legitimacy, especially in regard to the verbalization of a politician's policy. Political manoeuvring in modern society invo1 ves exp1 aining pol icies, speeches, debates, making plausible arguments and, most important of all, controlling information. A politician who wishes to be successful, must place himself at the centre of an information network, thus controlling information not only about himself but about related political issues. 193
(iii) Leadership
The leaders who use secular ideologies as a method of control, operate in most respects like religious leaders. In other words, the ceremonial side of politics involves symbolic issues and speeches invoking an enemy threat, and this ceremonial side forms part of everyday political discourse.
A skilled political leader then controls unfavourable information about others and about himself. Politicians also try to control the impression they make on others, i.e. impression management (Collins, 1974:337). Politicians generally try to act as if they would really live up to the ideals that justify their power.
Collins (1975:371) contends that in some societies, a "cult of per sonality" surrounds a leader. This type of cult is generally found where the political climate is highly centralized, and the ceremonial proce dures are concentrated around one man, making him the ritual centre of a political regime. This cult of personality is particularly characteris tic of the Communist states, as well as other highly conservative authoritarian states.
(tv) CODIDitment
The commitment to any type of ideology depends on two factors, namely physical nearness and the threat of violence (Collins, 1975:379).
When members of a group are continually together physically, the ceremonies they participate in become emotionally charged, resulting in an intensified commitment to the group. In the same sense, if the group is threatened with violence, the group's commitment to the ideology is intensified.
Ritual solidarity is in this regard, a result of invoking, and/or seeking out, and/or perpetuating the threat of violence, and through this it becomes an effective manoeuver in politics (Collins, 1975:380). 194
Secular ideologies such as nationalism then, arise from a history of having fought together against a common enemy for CODUnon politica1 ideals, and won. Nationalism becomes the arena of legitimacy (Collins, 1986: 151) •
Thus far, the tactics of control have been reviewed with reference to external politics. However, the ideological factor has introduced an internal dimension to pol itics; t ,e, a situation where various groups vie for domination in the ritualistic side of politics. But politics occurs whenever certain people try to convince others, or manipul ate others, to get them to do what they want. Pol itical manoeuvring. in modern politics is therefore based on the ability of different factions successfully to influence the state to support thei r interests. State involvement implies physical coercion by the apparatus of the state, but in this instance it refers only to coercive threats being made towards rival factions. This change from outright physical coercion to coercive threat is due to the fact that the military structure of the state has been replaced by a civilian administration. Thus, Collins (1975:381) maintains that ..... [w]hen the mi 1itary structure of the state becomes supplemented by a civilian administration, political manoeuvring becomes more complex, and it becomes possible for a number of interests to try to use the state's coercive threat for their own interests without engaging in actual warfare".
7.4 POLITICAL INTEREST GROUPS
According to Collins (1974:338) everyone involved in politics has interests, whether they be economic, power or cultural. The pursuit of these interests becomes the motivation for political manoeuvring. It is important, however, to realize that everyone has economic, cultural and power interests, and that some people are in a position to maximize all three simultaneously, others maximize only in some spheres, and sti 11 others have low resources in all three spheres. Furthermore, Collins (1975:381) contends that Weber's model of economic class, status group and political party serves as a guideline to the variety of interests people pursue and also suggests how people mesh together to form coalitions that struggle over the control of the state. 195
7.4.1 Economic class interests
Economic class interests are essentially concerned with establishing ownership over land, goods, labour rights, and control of the system of economic communi cation.
Whereas it has been stated repeatedly that the ultimate form of control that can be implemented by any group or individual is coercion, in the economic sense coercion implies the establishment of property rights which the state will be interested in upholding (Collins 1975:382). Furthermore, every economic interest ultimately becomes a political in terest because the state is always a useful aid in establishing property rights. Therefore, conflicts of an economic nature become politicized quickly.
The owners of the property are the faction that desires state protection ' .. and they also use the state to enhance their control of property. In other words, property rights are upheld by the threat of violence. In thi s regard, Co11 i ns gives attenti on to .more spec ific property interests.
7.4.1.1 Employers and employees
Collins (1975:383) proposes that employers and employees try to use the state in an attempt to regulate their relationships. The state is influenced either to enforce slavery and/or break unionizing efforts; or to guarantee work conditions, union control and wage levels. The state may also be used to enforce professional monopolies. 1
7.4.1.2 Debtors and creditors
Another set of interests that emerges out of a situation of property is that of debtors and creditors. Collins (1975:382) states that there is a
1 See Chapter 6, 6.3.3. 196
"collective interest" among debtors to have the terms of their debt eased with help from the state; and creditors have interests in the opposite direction. Individualistic interests are also present as each money lender competes with others for clients.
7.4.1.3 Sellers and consumers
The last set of interests to emerge is that of sellers and consumers. Sellers· main interest is to protect themselves and to do this they attempt to infl uence the state' s attitude favourably with regard to prices and competition. The consumers· main interest is to keep the prices down and the quality of goods up. The consumers are seldom organized as a coherent mobilized factor and thus action against the sellers seldom takes place.
0 ••
7.4.2 Power interests
Perhaps one of the most important interests to be pursued is that of power. Everybody is concerned with his position with regard to the state because they are subjected to coercion, guaranteed autonomy, or share power.
The power interests to be pursued, in broad terms, refer to the right of citizenship, franchise or independence. Various political factions feel differently about these issues, and relevant groups may mobilize themselves for action which may result in political conflicts (Collins, 1975:38).
Pol itica1 interest groups within and around the state my become hi gh1y organi zed and each then presents its members with the change for enhancing power or their politica1 careers. The struggles that ensue between political parties and within them, tend to be relatively particularistic in nature. 197
Col1in1s earlier premise that everyone wishes to obtain as much power as possible, can be applied to the political struggle between groups. The control of the state (the ultimate goal of the political struggle) is impl icit in the struggle for power, as the control of the means of violence guarantees power.
7.4.3 Status interests
As indicated in Chapter 4, Collins emphasized that men create their own subjective realities through a set of symbols which are upheld by social rituals, and a major route to power is to make threats and rewards part of a ritual ceremony. Groups that carry out rituals and create commit ment to a set of ideals, are mobilized as a community and are according to Collins (1975:384), ultimately concerned with politics. These groups have a fundamental need to protect themselves against external threats, and therefore they enter the struggle for power and control of the state, so that they can maintain the existence of their community. One method of imposing themselves on others is by making their subjecti ve reality (definition of reality) an absolute; f ,e, establishing them selves at the centre of a communication network and thereby claiming to state the moral ideals and symbolic reality which are incumbent on everyone.
Collins (1975:384) proposes that ethnic groups or religious communities are ways in which people group together in the struggle for wealth, power and status.· Collins calls them prototypes of .!!! groupings that could influence the state. However, the groups which will have the most influence are those that possess the resources to mobilize themselves as a ritual community. These resources include material resources, wealth, the availability of transportation and communication resources. The degree of mobilization of an interest group will directly influence its political power, and by acquiring a sense of community, the interest group is able to maintain its political influence.
In this regard, the following four propositions can be used to emphasize the effect of mobilization: 198
PROPOSITION 22.9: MARX'S MOBILIZATION PRINCIPLE: THE POLITICAL POWER OF AN INTEREST GROUP IS PROPORTIONAL TO ITS DEGREE OF MOBILIZATION (Collins, 1975:385).
PROPOSITION 22.2: THE GREATER THE RESOURCES FOR ORGANIZING ITSELF AS A STATUS GROUP, THE GREATER THE POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF A COLLECTION OF INDIVIDUALS (Collins, 1975:386).
PROPOSITION 22.3: THE GREATER THE RESOURCES AN INTEREST GROUP HAS FOR LEADING AND SHAPING THE COMMUNITY RITUALS OF THE RELATIVELY LESS MOBILIZED INTERESTS, THE LESS THE CHANCE OF COUNTERMOBILIZATION (Collins, 1975:387).
PROPOSITION 22.4: THE MORE THAT THE MOBILIZED INDIVIDUALS SHARE A COLLECTIVE INTEREST, THE MORE LIKELY THE STATE IS TO UPHOLD THAT INTEREST (Collins, 1975:388).
However, before mobilization can take place a status group must become a ritual community, and this necessitates a common outlook, a commitment to the ideals and. symbo1s whi ch represent the group, a mutual inter dependence, and a control of those resources which wi 11 ensure the group's monopoly of power. In most instances the status group also shares either an ethnic, educational or cultural identity.
Collective interests will tend to command more attention than individual interests, and it it is for this reason that joint action by a group of individuals with the same collective interests, will elicit more of a response by their mobilization as a political entity.
One event that may precede the mobilization of interest groups is a crisis.
7.4.4 Crises
Collins (1975:389) defines crises as events that threaten many interests, and therefore act as a motivating force to make people 199
mobilize themselves even when it is too costly. Crises thus play an important role in political change.
7.4.4.1 Causes of crises
Crises are often caused by a combination of various conditions. According to Collins (1975:391) some of these conditions include economic depression, drought, famine, high infl ation rates and inter-group conflicts. In fact, any events that challenge the existing ceremoni a1 order and show it to be weak, act as conductors for the mobilization of polarized interest groups. Collins (1975:391) refers to wars as being the most mobilizing crisis of all. If the war is success ful, it will strengthen the power of whomever has control of the military apparatus. However, should the military be defeated, then the state becomes open to change. Either way, wars are mobilizing agents for interest groups.
The nature of politics is also changed by crises, and Collins (1975:389) in this connection, claims that negotiation becomes the primary require ment as many groups are involved, and rapid alignments of power are likely to occur. When an interest group challenges those in power in times of a crisis, their aim is to call into question the legitimacy of the existing order. In other words, crisis leads up to the question of whether or not the present ceremonial structure should be upheld; as one way in which control is maintained over the state, is by manipulating those ceremonies which depict deference to those in power.
According to whether or not the existing ceremoni al .structure should be upheld, Collins (1975:389) introduces various factions that arise in times of crises.
7.4.4.2 Factions arising in times of crisis
Crises are known to mobilize diverse interests; however, this diversity is given coherence by Collins (1975:389) through the following proposition: 200
PROPOSITION 22.51: THE MORE SEVERE THE CRISIS, THE GREATER THE TENDENCY TO POLARIZE INTO TWO-SIDED CONFLICTS, BETWEEN THE SUPPORTERS OF EXISTING CEREMONIAL bRDER AND ITS OPPONENTS.
On this basis, Collins (1975:389-391) identified five factions arising in times of a crisis.
(i) Conservatives
The conservatives are known as the upholders of the existing social order.
(ii) Ultra-conservatives
The ultra-convervatives consider those in power to be to "soft", but they support them in order that those who are threatening to destroy the social order may be defeated.
(iii) Liberal conservatives
The liberal conservatives generally oppose the existing order but they support it until the crisis is over.
(iv) Radicals
The radicals wish to destroy the existing order, totally annihilate its supporters and establish a new order.
. , (v) Conciliators
Conciliators take the attitude that they do not belong to the con servative coalition, but they are willing to align themselves with the radical faction if they are rewarded for their actions. 201
According to Collins (1975:396), it is the interest group that is nearest the centre that is likely to win the power struggle. However, any interest group that enters the power struggle needs to coalesce with another group for support, and thus political manoeuvring involves the creation of a coalition. These interest groups will coalesce in the fol lowing circumstances: when they share the same ideals; when the interpersona1 contact between their 1eaders is varied, and when the interests being pursued by the groups are compatible (Collins, 1975:390).
7.4.4.3 What determines the success of an interest group in times of crisis?
Collins (1975:391) states that an interest group will successfully hold power in the times of crises if it is highly mobilized.
The conservative coalition is usually the most mobilized group and generally maintains its power in a time of crisis. The mobilization action of its opponents, however, may be strong enough so that they succeed in the power struggle but it wi 11 depend heavi lyon whether or not they are able to end the crisis (Collins, 1975:392).
The radically disaffected may also succeed in mobilizing themselves under the guise of a faction within an already mobilized interest group. This faction is generally made up of intellectuals, priests and those who are not directly dependent on the existing structure of power. A mobi1i zed group whi ch does not enjoy political i nfl uence, may seek it out by becoming representatives of the disaffected and unmobilized groups. These new interest groups may become a severe threat to the existing order, in the times of crisis.
The most basic assumption made by Collins (in Wallace and Wolf, 1986:131) is that people in all societies pursue basic interests such as wealth, power and prestige. However, because those resources needed to maximize status are unequally distributed, struggles will occur between those who already have them, and those whose aim is to obtain them. 202
Interest groups are involved in the same type of struggle. These interest groups wish to control and influence the state's policies especially as the state consists of those who are willing to use force to obtain a goal. Coercion, is after all, a potential resource to be used in the struggle for power, "and also the strongest deterrent for possible rebellion.
7.5 SUMMARY
Pol itics, according to Collins (l974:328), involves the struggle of individuals and/or groups, with conflicting beliefs and interests, over the control of the organization of violence, i.e. the state. The state is defined by Collins as the way in which violence is organized. The use of violence both i nternally and externally depends on the strength of the military organization, and thus politics involves the manipulation of the apparatus of the state i.e. the military organization.·
Collins focuses on the military organization, especially with regard to its historical development and its relevance in the development of a centralized state. Various factors are identified by Collins as influencing the extent of the military organization and thereby the state. They include the following:
* Technology and economic production in which the developments on the technological front have increased the economic production per worker and this has resulted in a population growth, geographical expansion and an increase in the potential size of an army. In simpler terms' then, economic growth increases the likelihood of military expansion, and thereby state control over larger areas.
* Weaponry in which the development of weapons has simul taneously corresponded with various forms of society. For example, weapons which are expensive and group-operated are characteristic of a highly bureaucratized central command. 203
* Supplies, in which way the army is supplied corresponds with various types of societies. For example, if the army is supplied by a central command, the army is under control of a centralized state.
* Support for the dominant army, in which the various systems of support, i.e. booty systems, feudal decentralization, and the garrison system correspond with the development of a highly centralized state.
* Geo-pol itics in which the external relations of the state f .e, the state's military control over territories outside is boundaries, become important as a determinant of the state's power. There are various barriers which influence a state's external control of territories. These barriers include: - rivers - seas - 1akes - mountains - deserts - jungles.
Collins (1981:80-106) identified various principles of geo-politics, and these are:
* Territorial resource advantage which implies that those states which are larger and wealthier will dominate other states.
* Marchland advantage, which implies that those states on the edge of the group have a power advantage as they have an enemy on one side only.
* Balance of power which implies that states that are equally big and equally powerful have equal positions of dominance.
* Over-expansion and di sintegrating whi ch impl ies that if a state over-extends its borders and is unable to maintain control, it will disintegrate and lose power. 204
* Stalemates and power vacuums imply that two states are equally powerful and thus neither has the advantage.
* Imperialism follows unification, which implies that once a state has unified, it seeks to conquer adjacent states to solidify its powers.
* Partial diffusion and external proletariats imply that less advanced territories receive help from more powerful neighbours and can pose a threat to their neighbours in the future.
In any political situation, the use of the military as a threat is a recognized control strategy, but normative control i.e. the legitimation of the force employed through religious interaction, is a further tactic in organizing power and establishing control. If any leader wishes to establish his leadership as legitimate, he is required to give the im pression that he will willingly use force, and he must ensure that his power becomes a reality to his followers. In other words, he must con trol those mechanisms which underlie emotional solidarity and obedience, t ,e, rituals.
Collins traces the relationship between politics and religion throughout history and notes that although the relationship has changed consider ably, religions have been replaced by secular ideologies which are "variants" of the conditions which produce religions. These conditions include the following:
* The social units, namely family, household, community, associations and specialized organizations each of which reflects the ideals of loyalty and morality to which the individual must orientate himself.
* The relationship between the social units which moves from brotherly love within the family, to religious ceremonies emphasizing a powerful god which require specialized staff i.e. specialized organizations. 205
* Voluntary and automatic participation in which the former involves ceremonies promoting universalism, and the latter which fosters loyalty to those symbols which represent the social unit.
Secul ar ideologies have arisen owing to the following developments, namely:
* A shift from religious legitimation to educational legitimation.
* The increased necessity for verbal communication by those engaged in politics.
* The necessity for control of information by a political leader.
* The use of rituals to invoke solidarity especially when there is a threat to the group.
Domination of the ritualistic side of politics has become a necessity for any leader who wishes to have power. Collins (l975:38l) contends that modern politics is not about physical coercion, but is concerned with "political manoeuvring" in which certain groups try to convince others, manipulate others or influence them to do what they want them to do. In other words, they wish to define the situation and to do this they need to control the ritualistic side of politics.
In politics there are various interest groups which wish to influence the state to support their interests. These interest groups include the following:
* Economic class interests which involve the establishment of property rights which the state will be interested in upholding.
* Power interests which refer to the rights of citizenship, franchise or independence
* Status interests which involve the mobilization of ethnic or religious groups in an attempt to influence the state. 206
A crisisis one of the most important factors whi ch i nfl uences the mobilization of interest groups. A variety of crises was identified by Collins (1975:391) but the most important crisis of all is a war. When a crisis occurs, interest groups will challenge those in power and call the legitimacy of the status quo into question. These interest groups vary from supporters of the existing order such as conservatives, ultra conservatives and liberal conservatives, to those who oppose the existing order, such as radicals and conciliators. The conservative coalition will usually maintain its power in the time of crisis, but the opponents of the exi sting order may be able to overthrow the conserva ti ve coalition if they can show that they wi 11 be able to end the crisis,
Interest groups wish either to control or to influence the state, as the control or influencing of the military organization implies coercion, and coercion is the strongest deterrent of all. 207
CHAPTER 8 WEALTH, MOBILITY AND DEVIANCE
8.1 INTRODUCTION
The principles which were formulated on the basis of the conflict theory of stratification and organization in previous chapters, were extended by Collins to unlock the fields of wealth, mobility and deviance.
In his analysis of wealth and mobility in terms of the conflict theory, Collins (1975:414) stresses that it is important to differentiate between the distribution of wealth and the opportunities to acquire it. Both these elements influence individuals' behaviours and outlooks and they are interrelated in certain ways. The distribution of wealth may be taken as Collins' theory of wealth, and the opportunities to acquire wealth as the theory of social mobility. Collins (1975:417) contends that if the explanatory principles of social mobility in general can be identified then it is possible to apply them to the case of deviance.
8.2 THEORETICAL ORIENTATION
As in previous chapters, Collins (1975:417) contends that an ideological barrier has limited the analysis of wealth, mobility and deviance to descriptive research. He identifies various models from which he extracts certain basic formulations to be used in his own theory. It is interesting to note that Collins (1975:424) again stresses the conflict model as the only valid model for the analysis of wealth and mobility.
The other models to be used to develop a theory of wealth and mobility inc1ude the neo-c1assi ca1 economi c mode 1, the market mode 1, Lensk i ' s model, the Marxian model and social mobility research. 208
8.2.1 Neo-classical economic model
According to Collins (1975:418) the neo-c1assica1 economic model is unable to deal with realities as viewed by the conflict perspective. Violence, the coercive power of the state which underlies property, the politics of stratification within an organization, and the cultural groupings within organizations, are factors that are largely ignored by these theorists. They are unable to acknowledge that organizations consist of peop1 e and that these peop1 e are engaged in a struggle for survival and power, and furthermore, that the techniques of economic production and re1ationships of exchange are the means by whi ch the struggle is enacted (Collins, 1975:419).
8.2.2 Market model
As far as the market model is concerned, Collins points out that there are various theorists whose work has contributed to the establishment of a market model. They inc1ude Schumpeter, Sorokin and Davi s and Moore (Collins, 1975:419). These theorists present the same basic model in which they propose that persons who provide services that are not only needed but are also in short supply, receive the highest rewards. Stra tification is thus seen as a system whereby the most important positions are filled by the most capable people. This implies a functionalist-type analysis of stratification.
Although Collins· (1975:421-423) criticizes the market model, he does acknowledge that it has made certain contributions that are useful.
Firstly, although the market model propagates a perfect market whi ch produces equality of income, there are restraints in the market that account for the inequality in wealth. The example Collins uses is that of the medi cal practitioners who receive a high income because they have the resources to limit their services through control of training and licensing. Educational re quirements for employment also enforce inequalities in income in modern societies because they are responsible for the 209
barrier between different occupational markets. Position is a further restraint in the sense that an individual holds a position when he is paid only at the end of a given period of time and not for every thing he does. Positions usually coincide with tenure, which is when an individual cannot be removed from hi s rewards and pri vi 1eges regard1 ess of what he does. Positions, therefore, place a restraint on the market and produce a form of inequality. A further form of restraint is the status communities which operate as a basis of assigning jobs. Collins (1975:422) cites discrimination against blacks, rural people, women and peasants as well as preference shown for educational culture and ethnicity as examples of how status communities di scriminate against or are di scriminated against within the occupational sphere. This discrimination leads to inequality in both wealth and the opportunities to acquire it.
Secondly, the market models of Daves-Moore and Schumpeter contain a tone of cynical realism which reflects the theorists' recognition that life is inherently conf1ictfu1, and that people who struggle. harder than others tend to get what they want. According to Collins (1975:423) this is a better basis for
exp1 anatory theory II ••• than pious liberal hopes that somehow eliminating certain external advantages or previously accumulated wealth will make everyone equal so that no further
ll conflict will occur •
In this regard then, wealth and mobility can be viewed as the end products of struggle even in stable periods where efforts are made to maintain the monopoly of resources. The effort is made to prevent others from being able to compete on even terms with oneself.
8.2.3 Lenski's model
Although Co11 ins originally c1assifi ed Lenski' s work under the market model, he stressed that it has a different perspective and constitutes the main explanatory achievenent in the area of economics. Collins 210
(1975:424) classifies Lenski's work as a conflict theory which has the following basic principles:
Firstly, men follow their own self-interests.
Secondly, technology produces and determines the total wealth in society as well as presenting the means for dominating others, and the combination of variations in total wealth and in the means of domination determines its distribution.
In this regard, Lenski (in Collins, 1975:424) shows that various societal types are classified according to their types of technology and the amount of wealth they can produce. He proposed further, that the greater the technological productivity, the greater is the potential inequality. Societies in which the elite obtain more and more of the produce whi le keeping the rest of the popu1 ation ali ve in order to support them, are contrasted with industrial societies in which there is a shift towards less inequality owing to the mobilization of an in creased number of the population. The elite in this instance are forced to give material .concessions to the masses that lead to more equality. Collins (1975:424) extends this analysis to modern organizations where areas of uncertainty in the work process are organized around complex technology. This leads to a better distribution of power within the work force.
Lenski's model, according" to Collins, does not give the necessary guidance when analyzing industrial societies, nor does it give a model of social change.
Collins (1975:426) contends that any model of the distribution of wealth needs to be placed within its political context. In this regard, the development of an industrial economY can occur only when mass production occurs, which also in turn requires mass markets; and when a certain de gree of equality of distribution occurs. Thus, industrialization cannot easily develop in a stratified and politicized society (archetypal agrarian society) but does arise in a society that combines tribal and agrarian elements (corporate society in Europe). 211
Thus, in the development of his own model Collins (1975:426) states that this model should deal with II ••• non linear aspects of history as the
ll most crucial explanatory points •
8.2.4 Marxian model
Collins (1975:427-429) does not go into detail about Marxls economic theory; rather, he asks what of Marxls theory he can salvage to be used in his own analysis.
Collins (1975:427) claims that the biggest weakness of Marx's theory lies in the labour theory of value. In this regard, Marx assumed that all wealth is produced by 1abour. Machi nes do not increase wealth as
1abour makes the machines, and II... 1abor-saving machinery can only produce as much wealth ••• as it took to make them", Once the few capitalists have these machines installed, profits are reduced, and the system goes into a crisis. In other words, Marx does not acknowledge the concept of economic growth, and contends that the total amount of wealth in the world is static. However, Collins (1975:428) states that machines can and do produce and they can be regarded as sl aves that can be exploited even more than men.
What can be salvaged from Marxls theory, however, are the following points:
Firstly, Marxls version of society as filled with people who are pursuing their own interests and who are concerned about survival, dominance and the ideological realm.
Secondly, Marxls realism, which enables the sociologist to view the distribution of wealth as - who lives in what house, who owns what land and who gives orders to whom.
Thirdly, Marx emphasized the pol itica1 struggle whi ch forms the basis for the creation and maintenance of property. In simpler terms emp1oyers own equipment and therefore they can 1ay down the 212
terms in bargaining with workers who need jobs. Violence of the state is also organized in such a way that it upho 1ds the employer's property rights. Thi s concept introduces the Weberian emphasis on political power which can operate in various directions; t ,e, it can uphold landed interests, or support workers interests.
In this regard Collins (1975:429) states that:
"Approached without ideological preconceptions, an examination of the political appropriation of controls over land, arti facts and social positions is the key to a realistic theory of wealth.-
From the Marxian model, Collins comes to the conclusion that the reason why some people are rich is that they own things that are vital re sources for producing goods and supplying services and this impl ies controlling other people's job opportunities. Therefore, wealth is a form of power, and an analysis of wealth and mobility centres on a power struggle.
8.2.5 Social mobility research
According to Collins (1975:430), social mobility research can be beneficial to the establishment of a theory of the distribution of wealth only if it can be disentangled from ideological bases.
Earlier work in social mobility has been descriptive in nature and was based on the premise of forced mobility. Forced mobility reflects the idea that sons replace fathers in the work force and that sons are forced to move into a different occupational position owing to a change in the occupational structure.
Collins presents O. D. Duncan's critique on the "forced mobility" idea of previous researchers as an important development for social mobility research. Duncan's (in Collins 1975:431) critique is based on the idea 213
that sons do not repl ace their fathers in the work force, but rather work with them and he says in this connection:
"Some of the fathers of 1930 were still working in 1960 and some of the sons in 1960 were also working in 1930."
The logic behind Duncan's critique is to demonstrate that fertility patterns, changes in occupational distributions, and processes of social mobility are interacting although they are independent of each other.
What Duncan proposes instead, is that an analysis should be made between fathers' and sons' occupational positions, arranged on a multiplicity of occupations ranked according to occupational status. Collins (1975:433) claims that this approach has two advantages: namely, it will permit the researcher to establish how "open" or "closed" the opportunity system is; and it allows for the introduction of other variables which may determine the individual's career. In both cases this type of research permits the elaboration of the model of career mobility.
Duncan's model, according to Collins, provides a starting point for the development of a theory of the distribution of wealth and social mobility.
Collins assumes on the basis of Duncan's work that social change and social mobility are fundamentally the same phenomenon in the sense that sons rarely repl ace fathers but instead create new positions that did not exist before. The analysis of stratification can be fitted onto the analysis of mobility statistics which promotes the search for conditions that allow groups to change the occupational structure or prevent changes in it depending on the avai1abi1ity of resources (Collins, 1975:435) •
Furthermore, Collins c1 aims that greater progress wi 11 be made in the establishment of a comprehensive theoretical model of mobility when it is accepted that three levels of analysis are involved, namely the individual level, the rates of mobility 'and the structural level. On the individual level, an analysis can be made of the characteristics of 214
individuals who become successful; the rates of mobility involve analyzing how much change occurs in a society over a given period of time; and the structural level involves an analysis of how wealth is distributed to various groups and how various occupation positions can be distinguished from each other with reference to power and privileges.
8.3 TOWARDS A THEORY OF WEALTH AND MOBILITY
Collins proposes to develop his theory of wealth and mobility by analyzing the following aspects, namely the determinants of overall structure of wealth, the determinants of individual careers and the determinants of overall rates of mobility.
8.3.1 Social structure and wealth ' .. Collins (1975:436) states that technological developments are possibly the most important determi nant of socia1 structure as they pertain to both economic production and the structure of political organizations.
These developments affect mobility because they shape the channels within which a career can take place, and these positions determine what success will mean in a particular society.1
When looking at social structure, Collins contends that one is looking at the distribution of wealth because wealth refers to people's behaviour in obtaining goods and giving and demanding services from each other.2 Therefore Collins (1975:437) lists factors which determine the total amount of wealth in society and then analyzes the processes by which it is distributed among individuals.
1 See Lenski's model in which technological developments and the distribution of wealth are compared. 2 Collins (1975:53) claims that structure is nothing but the repetitive encounters of individuals in any situation. 215
8.3.1.1 Factors that determine the total amount of wealth
According to Collins (1975:437) the total amount of wealth in a society is determined by a combination of the following factors:
(t) Natural resources, of which c1 imate, mineral wealth, inanimate • power sources, topography are but a few. (ii) The number of people who are working. (iii) The duration and the intensity of the work. (iv) The technological development which is available for use. (v) The supply of past improvements and goods that are still of use. (vi) The effectiveness of the division of labour. (vii) The amount of wealth that was destroyed must be subtracted from the total obtained by the previous six determinants.
Collins (l975:437) proposes that these factors imply that the distri bution of wealth depends on the organization of exchange· and on the possession of resources that are available at any given moment. 1 In the same sense, one country is wealthier than others because of their natural resources and military organization which are crucial in determining wealth and power (Collins, 1975:437}.
Thus the distribution of wealth becomes a function of the total amount of wealth and the organization of power. Wealth is therefore based on power; t ,e. the appropriation of goods and services as well as the access to a market determine the power of individuals or organizations. The market situation concerns those relationships in which exchange takes place and whi ch is beyond the rea 1m of direct power (Co 11 ins, 1975:437-438) •
1 Collins bases this proposal on the work of Marx and the work of Fourastie. The latter proposed that to redistribute wealth in terms of money would mean little if the ownership of resources and the production of goods is not changed too. 216
8.3.1.2 Which organizations get what proportion of the total wealth?
Collins (1975:438) contends that if wealth and power are correlated then it is necessary to explain what power conditions bind the market by looking at the entire society and the interorganizationa1 relationships within it, and the internal politics of a particular organization. This will make clear which organizations get what proportion of the total wealth and how the sector's wealth is subdivided respectively.
(i) The state and the distribution of wealth
Wealth is based on power and it operates either directly (to appropriate goods and servi ces) or i ndirectly (limits access to markets). In thi s regard, individuals and organizations compete in the market to obtain wea1th and the state may be called upon to assi st one of those groups struggling for wealth.
Collins (1975:438) points out that in pre-industrial societies, the distribution of wealth was correlated to the distribution of political power. However, increasing centralization led to the concentration of wealth and power in one unit. Decentralization should widen the distribution of wealth, but whether the state is centralized or decentralized, the greater the population the more the wealth of the state is shared out.
In situations where the state upholds the existing system of property, political participation will affect the distribution of property rather than income. If the state permits a market system, the distribution of wealth will depend on the organizational resources that are available.
(ii) What determines the economic fate of the organization?
According to Collins (1975:439) the fate of the organization is not ascertained by itself, but by its competitive position in relation to other organizations in the market. Organizations compete for customers 217
which means that any organization can oust another because it has a new product or a new structure. The financial position of the organization also determines the organization's fate in the sense that organizations with a great amount of credit which reflects their real power will be solvent; mainly because these organizations have a competitive re1ationship which detennines their resources in the total market. Competition and the organization's financial position would thus seem to be two factors that detennine the fate of an organization.
(iii) What determines which organizations will dominate?
According to Collins (1975:440-441), those organizations that can subject others to the conditions in the market whi le protecting them selves from the market, will dominate.
The first determinant of organizational domination is the m~king of the proper political alliances, or transforming themselves into political powers, within the financial realm. Organizations do this by amalgamating in· their early development stage with large banking interests. In this regard Collins (1975:440) states:
"The major industrial blocs, which we can chart by inter locking boards of directorates, are always organized around banks as well as major industries."
The reason behind the amalgamation is generally that the control of the source of cash is crucial if the organization is to maintain its political position in the system of credit and to keep itself solvent and thus ensures that the control of the organization remains in the hands of a particular group.
A second detenninant of organizational domination is size. Collins (1975:441) claims that the size factor results in major advantages for the company. These advantages include: 218
II economies of scale in production and distribution; the capacity to produce a greater diversity of fairly cheap products, thus bolstering itself against shifts in' any particular market; better surviving of standardized parts; the capacity to undercut the prices of competitors in periods of price war; a critical mass in public fame and thus in customer loyalty; a critical mass in credit and thus in 'political' influence within the credit system; a critical mass in political influence in the state through direct ties with politicians, and also by the creation of a vested interest in the survival of their jobs among large numbers of employees" (Collins, 1975:441).
Collins claims that the organization that can secure its valuable resources at the earliest opportunity and in so doing remove them from the competitive market, will increase the abovementioned advantages.
With reference to the interorganizationa1 relations and the influence of the state, the following propositions formu1 ated by Co 11 ins serve to high1i ght the distributi on of wealth and power in the organizat iona 1 market:
PROPOSITION 23.31: THE GREATER THE RESOURCES OF AN ORGANIZATION FOR ATTRACTING CUSTOMERS, COMPARED TO ITS COMPETITORS, THE GREATER THE PROPORTION OF THE TOTAL WEALTH IT APPROPRIATES (Collins, 1975:457).
PROPOSITION 23.33: THE GREATER THE CREDIT RESOURCES AN ORGANIZATION CAN CALL UPON COMPARED TO ITS RIVALS, THE GREATER THE PROPORTION OF THE TOTAl WEAlTH IT APPROPRIATES IN THE LONG RUN (Collins, 1975:457-458).
PROPOSITION 23.34: THE LARGER THE SIZE OF AN ORGANIZATION, THE GREATER ITS POTENTIAL FOR DIVERSIFICATION AND THE LOWER ITS DEPENDENCE UPON PARTICULAR MARKET SECTORS, AND THE MORE SECURE ITS FINANCIAL CREDIT (Collins, 1975 :458). 219
PROPOSITION 23.35: THE EARLIER AN ORGANIZATION SECURES ITS MOST VULNERABLE WORKERS OR SUPPLIERS (BY VERTICAL INTEGRATION) COMPARED TO ITS COMPETITORS, THE LESS IT IS SUBJECT TO MARKET FLUCTUATIONS IN PRICES, THE HIGHER ITS INFLUENCE IN THE CREDIT COMMUNITY, AND THE GREATER THE PROPORTION OF WEALTH IT APPROPRIATES (Collins, 1975:458).
8.3.1.3 Internal politics of an organization
Internally, the organization may be regarded as a struggle for power, of which the most important outcome is -that everyone gets paid. According to Co 11 ins (1975 :441) the highest incomes go to those who have the greatest power within the organization.
Collins distinguishes between two types of power - deference power (D-power) and efficiency power (E-power). Deference power is characterized by the respect shown to superiors who have little direct control over what the organization actually does or produces. Efficacy power on the other hand - indicates formal authority positions which seem to be the main determinant of the incomes within an organi~ation. Collins (1975:442) claims that this is so because the payment of a salary becomes an indication of the individuals type of behaviour.
In this connection, Coll ins (1975 :458) formul ates the following pro positions:
PROPOSITION 23.4: DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH WITHIN ORGANIZATIONS. THE GREATER THE POWER OF A GROUP TO COMMAND DEFERENCE WITHIN AN ORGANIZATION, THE GREATER THE PROPORTION OF THE ORGANIZATION'S WEALTH IT APPROPRIATES.
PROPOSITION 23.41: WHERE POWER TO COMMAND DEFERENCE DIVERGES FROM POWER TO AFFECT ORGANIZATIONAL PRODUCTION: INCOMES ARE CORRELATED WITH DEFERENCE POWER RATHER THAN EFFICACY POWER. 220
When an organization is created, men usually divide members into two groups, those to whom they make concessions of power to acquire allies in controlling others, and those they attempt to keep powerless thereby keeping down the expense of paying them. This distinction is reflected in whether the group receives a salary or a wage. The distinction is also influenced by ethnic groups, i.e. one ethnic group hires its own members as administrative staff (salary) and other alien cultural groups as workers (wage). Sex is a further factor that influences this distinction. For example, the medical practitioner is normally male and 1eads a II... gentry 1ifesty1 ell, whi 1e the women do all the meni a1 tasks (Collins, 1975:443).
Within an organization, groups who receive high incomes are those who can remove themselves from the market whi 1e keeping others in the market. They are aided in this endeavour by an organizational structure that provides power and status, control over communications and informal solidarity for certain ranks only (Collins, 1975:443). The favoured groups may also use the coercive power of the state to monopolize their position, thus enforcing the existing dominant - subordinate dis tinction. With reference to the abovementioned, Collins formulated the following propositions:
PROPOSITION 23.44: THE MORE SHARPLY THE SURROUNDING COMMUNITY IS DIVIDED BY INTERNALLY COHESIVE AND CULTURALL Y DISTINCTIVE GROUPS, THE MORE LIKELY ORGANIZATIONAL POSITIONS WILL BE DIVIDED INTO SHARPLY DIFFERENT LEVELS OF TENURE AND POWER, AND THE MORE UNEQUAL THE DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH WITHIN ORGANIZATIONS (Collins, 1975:458-459).
PROPOSITION 23.45: THE GREATER THE POLITICAL INFLUENCE OVER THE STATE HELD BY A CULTURAL COMMUNITY, THE MORE LIKELY IT IS TO MONOPOLIZE THE DESIRABLE ORGANIZATIONAL POSITION BY MEANS OF LICENSING OR OTHER CREDENTIAL SYSTEMS (Collins, 1975:459). 221
Furthennore, conflicts do not occur only between the administration (salary) and workers (wage), but within them as well. According to Collins (1975:444) a major struggle in industrial societies goes on between professional groups attempting to extend their monopolies and administrators who attempt to pursue their own individualistic careers, and on the working class level between ethnic and racial groups.
8.3.2 Social mobility
The framework that is applied to the analysis of the distribution of wealth may also be applied to the analysis of social mobility; i.e. an analysis on the structural level, the individual level and the rates of mobi lity.
8.3.2.1 Social structure and mobility
Collins (1975:445) claims that conditions for social mobility are set by the political structure of society in two ways: firstly, the structure determines what positions will rise and fall; and secondly, it deter mines the total amount of movement that will occur. The amount of move ment is dependent on whether political resources are restricted by a static political situation, or widely distributed as this produces changes. Collins (1975:445) states in this regard that it is political change that makes up a large part of social mobility:
"It is this political change - the rise and fall of kings and advis~rs, priests and bureaucrats, or of whole organizations that makes up one large component of social mobility through out history."
A related issue to the rise and fall of· positions is economic development. According to Collins (1975:448) if certain positions are not created then economic development does not take place. This focuses attention on the resources that various groups have to limit or create positions. These resources are generally obtainable from previous efforts by groups to improve themselves and control others. 222
Two identifiable aspects of mobility rates can thus be obtained from the abovementioned, namely the limits that are set on mobility by the total number of positions of various kinds; and the production of mobil ity through the distribution of those confl ict resources whi ch produce or ganizational change. According to Collins (1975:446) the proportion of different kinds of positions limits the amount of mobility among them. An example used by Collins indicates that if there is a small number of upper class positions then only a small percentage of lower class ranks wi 11 be able to move up. Conversely, the 1arger the number of upper class positions available, the more opportunities exist for persons of lower ranks to move up. This is what is meant by an "opportunity structure", and Collins (1975:459) sums up this facet of mobility in propositional form:
PROPOSITION 24.121: OPPURTUNITYSTRUCTURES. THE LARGER THE PROPOSITION OF POSITIONS OUT OF THE TOTAL WHICH ARE IN A GIVEN CATEGORY (E.G. ELITE POSITIONS), THE· GREATER THE POTENTIAL SOCIAL MOBILITY INTO THESE POSITIONS.
A correlation may also be found between mobility and economic development. Continual conflict produces change which allows diverse groups to acquire resources for themselves (mobility) and this enables them to act as markets for others•.However, if one group dominates the market, it will prevent change and mobility, and discourage economic development.
8.3.2.2 Intra-organizational mobility
Within an organization, a group or groups wi 11 attempt to close off their positions to others so that they can keep their incomes high by making their positions less subject to market conditions. Thi sis one facet of intra-organizational mobility. Furthermore, Collins proposes that the extent to whi ch thi s happens depends on strong ethni c group domination, a high degree of professionalization, and the introduction of educational requirements. Mobility will be low under these conditions. 223
Social mobility within the organization depends then on the resources that an individual or a group have at their disposal. Collins (1975:459) sums up social mobility in propositional form:
PROPOSITION 24.0: SOCIAL MOBILITY. THE AMOUNT OF MOBILITY .IS DETERMINED BY THE DISTRIBUTION OF RESOURCES FOR MONOPOLYZING RESOURCES AS PERMANENT POSITIONS AND ORGANIZATIONS, AND FOR CREATING NEW POSITIONS AND ORGANIZATIONS.
8.3.3 Determinants of individual careers
When discussing individual careers, the following question is raised by Collins - "Which individual becomes rich?"
Collins identifies certain universal elements related to who becomes rich. These elements are the role of chance, skill, the sequence of careers and culture groups.
8.3.3.1 The role of chance
The role of chance is a universal element that affects the career of individuals.
Collins (1975:450) in regard to the role of chance, considers the historical context of individuals, claiming that history has shown a multiplicity of variations. In periods of military expansion, for example, individuals who had the resources to become successful warriors, were favoured. According to Collins this is but one example, as history has favoured the bureaucrat, the priest, the businessman or the scientist at any given time.
Individual careers can thus be. explained as random movement within a given structure. Success in politics or business or any field then, seems to depend upon the individual happening to be in the right place at the right time. For example, the rhetoric skills of Winston Churchill 224
made him a popular wartime leader. However, those individuals who have been successful have also been hard-working and dedi cated. In thi s regard, Collins (1975:451) maintains that there are a great many people competing and few are successful. He further maintains that:
"Those who work at it longest and hardest, and those who begin with the greatest resources are most likely to triumph over the others; but even within this group, the role of chance seems very great."
8.3.3.2 Skill
The role of chance is also related to particular kinds of skills. Various ski 11 s have throughout history been necessary to make a man successful in his chosen career. Collins (l975:45l) states in this regard that:
"... academic talents and connections were of greater
importance in Ameri ca in the 1950 I sand 1960's, duri ng a period of expansion in the educational system ••• "
8.3.3.3 Sequence of jobs
Collins (1975:451) also showed how the sequence of first and subsequent jobs leads to existing jobs. Each individual's past determines his future in the occupational sphere; however, this is only within short periods of time. Individuals pass through numerous jobs in their lives, across both manual and non-manual lines, and in a progressive sequence in professions and bureaucratic jobs.
8.3.3.4 Cultural similarity
Individual success depends on whether or not the individual fits into the culture of those who hold the resources to control the old positions 225
and create new ones. Co 11 ins (1975: 452) contends that men are more likely to stay in a particular kind of job because it is filled by others from similar backgrounds as themselves. Cultural similarity would thus seem likely to play an important role in an individual's success.
In propositional form the determinants of individual success can be summed up as follows:
PROPOSITION 24.3: INDIVIDUAL SUCCESS. THE CLOSER AN INDIVIDUAL IS IN THE NETWORK OF PERSONAL ACQUAINTANCESHIP TO RESOURCE POSITIONS WHICH FALL VACANT OR ARE CREATABLE IN CONFLICTS A OTHER TRANSITIONS, THE GREATER THAT INDIVIDUALS CHANCE OF PERSONAL SUCCESS (Collins, 1975:460).
PROPOSITION 24.32: THE MORE CLOSELY AN INDIVIDUAL'S STYLE OF RITUAL IN
TERACTION IS TO THAT OF THE PERSON I S WHO CONTROL POSITIONS OF AUTHORITY, THE MORE LIKELY HE IS TO ACQUIRE SUCH A POSITION (Collins, 1975:460).
8.3.4 Mobility rates
According to Collins (1975:454) mobility rates is an abstract term that refers to different measures of change in social positions within a given community. The mobility rate may vary over a period of time within different population groups, within a society, community or industrial sector.
However, it is apparant that all three levels of mobility analysis struetural, individual and rates - are interrelated. In other words, it is the organizational resources and their distribution as well as one specific group' s monopolization of these resources that can be used to predict the rate of mobility.
The conflict theory which looks for resources that distinguish conflict ing groups and enables them to compete with each other is, therefore, 226
the general strategy to be followed. The possibility of predicting the form of the structure, calculating which individual will change his position and what the relative speed is of the movement is promoted.
8.4 SOCIAL MOBILITY AND DEVIANCE
Collins intends to apply the three levels of analysis already established for the distribution of wealth and social mobility to the field of deviance.
According to Collins (1975:460) the study of deviance without the influence of value judgments promotes the explanation of careers. Careers in deviance involve those processes of cumulative failure which is produced because the official agencies have labelled the career deviant. Although success in any career is not forbidden, success in a deviant career is.
Collins divides for the sake of convenience, deviance into violent and non-violent offences. Violent offences include crimes against property, and non violent deviance includes all "crimes~without victims" as well as crimes against cultural standards. These crimes threaten the status structure of the community and the rituals that uphold it.
8.4.1 Violent crimes
Crime is a highly specialized form of career in which violence is not successful at legitimizing itself. Collins (1975:462) claims that crime is violence "••• not by those who are all powerful in the society but by the underdog; it is violence by those who have not made the necessary alliances, particularly with religious organizations, to legitimate themselves" •
Crime in the modern sense indicates the existence of multiple centres of political-power. As an example Collins (1975:462) uses the Mafia in the USA who regard the private use of violence as an acceptable form of 227
control. Furthermore, Collins claims that the world of crime is highly stratified on the basis of who is the most organized and who has the most stable resources. The dominant position in the world of crime goes to those who are organized, with a coercive force to support them in thei rillega1 endeavours. Co11 ins (1975 :462-463) states that the per petrators of crime often invest their profits in legitimate business but the converse is also true. In illustration Collins (1975:463) uses the work of Sutherland to show how legitimate business is often involved in crime:
II legitimate business executives break the law when opportunities are favourable; their superior power keeps these offenses from being often prosecuted, and even then within a context in which they are treated as civil rather than
criminal offenses. II
The lower level of the crime world is made up of individual entre preneurs whose "business" is riskier and involves more direct use of violence. The most common form of crimes committed by individuals is staging robberies (Collins, 1975:462).
The success of crime depends on many factors of whi ch resources and opportunity structures are two important determinants. The organization of the crime world places limits on success. Again, Collins uses the work of Sutherland to indicate how opportunities are limited in the sense that there is only so much room for criminals; how the development of certain skills is a necessity for entrance into a career of crime; and how the criminal community itself sets its own standards for entry into its world. In this regard Collins (1975:464) states that:
"It is in the most profitable areas that one finds the most stringent requirements for career entrance; in America, these are based on ethnic membership and family ties. This is ana1ogous to the more stringent controls over entry into legitimate careers at the higher levels. Even at- the lower levels, becoming a successful burglar depends on learning the techni ques, primari1y by a form of apprenticeship to 228
successful criminals. If the existing group has control over its new members, those who fail to become integrated with the rest of the criminal community and secure the proper apprenticeship will be much more likely to be unsuccessful."
Collins (1975:465) distinguishes between amateur and private violence as well. These two types of crimes are not premeditated or used to make a living. Instead the former indicated violence found among youths and the latter is of a more domestic type whose causes are to be found in the analysis of sexual stratification and the family structure.
8.4.2 Non-violent deviance
Collins (1975:465-469) identified four main categories of non-violent deviance.
8.4.2.1 Sexual deviance
Sexua1 deviance is the fi rst category of whi ch homosexua 1ity, incest, prostitution, pornography and illegitimacy are the main types. Collins (1975:465) views sexual deviance as the attempt by individuals to obtain status in the realm of sexual activity. Individual careers in deviance according to Collins (1975:465) seem to be the product of opportunity structures. An example used by Collins to illustrate this point is a career in homosexuality in which a subjective evaluation of the opportunities for status in the realm of sexual activity are made (The same is said to apply to the other forms of sexual deviance).
8.4.2.2 Age related deviance
The second category of non-violent deviance is age-related. This involves being of a certain age and doing things that adults do. Collins (1975:466) contends in this regard, that juvenile delinquency is an indicator of the existence of age stratification in an authoritari an system: 229
"Most of the offenses for which juveniles are punished consist primarily of symbolically overstepping their role and claiming adult status: smoking, drinking, sexual activities, or simple
insubordination against authority. II
In simpler terms the juveni.les who do not have the necessary resources to fi ght for statu~ in an adult domi nated wor 1d, wi 11 often resort to deviant behaviour to obtain a bargaining position for themselves.
8.4.2.3 Illegal forms of consumption
The third category of non violent deviancy involves the abuse of alcohol and drugs, gambling and certain types of violent sports. Throughout history the legality of the abovementioned offences has varied and the i ndi vidua l' s career in these offences is determi ned by the extent to which the deviant consumer culture is supportive.
By making the use of certain substances illega1, a status group is promoting its own interests and attempting to dominate the community. This is often related to conflicts among ethnic groups.
The people participating in the legal consumption of substances often develop a deviant identity and share a ritual camaraderie which is reinforced by the riskiness of their activities t ,e, they develop a trust among themselves which helps them in their struggle against the officials who have labelled them deviant.
8.4.2.4 Mental illness
Mental illness is the final category of non-violent deviance. The deviancy is based on the fact that the person's behaviour does not meet with the expectations of the majority. These people were treated as outcasts in pre-industrial societies, and in modern societies occupa tions in the form of mental health professions have arisen to deal with these individuals. 230
Individuals who suffer from mental illness and are able to return to "normal" functioning will have to have the necessary psychic resources to do so.
In terms of Collins' general model, individuals follow the best opportunities available to them for subjective satisfaction. For example, individuals who suffer from psychosis are subject to stress and it may often be advantageous for them to retreat into their own world and ignore all external requirements. Being labelled mentally ill therefore has its own advantages.
These non-violent deviance categories have one thing in common: they all depend on the definition of deviancy that predominates at any given time. The definition is based on the struggle of one group for status advantages over another and on organizations who promote the distinction so that they can maintain order (Collins, 1975:469).
8.5 SUMMARY
It is Collins' intention to develop a comprehensive sociological theory, and in doing so to develop general principles that can be used to analyze the diverse fields of sociology. The general principles as identified by Collins in his theory of stratification and organizational theory are utilized in his theory of wealth, mobility and deviance.
Basically Collins (1975:414) distinguishes between the distribution of wealth and the distribution of opportunities to acquire it (social mobility). Both those elements influence the individual's behaviours and outlooks. He furthermore askes three questions namely:
(l) What are the determinants of the overall structure of wealth and mobility?
(2) what are rates of movements during people's careers?;
(3) and what determines individual careers? 231
These questions are also levels of analysis which are interrelated and by answering these questions, Collins (1975:436) contends that "••• we will have discovered all of the things about social mobility and wealth in which we are interested".
Collins identified several factors which determine the total amount of wealth in society, namely the availability of natural resources, the total number of workers, the duration and intensity of their work, technological developments, the supply of existing goods, and the effectiveness of the division of labour.
In this sense those who have wealth are in possession of natural resoures and are in control of the organization of violence. In other words, a power struggle evolves between organizations.
Organizations will dominate if they can control the conditions in the market while protecting themselves from the market. Byallying them selves with political powers within the financial realm, organizations ensure their dominance. The mere size of an organization is another determinant of its dominance in the struggle for dominance between organizations. .
Within the organization there are also power struggles which develop, especially concerning paYment for services. Collins (1975:441) predicts that the highest incomes go to those who have the greatest political power, i.e. those who can remove themselves from the market whi 1e keeping others in the market. This group usually has the support of the state in its endeavour to keep itself apart.
Wealth therefore goes to those organizations or individuals who control the market by virtue of their alliance with political powers.
Social mobility, on the other hand, refers to the distribution of the. opportunities to obtain wealth. Social mobility also depends on the political structure of society as political resources affect the distribution of wealth itself. 232
Again Collins (1975:448) points out that the availability of positions depends on the resources that various groups have to create or limit the positions. In other words, it is again a political struggle involving the control of the market by certain groups. These groups take it upon themselves to develop and open new market positions or to discourage and limit the development of new market positions.
Within organizations, certain groups will close off their positions so that they can ensure high incomes for themselves, and prevent the market from influencing them. They will therefore stress professionalism, ethnicity and educational requirements for admittance, thereby effectively keeping mobility rates low.
Individuals who wish to become rich are subject to certain universal elements. According to Collins (1975:450-453) these include the following: * The role of chance; * the demand for a certain type of skill; * the sequence of jobs that an individual holds in his lifetimejand * th~ individual's compatibility with the cultural background of co-workers.
Deviance is another field of sociology which Collins attempts to analyze with reference to principles identified previously.
Collins divides deviance into two types of offences, namely violent and non-violent offences.
Under violent offences, Collins (1975:462) classifies crime which reportedly indicates the existence of multiple centres of political power. The dominant position in the world of crime goes to those who are highly organized and who have a coercive force to support them in their illegal endeavours. However, legitimate businesses are also involved in crime, but their superior power prevents their being prosecuted. Indivi dual criminals are also subject to certain limitations including the number of criminals, the obtaining of the necessary skills, and the entrance requirements set by the criminal community itself. 233
Under non-violent offences, Collins (1975:465-469) identified four main categories: namely, sexual deviance, age-related deviance, illegal forms of consumption and mental illness. In terms of Collins' general model, each individual follows the best opportunities available to him for subjective status. The individual makes a subjective evaluation of the opportunities for status in the specific deviant categories, and in so doing, ascertains if he has the resources to support himself through the deviant behaviour. The individual is also likely to be supported by those who practise the deviancy themselves t ,e, the deviants form a support group among themselves.
It was Collins' ambition to develop a set of principles that could be used to analyze the various fields of sociology. On the basis of these principles Collins has looked at the fields of stratification, organiza tion, political sociology, and now the distribution of wealth and social mobility. 234
CHAPTER 9 THE ORGANIZATION OF THE INTELLECTUAL WORLD
9.1 INTRODUCTION
The last field that Collins applies his postulates to, is that of the organization of the intellectual world.
Collins (1975:470) begins his analysis of the organization of the intellectual world by discussing various philosophical definitions of a science. He identified two basic traditions: namely, the idealists who emphasize that empirical observations take on meaning by being integrated into an encompassing body of concepts and principles; and the empiricists who emphasize the exactness of observations and who view science as a summary of empirical observations. However, Collins (1975:471) emphasizes that science is continually changing and although some elements wi 11 be carried over, their interpretation wi 11 differ. This results in philosophical definitions of science being inconclusive. In this regard Collins (1975:471) contends:
"Philosophical discussions of science, like most nonsociologi cal thought about social activities, consists of the analysis of hypostatizations. An ideal entity called 'science' is abstracted out of historical reality, against which someone else's philosophical ideal is measured and found wanting."
Collins, in contrast to philosophical definitions of science, proposes that science consists of activities of certain men, such as manipu1at ing~ building apparatus~ reading, writing, thinking, observing and talking. According to Collins (1975:472) science is an activity that is in essence human and it takes the form of a verbal argument. The centre 'of the scientists' activities is communication among themselves in regard to the acceptance or rejection of certain statements that have 235
been made. However, the argument is generally carried out in symbol ic form, i.e. writing, whi ch bui1ds the impression that the thing called "science" does exist as there are books and articles to support the claim of its existence.
Collins (1975:472) on the basis of the argumentative aspect of com- " muntcation, contends that there are four types of arguments: namely, ideological, practical, entertainment and scientific arguments. It is the last which is of importance to Collins. Scientific arguments are those that are carried out within self-contained intellectual com munities. Scientific argument excludes considerations of coercion, and concerns itself with loyalty to the interest of the community of arguers themselves. Each community of arguers has its own definition of what a science is, and these definitions have differed throughout history.
In this regard he contends that in a hypostatized sense, science is a body of words that is accepted as true at any given time:
lilt is the body of words that is repeated over and over, with minor variations in phrasing, when authoritative talk is done (as in untverstty lectures)" (Collins, 1975:472).
Collins (1975:476) states that science has become organized as a set of communications that are fundamentally forms of human belief. He illustrates this point by using the following descriptive example:
IIWhen we refer to an 'external' world, we are using words, and what we believe 'objectively' about the world consists of the words we can agree to use in describing it. The external world is not simply 'there'; anything that we can see, perceive and that we can persuade some one else to accept as 'knowledge', is soci ally constructed through the concepts that we use to communicate about it" This approach is objected to an several grounds. The empiricists claim that science is a method for investigating reality - what exists out there - and that science is based on fact. The idealists in turn claim 236 that science is determined by empirical discovery and the progressive development of conceptual schemes which have a logical implication. Collins calls his approach to science, the sociology of science and claims that it explains the conditions under which scientists do and say certain things rather than others. He supports Ben-David's contention of concentrating on the social conditions under which the scientiftc role is institutionalized. Under this guise the specifying of the reasons for one man rather than another to make certain discoveries and whether he gets the credft for them becomes a possibility. Collins (1975:474) relates this possibility to an historical analysis of those conditions under which "••• particular kinds of ideas are formulated and believed in". Therefore Collins concludes that the sociology of science has a number of possibilties. Not only does it attempt to explain how outmoded sciences are accepted, but al so those "frontiers" of exploration as well. Collins (1975:475) concedes that all theories are limited in that ' .. "••• the line between explaining errors, half truths, and truths, then, is never completely firm, and we may hope to say a good deal about why scientific beliefs have moved through their particular history". Furthermore, it is Collins' belief that man's reality is always historically relative. In this regard he uses the history of the social sciences as an example. "... for it is only by becoming aware of the nature of hypostatizations like 'society' . that we can make truly operable explanatory principles. And, of course, the recognition that there is such a thing as hypostatization is socially conditioned, and occurs only at particular places in history" (Collins, 1975 :476). In support of this historical relevance facet of the sociology of science, Collins (1975:477) claims that our assuredness of what does exi st in the world, develops historically through the progressive refining and coordinating of communications. 237 Collins (1975:477) also suggests that the approach he forwards, i.e. the sociology of science, can be justified heuristically. He claims it is self-validating to the extent that it works. Science becomes a reality because it settles a wide range of arguments. A successful theory is one in which arguments are settled by appealing to other arguments including those that are irrefutable. 9.1.1 Science as a field of conflict Collins intends to apply the principles of stratification and organiza tions to scientific arguments. This implies that he will use the postu lates he identified in previous chapters to describe the organization of intellectual world. These postulates include the following: Firstly, that individuals attempt to maximize their own status according to the· resources available to themse1v~s and others; Secondly, in this attempt, certain points of conflict are likely to occur, Thirdly, that structure is nothing else but the repetitive behaviour at any given time; Fourthly, that ideas about reality are weapons to be used in the struggle for dominance; Lastly, these ideas are explained by the interests of individuals who have the resources to uphold them (Collins, 1975:478). Science therefore is a human activity in which the ideas of what science is, are held by real men in situations where they are likely to receive the highest status. These men are therefore in a position to influence the behaviour of others. Collins (1975:520) formulated a proposition to highlight the importance of ideas in the struggle for status. "'- 238 PROPOSITION 25.0: IDEAS ABOUT REALITY ARE WEAPONS IN THE STRUGGLE FOR DOMINANCE OVER CHANNELS OF COMMUNICATION AND CAN BE EXPLAINED BY THE INTERESTS OF INDIVIDUALS WITH THE RESOURCES TO UPHOLD THEM. Collins emphasizes that it is only by understanding the ideals of science in terms of the real interests, behaviours and conflicts of individuals that an inner picture of scientific reality is developed. The idea of pursuing interests raises the competitive element, and within science this brings us back to the facet of argumentation. In keeping with his earlier emphasis on the communicative nature of science, Collins (1975:479) uses conversational analysis as a way of looking at science. The basic questions to be asked are: * Who will talk to whom? * What will they talk about? * For how long will they interact? Within the scientific world, any scientist I s career depends on his entering a conversational market and becoming the centre of the network. In so doing he' ensures that many people will listen to him and talk about his ideas. Social control is also applicable in the sciences and is based on the manner in which scientists validate each otherls ideas, and in so doing determine their success by communicating about them (Collins, 1975:480). Competition is th~ fundamental process in science. In this regard, men exchange information to the extent that it will help them to formulate statements that cause others to listen to them. itA realistic image of science, in fact, would be an open plain with men scattered throughout it, shouting: IListen to me! Li sten to me! III (Collins, 1975 :480). This image of science is substantiated by the fact that a scientist has certain resources available to him to get the attention of others I 239 (implying the success of the scientistl , These resources inc1ude the length of the scientist's stay in the field, presenting the most original argument, presenting one's argument to a select audience, listening and using the arguments of others, naming others as influen tial (praising somebody else ingratiates you with that person), instigating new topics that others will proceed to discuss. To sum these resources up then, by making the best possible alliance, a scientist can ensure the upward mobility of his career. 9.2 EXTERNAL ORGANIZATIONAL ROLES In the analysis of the intellectual world, Collins (1975:482) contends that not only are scientists organized in a structure called science, but they have also occupied four main kinds of organizational positions, namely, political roles, practical roles, leisure-entertainment roles and teaching roles. 9.2.1 Political roles Po1i tica1 ro1es are those in whi ch inte 11 ectua1s make careers out of defending the legitimacy of their organization, and attacking the legitimacy of their competitors. These roles have an intellectual content. They are the cosmopolitan positions in the communication channels and involve defending the basis of legitimacy of their power. Collins proposes that those intellectuals who fulfil the role of politica1 leaders are a kind of professional talker or writer. Their work, however, has a specific kind of content, i.e. work is primarily concerned with values or arguments about what policies ought to be implemented. Usually this type of work concerns the legitimation of the existing system of power in religious or ideological terms or the esta blishment of a new system. The political role then, can be summarized in propositional form: PROPOSITION 25.1: THE MORE THAT INTELLECTUALS OCCUpy POLITICAl POSITIONS IN STATE OR CHURCH, THE MORE THAT THEIR 240 INTELLECTUAL PRODUCTIONS CONSIST OF ARGUMENTS OVER VALUE JUDGEMENTS AND POLICIES (Collins, 1975:520). 9.2.2 Practical roles Practical roles are concerned with practical intellectual production, in other words, concrete proposals for action plus the gathering of facts. These roles give rise to "••• a collection of recipes" (Collins, 1975:483). These types of roles are empirically orientated because a collection of facts can be used to di agnose a situation so that a "prac tical rectpe" may be applied to it. The data are usually organized in catalogue form. According to Collins (1975:484), Ben David illustrated the use of practical roles by analyzing contributions made to astromomy: "The main contribution of practical work to generalized knowledge has come from a few occasions in astronomy when it was necessary to produce a more general model in order to make practical predictions, arrange calenders or aid navigation. Once the practical task was accomplished, the theory tended to deteriorate or be forgotten; it provided only a stepping stone to a practical catalogue of information." Collins (1975:520) sums up the practical role of intellectuals as follows: PROPOSITION 25.2: THE MORE THAT INTELLECTUALS OCCUpy PRACTICAL POSITIONS PRODUCING DIRECTLY FOR CLIENTS, THE MORE THEIR INTELLECTUAL PRODUCTIONS CONSIST OF PARTICULAR ISTIC PROPOSALS FOR ACTION, AND CATALOGUES OF FACTS. 9.2.3 Leisure entertainment roles According to Collins (1975:485) leisure entertainment roles give rise to aesthetic productions where the emphasis is on pleasure. J 241 Leisure entertainment roles involve the organization of status communi ties which emphasize the entertainment principle. Collins uses the work of Ben-David to illustrate how intellectual activity in the Italian Renaissance was characteristic of leisure entertainment roles. Intellectuals in those times congregated around wealthy patrons, and the academies became private clubs for the aristocracy. Scientific experimentation took place, but only for amusement, and serious scientific endeavours took place only at universities. From Ben-David's analysis, Collins (1975:485) concludes that science was practised only to the extent that groups found it useful in their attempt at acquiring superior status. The leisure situations have tended to produce literary and artistic work, and these works can be 1inked to the status cultures of thei r audiences. As an example, Collins contrasts absolutist kingdoms where grand, austere art and architecture were favoured; to the periods in history where art has tended to be decorative and erotic. Literary intellectuals are furthermore a group who have the resources of creating reality out of sheer imagery; they thus create their own ideology. Often, however, scientific work has been done in leisure entertainment roles, and Collins sees the intellectual's role in this sense as that of a gentleman amateur who occupies himself by extensive descriptive works. Leisure-entertainment roles involve therefore: PROPOSITION 25.3: THE MORE THAT INTELLECTUALS WORK TO ENTERTAIN A LEISURE AUDIENCE, THE MORE LIKELY ARE THEIR INTEL LECTUAL PRODUCTIONS TO EMPHASIZE STANDARDS OF PLEASURABLE RESPONSE THROUGH STRIKING INNOVATIONS, STYLISTIC ELEGANCE, OR FACTUAL CURIOSITIES, AND TO APPEAL TO THE STATUS INTERESTS OF THE GROUPS BEING ENTERTAINED (Collins, 1975:521). 242 9.2.4 Teaching roles The last role that Collins (1975:487) discusses is the teaching role. The teaching role under certain conditions may promote the orjentation of knowledge for its own sake. However, Co11 ins does say that not all teaching positions are orientated towards the production of ideas for their own sake. Some are orientated towards ideological or practical purposes, or even to teach a particular status culture. The system where knowledge is taught for its own sake will develop where firstly, the education system is large enough so that the scholarly group consisting of teachers and students form a community that is self orientated and therefore develop a set of ideals of its own; secondly, where the group is relatively autonomous from outside control. Collins (1975:488) uses the Medieval university conmunity as an example as it allowed for the practice of philosophy for its own sake. He claims that it was also the political situation which gave autonomy to schools; thirdly, where the school system has become internally differentiated. This differentiation is likely to ~ake place in subjects most insulated from outside pressure. Again Colli'ns (1975:489) takes an example from history: "Thus we find the scholarly goal displacement ar-i stnq ••• in philosophical faculty of the Medieval universities, which prepared students for the higher faculties of theology and 1aWe II These shifts are, according to Collins (1975:489), the consequence of the change in resources that the various factions wi thin the organization have. In this regard a group of scholars take advantage of the power situation to claim autonomy and status for themselves and lay claim to the ideal of truth as standing apart from the political arena. Collins (1975:489) claims that educational systems may also stagnate especially where the autonomy of the schools is placed in jeopardy by outside political or religious interests. This is likely to occur in situations where the teachers' audience or students are interested in 243 practical ideological or status concerns of the outside world; and also where teachers teach those who aspire to be teachers, i.e. they pass on knowledge but do not create new knowledge. Collins (1975:521) formulated the following proposition to highlight the teaching roles that an intellectual may take: PROPOSITION 25.4: THE MORE THAT TEACHERS ARE SITUATED IN A LARGE COMMU NITY OF TEACHERS AND STUDENTS WHICH IS RELATIVELY AUTONOMOUS FROM OUTSIDE CONTROL, THE MORE LIKELY THEY ARE TO EMPHASIZE KNOWLEDGE AS GENERAL PRINCIPLES, OF VALUE IN THEMSELVES. These external organizational roles are the roles which an intellectual will choose as a career. However, the scientific world is an invisible organization in itself in that it consists of a network of com munications among people; a division of labour and forms of influence and/or control, i.e. the internal organization of the scientific world. 9.3 INTERNAL ORGANIZATION OF THE INTELLECTUAL WORLD Collins (1975:492) contends that sciences do not only rest on other organizations, but that each scientific discipline can be viewed as an invisible organization in itself. Therefore, Collins proposes to apply the propositions formul ated for organizationa1 theory concerning power relationships, interest groups, conflicts, tactics and outcomes to the internal organization of the intellectual world. Thus scientific disciplines are organizations in the sense that they consist of II ••• a network of relatively stable relationships among tndtvtduals" (Collins, 1975:493). In other words, there is a set of positions that interact with each other in a regular way which promotes a regular division of labour, and relatively stable forms of influence or control. The work of Thomas Kuhn (in Collins, 1975:493) shows that any scientific discipline has a IIpar adi gm ll which is a generally accepted model of what the universe under investigation is like as well as what 244 methods may be used in the investigation. This paradigm is not merely an intellectual entity or set of ideas, but is based on social consensus and promotes the maintenance of an organized set of soct a1 re1 ation ships. According to Co11 ins (1975 :493) the paradi gn presented by Kuhn refers to II... a number of I puzz1es I, that is, subs i di ary problems within the theory which remains to be investigated ••• 11, as well as the fact that it suggests the procedures that can be used to solve the problem. The paradign thus provides the scientific discipline with an organization that is fundamentally social, and which unifies various members around a common enterprise. However, Kuhn (in Collins, 1975:493) warns that not all scientific disciplines are equally well-organized. Having a "par adign" implies a degree of organization in which people work on tasks ina simi 1ar way and adhere to a certain range of theories. Collins contends that his task now becomes the arrangement of scientific disciplines along a continuum of forms of organizational control. According to Collins (1975:494) scientific organizations are the most "knowable" of all organizations because they can be studied in detai 1. The reason behind this is that communication in scientific organizations is very slow -on a scale of months, years and even centuries. The work of scientist depends on both his predecessors and his contemporaries. He thus uses the work of those before him to suggest the problems on which he will work; and the work of his contemporaries to state to what level he must advance, and what his contribution should be. Collins (1975:494) proposes that if the scientist is to receive any recognition for originality he is required to specialize but specializa tion can be detrimental to knowledge as the work of many specialists has to be synthesized before it is recognized as a contribution to science. If the intellectual! scientist then wishes to be recognized and gain superiority over others, he requires certain resources. 245 9.3.1 Bases of power Collins identified three bases of power within the intellectual world, namely information, validation and recognition and materia1 resources (Collins, 1975:494-496). 9.3.1.1 Information The control of information is a valuable resource to be used in the struggle for power. Within the intellectual world, any advances in knowledge requires from the scientist an original and creative contribution. In thi s regard he is dependent on the information from others on what work has already been done, by what methods and most important, what questions remain to be answered. Thus power wi 11 vary from equality in exchanges of information, to the dictatorship of one theorist concerning research. 9.3.1.2 Validation and recognition As in most professions, the scientist depends on others in the intellec tual world to validate his contributions and thus confer on the scien tist a measure of status. 9.3.1.3 Material resources Certain types of intellectual work require a great deal of research equipment, transportation, paid technicians and other types of material resources. These resources are also used to conununicate about one's work, whether verbal or non-verbal. Material resources are mediated by the intellectual community, i.e. the process of validation and recog nition constitutes the intellectual community and gives it power over its members. Generally, it is left to the world of laymen to provide the "material resources, but the intellectual who depends on his peers to validate his title can also acquire these resources through his reputation"within the intellectual" community at large. 246 According to Collins (1975:495) the sources of material resources are to be found in the external conditions for science. Teaching positions are important in this regard because they provide primary regular channels of information as well as initial validation in intellectual careers. In this connection, a professor mediates the material aspects of a student's career, access to equipment, publication and job p1 acement, thus ensuring the professors I ideas are assured of continuous intellectual development. These three bases of power, namely: information, validation and recognition, and materia1 resources are used within the intellectual community, in the struggle for power. Collins (1975:496), therefore concludes that the internal structure of science is the network of communi cation and argumentation per se, through whi ch sci enti sts vie for supremacy in thei r fi e1d. Co 11 ins (1975:496) further noted that the influence of external .positions on particular kinds of intellectual production is not static, but feeds an ongoing argument for intellectual dominance. For the individual intellectual, his position within the intellectual community begins with his initiation into the field. This first step involves acquiring sponsors who provide him with information, access to material resources, and validation for his efforts, The further steps to be taken by the inte11 ectua1 i nvo1ve a matter of ongoi ng choices and negotiations vis-a-vis his intellectual "compatriots". According to Collins (1975:496), the intellectual must decide on the following: * What 1ines of argumentation and related research are 1i ke 1y to be accepted? * What groups must he ally himself with? * What groups should he ignore and which should he attack? * Is his chance for success related to theoretical work, innovation, or research? * In what area of work is his competitive chance the best? 247 Furthennore, Collins (1975:496) suggests that science is affected by political processes that operate in the careers of individuals, and that the sociological determinants of knowledge are to be found in the social contingencies that affect developments in the field of science. 9.3.1.4 A case study Co11ins1 uses the positions of Descarte and Newton in seventeenth century physics as an example of an emerging organization structure in science. Collins (1975:504-505) draws four sociological conclusions from this example. Firstly, that intellectual dominance goes to that faction which can produce the most "convincing" general paradigm that incorporates the widest spectrum of knowledge at any time. Secondly, that conflict is an independent resource which promotes intellectual innovation. Thirdly, that any ideas that dominate at a particular time do so because they are politically relevant, i.e. the scientists ally themselves with whatever forces dominate at the time. On the individual level, an individuals success goes hand in hand with attaching himself to a dominant coalition - but credit will be given only as long as that particular coalition is in power. Within the coalition itself, the dominating individuals are those who organize the coalition. In this regard, Collins (1975:505) sums this facet up perfectly when he claims that: "Scientific credit, in other words, goes above all for political accomplishments within the intellectual community." 1 See Collins (1975:497-504) for an in depth review of the internal politics of seventeenth-century physics. 248 Finally, that the success of any paradigm or individual within science is largely due to the role of chance. In other words, the ideas that dominate within a specific period, do so, because of a combination of circumstances that permit their dominance. 9.4 DETERMINANTS OF SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN SCIENCE In his analysis of the determinants of organizational structure,1 Collins makes use of the following concepts, namely, the degree of uncertainty, the co-ordination needs required for the completion of a task and a variety of control strategies. The degree of uncertainty was first identified as a power base by Crozier (1964 in Collins, 1975:311). Cr.ozier made a study of French organizations and found that engineers and maintenance men had power because they were the only ones in a highly routinized operation who dealt with the unexpected. Collins uses this idea of Crozier and argues that it is people who have access to areas of uncertainty who have the greatest influence over others because they control the information needed by others' to complete a task. The power holders in areas of uncertainty are those considered, by others, to be experts in their fields. They make what they do seem mysterious, and other people are at their mercy as the "experts" interpret and define reality. Within the intellectual community, task uncertainty is highest in those areas of research which are categorized as "frontiers"; and lowest where the 'normal science' is practised within a specific set of ideals. Collins uses the fields of cognitive creativity (characterized by philosophy and mathematics) as the high task uncertainty example; and the routine mundane work done in laboratories as an example of low task uncertainty. The need for co-ordination is also an element of the structure of the organization. According to Collins (1975:322) co-ordination needs are compatible with whether the task to be performed 1 See chapter 6 on the Conflict Theory of Organizations. 249 is predictable or not. A highly unpredictable task has few co-ordination needs as the people who carry out the task are skilled. Often where a task is predictable, co-ordination needs are high because the end product or goal has to be achieved e.g. in mass production organizations. Fewer co-ordination problems ~re experienced in a highly bureaucratized organization form as there is a definite set of rules that governs the outcome of the task. However, Collins warns that with reference to the sciences the co-ordination problems must be viewed from the individual point of view. In regard to the need for co-ordination between intellectuals then, Collins asks what the conditions are that make an individual rely - act of co-ordination - heavily or little on their colleagues in order that they may have a successful career. According to Collins (1975:508) there are four main conditions: * The degree to which intellectuals are involved in direct communica tion with external audiences rather than communication with special ists from the' intellectual world. * The number of competing intellectuals in the field of science. * The extent to which the intellectual activity is dependent on material resources which are mediated by the intellectual community. * The scope of the problems attempted which range from simple to complex investigations. Schematically, Collins (1975:507) differentiates, on the basis of coordination needs and task uncertainty, among four types of organizations that occur: 250 FIGURE 1 TYPES OF ORGANIZATION AND ADVANCED COMMUNICATION RESOURCES ----...--"--""COORDINATION NEEDS - HIGH LOW ~------Collegial or Inforlal craft types HIGH professional types of organization of organizations TASK UNCERTAINTY 1------+._----,------ Cuplex and Silple regularized LOV conflictful bureaucracy bureaucracy -----,------ Collins (1975:507) furthermore identifies four other types of organiza tions where the communication resources which were present in the previous schematic representation are absent. 251 FIGURE 2 TYPES OF ORGANIZATIONS WHERE THE RESOURCES FOR ADVANCED COMMUNICATION ARE ABSENT COORDINATION NEEDS HIGH LOW r------Patrhonial Infor.al craft type HIGH organizations organization TASK UNCERTAINTY ~------Frag.ented or Autocratic LOll feudal types of Patriarchal patrhonial organizations syste.s .... These diagrams serve to illustrate Collins' (1975:509) ideas concerning the determinants of organizational structure, namely the uncertainty of the task to be accomplished, the need for co-ordination and the availability of communication technology. According to Collins these "hypotheses" may be applied to the organization of science. The following are the phases of the history of the sciences for the purpose of illustrating the hypotheses: (i) High task uncertainty and low coordination problems In science, high task uncertainty refers to those sciences which are in a period crisis, that operate in a relatively new area and are dealing with materials of great difficulty, or that require creativity. Individuals who carry out these tasks are given high autonomy. Co-ordination problems are low, as each scientist depends little on others for his own success. This low co-ordination need is the result of 252 severa1 factors inc1udi ng fi rstly, when the i nte11 ectua1 deals wi th external audiences i.e. politicians, religious audiences, aesthetics rather than purely scholarly concerns. Secondly when there are few intellectuals in a specific field of science; for example in the early development phase of the social sciences where the work that was produced consisted of various interpretive schemes. - Put in hypothesis form, this type of structure will be characteristic of informal "crafts" organizations or unspecialized intellectuals who produce diffuse interpretive schemes. PROPOSITION 26.1: THE HIGHER THE UNCERTAINTY OF INTELLECTUAL PROBLEMS AND THE LOWER THE CO-ORDINATION PROBLEMS WITH THE INTELLECTUAL COMMUNITY, THE MORE LIKELY THE COMMUNITY IS TO TAKE THE FORM OF AN INFORMAL "CRAFTS" ORGANIZA TION, WITH UNSPECIALIZED INTELLECTUALS PRODUCING DIFFUSE INTERPRETATIVE SCHEMES (Collins, 1975:521). (ii) High task uncertainty and high co-ordination needs High task uncertainty and high co-ordination needs result in an organization which takes the form of an interdependent profession. In this regard emphasi s 1s placed on the set of ideals the profess iona1s are requested to follow. Intellectuals become dependent on the evaluation of their contemporaries and this type is likely to occur in fields that are relatively remote from external audiences. High coordi nation needs also occur where expensive research equipment is needed by scientists, but the equipment is monopolized by a small group. This may result in a severe limitation being placed on the number of individuals who can enter the field, and are in a high degree of stratification (Collins, 1975:512). The type of organizational structure mentioned above is summed up by Collins (1975:521) in the following proposition: 253 PROPOSITION 26.2: THE HIGHER THE UNCERTAINTY OF INTELLECTUAL PROBLEMS AND THE HIGHER THE CO-ORDINATION PROBLEMS WITHIN THE INTELLECTUAL COMMUNITY, THE MORE LIKELY THE COMMUNITY IS TO TAKE A COLLEGIAL-PROFESSIONAL FORM, WITH HIGH CONSCIOUSNESS OF PROFESSIONAL IDEALS AND STRONG BUT PARTICULARISTIC CONTROLS OVER ADMISSION TO THE COMMUNITY • . (iii) Low Task uncertainty and low co-ordination problems Collins states that low task uncertainty is to be found in sciences that have a successful paradigm or a research technology whi ch is high ly routinized. If there are hardly any co-ordination problems, then a II ••• smoothly functioning bureaucracy ••• 11 will be the result (Collins, 1975:512). Collins states that this type of organization is comparable to Wood ward's "process productionll1 organization in which complex tasks are carried out within a framework of coordination that is provided by the organization itself. Furthermore a high consciousness exists within the organization which implies that everyone is aware of the scientific en terprise. An example forwarded by Collins of this type of organization is modern chemical research. A bureaucracy implies standardized forms of communication; however, when this standardized conununication is not present, a patrimonial organization is likely to occur. Within the patrimonial organization, relationships are personal and ancient science is a prime example. Collins (1975:521-522) formulates the following proposition which can serve as a summary of the types of organizations discussed. 1 See Chapter 6 on The Conflict Theory of Organization. 254 PROPOSITION 26.3: THE LOWER THE UNCERTAINTY OF INTELLECTUAL PROBLEMS AND THE LOWER THE CO-ORDINATION PROBLEMS WITHIN THE INTELLECTUAL COMMUNITY, THE MORE LIKELY THE COMMUNITY IS TO TAKE THE FORM OF A REGULARIZED BUREAUCRACY, WITH A HIGH DEGREE OF CONSCIOUSNESS OVER WHAT THE SCIENCE HAS ACHIEVED AND A HIGH EMPHASIS ON STRICT METHODOLOGICAL CONTROLS (Collins, 1975:521-522). (iv) Low task uncertainty and high co-ordination needs Low task uncertainty and high co-ordination needs are characteristic of an organization which has the following traits; namely a well-function ing paradign, a large number of researchers in the field and/or mono polizable research resources. This is typical of modern physics during periods of innovation. Emphasis is placed on rules, specialization, and there is a tendency towards conflict. Collins (1975:522) sums up this type of organization in proposition form: PROPOSITION 26.4: THE LOWER THE UNCERTAINTY OF INTELLECTUAL PROBLEMS, AND THE HIGHER THE CO-ORDINATION PROBLEMS WITHIN THE INTELLECTUAL COMMUNITY, THE MORE LIKELY THE COMMUNITY IS TO TAKE THE FORM OF A CONFLICTFUL AND COMPLEX BUREAUCRACY, WITH HIGH EMPHASIS ON METHODOLOGICAL RULES, A HIGH CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE ORGANIZATION, A HIGH RATE O,F CONFLICT OVER THE INTERPRETATION PUT UPON SPECIALIZED WORK WHEN IN CORPORATED INTO LARGER SYNTHESES, AND A SHARP SPLIT BETWEEN ROUTINIZED AND INNOVATIVE AREAS 9.5 DETERMINANTS OF INDIVIDUAL CAREERS The determinants of individual careers is the final area of the organization of the intellectual world that Collins analyzes, and he 255 states in this regard that 1I •••[wJe may also ask the question of who will become successful within science" (Collins, 1975:514). Collins contends that as in the analysis of social mobility, the chance for success of any individual depends on the "••• structural organiza tion of the scientific community at the time in which he begins". An individual's career consists of the contacts he makes with others personally, or through printed communications or both ways. Thus Collins (l975:514) claims that success depends on "fame", i.e. of being much referred to by other members of the scientifi c communi ty of whi ch the individual is part. It is up to the individual to ensure he becomes the centre of the scientific community as II ••• the greatest fame goes to those who are most instrumental in reorganizing fields in a major way" (Collins, 1975:515). The individual's success is thus dependent on the resources available to him in his pursuit of the highest status in the intellectual world. In doing this he relies on his personal ambition, sheer luck and having access to information. The tactics that each individual uses to become successful in science, also depend on the structure of the field. For example, if each scientist follows his own interest, the field is likely to develop in various directions. Therefore, conflict in the form of a power struggle is likely to arise with a group insisting on maintaining the status quo (centralized interests) and those who are in favour of diversifying (decentralized interests). The recognition of the individual as an intellectual of some standing, therefore depends on the following: * The individual's position in the network of personal associations through which he may gain support for his innovations and recognition for his contributions to the intellectual community. In other words, he is recognized by others as being successful. * The individual's ability to transform the organization of the intellectual field. That is, his ability to redefine the situation, and for this definition to be accepted by others. 256 * The individua1's choice of a research area which is more crucial than others. That is, his ability to redefine the situation, and for this definition to be accepted by others. * The individua1's choice of a research area which is more crucial than others. That is his choice of a task which outcome is uncertain, but which makes him a leader in an innovative field, and an expert - he is able to control information concerning this area and this places him in a position to influence others, t ,e, to have power over others. 9.6 RATES OF MOBILITY Rates of mobility in science are equivalent according to Collins (1975:517) to II ••• a sum of a number of careers measured against some initial point in the organization ••• how the organizational structure ll changes as the individuals within it are rep1aced • In scientific tenns then, the rates of mobility are equivalent to the rate of intellectual innovation within a specific field. Collins emphasizes the lIideas ll as men remain a part of the conununi cation structure after they are dead because their ideas continue to be talked about. Collins (1975:517) therefore claims that the rate of mobility is actually the rate of mobil i ty of men' s ;deas. Mobi 1i ty in this sense measures the degree to which new ideas are displaced by old ones. According to Collins (1975:518) innovation in the scientific conununity is related to two factors: firstly the number of competitors and secondly, the degree of competition between two paradigms. Collins proposes that in situations where competition is strong, innovation is likely to occur, and new fields of science are likely to occur (Collins, 1975:518-519). Competition in this sense involves monopolizing those resources which are crucial in determining mobility rates. If these resources are dispersed then competition and innovation are likely to be high; if however, they are monopolized, innovation and 257 mobility will be low (Collins, 1975:523). Collins (1975:523) sums up the rate of mobility and innovation in the following proposition~ PROPOSITION 27.4: THE MORE DISPERSED THE MATERIAL RESOURCES FOR SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH, THE MORE INTENSE THE COMPETITION AND THE HIGHER THE LEVEL OF SCIENTIFIC INNOVATION (AND THE RATE OF INTELLECTUAL MOBILITY). 9.7 SUMMARY Collins acknowledges that there are two philosophical definitions of science which still maintain a certain status in the scientific world today. They are the empiricists and idealists respectively. Collins in contrast to these two definition stresses the following aspects of a science: * It is above all else a human activity; * it centres on communication especially in the form of arguments; * these arguments generally take on a symbolical form, i.e. they are in writing; * these arguments takes place within a self-contained intellectual community; and * science is in essence therefore a body of words that is accepted as true at any given time. Collins calls his approach to science, the sociology of science and although he emphasizes that it is not an all-encompassing approach to science, he does say it has certain merits. These merits include the following: * The sociology of science allows for historical relevance as it is . Collins' belief that our reality is always historically relative. 258 * The sociology of science is self validating to the extent that it works. * It can explain the conditions under which scientists do and say certain things. Co11 ins further contends that sci ence is a fi e1d of conf1 ict because within science the intellectuals attempt to maximize their own status and this in essence involves conflict; that the various definitions of science are used to further one group of intellectuals' dominance over another; and that each intellectual and discipline of science has interests which it attempts to uphold. Science is thus a human activity and is based on argumentation. The ideas of what science really is (i.e. various definitions of science), are held by real men, and these ideas are used as weapons in the struggle for dominance. It is Collins' intention that science can be understood only in terms of real interests, behaviours and conflicts of individuals. By pursuing their interests, intellectuals are in competition with each other, and thus argumentation is emphasized as a method through which scientists further their careers. The intellectual also has certain resources available to him in his pursuit of power and prestige within the intellectual world, namely: * His length of stqy within the intellectual community; * the originality of his.argument; * the presentation of his argument to a select audience; * the innovative suggestions made by the intellectual; and * the alliance he makes with those in power. In his analysis of the organization of the intellectual world, Collins identifies four external organizational roles which intellectuals can occupy and which act as resources in their pursuit of status. The political role is chosen by those who wish to make a career out of defending or attacking the legitimacy of organizations. They include roles such as government officials, politicians, political leaders, journalists and many more. The practical roles are those in ·which the 259 intellectual works for a customer, client or boss; and the purpose behind choosing such a career is to achieve practical results. These roles include doctors, engineers, builders and so forth. The leisure entertainment role is pursued by those who belong to the leisure class but produce intellectual work, for example intellectuals who make a 1iving by producing entertainment for patrons or the mass market. The last role is the teaching role which involves positions that deal with cormnunicating knowledge, for example the professor at an university (Collins, 1978:482). The internal structure of the intellectual world involves studying the communication patterns that occur within the organization. As in other organizations, this involves power relationships. An intellectual can have power on the basis of where he stands in the communication network, (if he is at the centre, the greater is his power), whether his work has been validated and is recognized by others in the intellectual cormnunity (if it is, the greater is his status); and if the intellectual has the necessary material resources with which to carry out his work. Collins (1975:506) again introduces the two variables of task uncertain ty and co-ordination needs and problems to determine what the social structure of science will be. In essence then, if task uncertainty is high and co-ordination problems are low, then an informal, "crafts" type of organization is 1ikely to occur. The work that is produced is general in character and individual figures who devise the grand systems are followed by numerous disciples. When task uncertainty is high and co-ordination problems are high, then a "profession" is likely to occur with all its accompanying attributes. If task uncertainty is low, and co-ordination problems are low, the result will be a functioning bureaucracy; and when task uncertainty is low and co-ordination problems are high, then a complex, conflictful bureaucracy will result. 260 Collins (1975:514) asks the question of who will become successful within science. His answer is that success depends on the following: * The structure of the scientific community when the intellectual begins his career; * the contacts the intellectual is able to initiate and maintain; * the number of times the intellectual is referred to by members of the scientific community; * the intellectual's personal ambition; * the role of chance; and * the intellectual's access to information and areas of uncertainty. With regard to the rates of mobility, Collins (1975:517) contends that they are equivalent to the rate of intellectual innovation within a specific field, i.e. rate of mobility is equal to the rate of mobility of men's ideas. Competition, whether between individual intellectuals or paradigms, is the essence of the rate of mobility. All in all, Collins has applied the postulates identified in his theory of stratification and organizations. He has indicated that the intellec tual world is made up of real men, pursuing status and creating and maintaining structure i.e. the organization of the intellectual world. According to Collins (1975:341) the mature sciences are the strongest type of profession because there is a collegial group that has the power to validate the behaviour of its members. Thus Collins brings two concepts - profession and science - together. 261 CHAPTER 10 ACRITICAL RETROSPECTION Randall Collins is one of the youngest theorists who are convinced that the conflict perspective is the best way to do sociological analyses. His theory is not directed at explaining conflict per se, but has as its goal the explanation of sociological phenomena on the basis of the general assumption of conflicting interests and the resources and actions that individuals have available to this end in a variety of situations. Collins' emphasis on the individual and his actions, has introduced a micro-orientation to an otherwise macro-dominated perspective. Thus the two elements of Co11in's theory which stand out are his approaches to micro-macro-ana1ysis and conflict. 10.1 METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH Collins intends to develop a theory in sociology based on the conflict theory. Accordingly, he claims that the essence of any science is theory, and theory involves the establishment of a generalized body of ideas which explains the range of variations in the empirical world, in terms of general principles. Collins' book Conflict sociology (1975) shows a dedicated attempt to formulate the general principles upon which a scientific theory may be built. These principles take the form of 17 postulates upon which over 400 propositions are based. Collins (1975:47) acknowledges that his propositions may be inadequate but that it is bet ter to have tried and perhaps failed than not to have tried at all. Col lins did not carry out any testing of his propositions, as he considered the task of formulating his theory as a task in itself. Collins' formu lation of over 400 propositions is considered to be "highly provocative" by Turner (1982) and Wallace and Wolf (1986) but they also consider the number "unmanageab1e"• 262 The principles which Collins identified are grounded in the micro-level, although they have macro-references, as this enables the social scientist to insist that only real people can do things, and structure is merely a way of talking about patterns of what people do in groups. Collins (1975:14) states that the integration of micro- and macro-levels of analysis is one of the most strategic problems in building scientific theory. His solution involves the provision by micro-level analysis of detai 1ed mechani sms through whi ch processes on the macro-l eve1 can be explained. 10.1.1 Micro-macro integration Collins (1986:261) defines micro-sociology as a detailed analysis of what people do, say and think in their daily lives, and macro-sociology as the ana1ysis of 1arge scale and long term soci a1 processes such as class, organization and the state. Central to any discussion of micro- and macro-analysis is social structure. Mac~0-ana1ysis views social structure as real, objective social phenomena which can be observed. They consist of structural units that indicate the basic nature of the structure. In contrast, the micro-version of what structure is, is indicated by Collins. He conceptualizes social structure as "interaction ritual chains", and these chains have become stretched out in time and through their repeti tion by individuals in physical settings. Social structure becomes "macro" when there is an increasing number of persons involved in the encounters and the physical space in which the encounters occur has also extended. On the basis of this, Collins concludes that macro-structure consists of only three dimensions, namely: * The sheer numbers of persons and encounters involved; * the amount of time consumed by an encounter and the degree to which it is connected to previous encounters; and 263 * the amount and pattern of physical space that is used in an encounter. According to Collins (in Turner, 1986:436) the more encounters that are repeated across time, the more people are involved and the more space that is consumed, then the more macro is the social structure. Collins places the macro- and micro-levels on a continuum, which at one end can involve a few people who use little space in short term interactions, and at the macro end involves complex long term chains of direct or indirect interaction among 1arge numbers of peop1 e extended across physical space. Interaction ritual chains then, eventually make up the social structure and are based on real interaction on the micro-level. Thus sociological theory, according to Collins, should emphasize what the individual actually does. Theory should also explain the macro-structure in terms of principles that help the scientist to understand how micro-situations are stretched across time and space, and expanded in number. Collins' approach can thus be termed a micro-translation of macro structure. Basically this approach involves the following: * The basic micro-unit of analysis is the encounter of at least two people who are in a face-to-face situation and who interact. The encounter involves the establishment of "shared conversational reality" which implies negotiation between the people involved over the control of resources. * People have resources of their own before entering a conversation and these resources involve having stored memories of previous conversa tions, vocal styles, special knowledge, access to a wider communica tion network, the capacity to call upon others, the ability to coerce others and having something to talk about. These resources are called cultural capital. However, the individual also has a certain amount of motivation to participate in the conversation and this resource is known as emotional energy. 264 * The negotiation of a shared conversational reality not only involves using resources, but implies a negotiation over membership of certain groups. * Many social encounters are among unequals as some individuals have more resources than others. Those with more resources will dominate the conversation and attempt to control the negotiation of a shared conversational reality. * Most encounters are structured in terms of previous encounters. Often the individuals know what to expect and thus are able to negotiate a better position for themselves. Many encounters are the result of the chains of past encounters. * Encounters take place in physical space, there are usually two or more people involved and any conversation has a set duration time. The repetition of these en~ounters is what builds. and sustains structures. The chains that develop on the basis of the repetition of the encounters will begin to embrace. more and more people, and will be ~xtended over time and in space. * The repetition of the encounter introduces the ritual aspect, as the individuals who are participating in the encounter are physically co-present and focusing on a common object. This leads them to form attachments to each other and to have a common outlook. The positive experience of participating in an encounter is also likely to engender a willingness to continue participating or enter new encoun ters. * If structure is to be studied then certain principles about inter action rituals must be developed. This involves acknowledging that structure is nothing more than a complex chain of interaction rituals which are stretched across time and space. These structures can be "translated" into interactive processes from which they are constitu ted, namely interaction ritual chains. 265 However, micro-translations are not the only methodological strategy followed by Collins. He is also considered by various authors to be an eelecticist. 10.1.2 Eclecticism In the development of his propositions, Collins works in an eclectic manner, that is, he uses the work of other major theorists as a framework. Collins (1975:1) claims that the elements of a powerful explanatory theory were laid down by Marx, Weber and Durkheim. Although certain advances have been made in research and theoreticizing, these advances have only "fleshed out" and expanded upon the existing models. Collins (1975:2) intended that theory should involve II ••• extrapolating from things we know to things we do not, a way of seeing ll the novel as another arrangement of the familiar • In this regard, Collins' amalgamation of the work of the major theorists involves the following: * Marxian sociology which introduces three important elements, namely the ownership/non-ownership of property, the mobilization of interests, and the control of the ideological realm by those who own property. * Weberian sociology is used extensively by Collins throughout his book. The following elements are, however, important: an emphasis on a tripartite model of stratification which is indicative of the variables which play a role in the conflict of interests which develops, the effect of religion, the evolvement of a bureaucracy, and the question of legitimacy. * Functionalism as represented by Durkheim, which emphasizes the development of religion and the ritualized aspect of the religious ceremony, and the part it plays in group solidarity. Collins uses Durkheim in the development of his theory of stratification and in his discussion on ideology. 266 * Goffman's work on rituals and conversational analysis which Collins uses to build his theory of stratification. * Lenski's empirical generalizations of various types of societies which are used by Collins when he contrasts various historical ages especially in the development of his theory on age and sex, stratification and economY and politics. * Freud's work concerning the sexual and power struggles between men and women, adults and chi1ren; which is used by Collins in the development of his theory of stratification. * Thompson and Woodward's typologies of organizations which Collins uses in the development of his organizational theory. * Michels' Iron Law of Oligarchy which Collins uses in the development of his organizational theory as the prototype of the membership-controlled organization. These theorists are the most important of those whose work Collins has used in the development of his conflict theory. Collins' micro-macro-approach as well as his eclecticism are two important facets of his methodological approach. However, Collins' insights concerning conflict can be considered as an important contribution to sociological theory. 10.2 THE CONFLICT APPROACH OF RANDALL COLLINS Collins' methodological approach, i.e. his micro-sociological analysis serves as a basis from whi ch he develops his conflict soci 01 ogy and analyzes sociological phenomena. The central assumptions of conflict theory are followed closely by Collins, and they include the following: * People have numerous basic interests, t ,e, things they want and attempt to acquire; 267 * power is at the centre of all social structures and social relation ships, and people are involved in a struggle to acquire it; and * values and ideas are weapons-resources of conf1 ict that are manipulated by groups to advance their own ends. For Collins, micro-analysis and conflict unite, and he states in this connection his own assumptions: * Each individual constructs his own subjective reality through communicating with others; * each individual seeks to maximize his own subjective status according to those resources available to him and to his rivals; and * although human beings are sociable animals they are conflict-prone. Collins (1975:73) furthermore identified eight basic postulates which can be used as a basis for all his propositions. These include the following: (i) Each individual constructs his own subjective reality. (ii) Individual cognition is constructed from social communications. (iii) Individuals have power over each other's subjective reality. (tv) Each individual attempts to maximize his subjective status to the degree allowed by the resources available to himself and others he contacts. (v) Each individual values highest what he is best at and attempts to act out and communicate about is as much as possible. (vi) Each individual seeks social contacts which give him the greatest subjective status, and avoids those in which he has lowest status. 268 (vii) Where individuals' resources differ, social contacts involve inequalities in power to define subjective reality. (viii) Situations in which differential, power is exercized, and withdrawal is not immediat1y possible, implicitly involve conflict. Collins, in other words, views life as a struggle for status in which individuals use all their available resources including others, to help them acquire the best position possible. These resources are obtained in various fields of contact with others; for example work, politics, love, recreation and comeuni ty, It is within these fields of contact that varying degrees of giving or receiving orders, physical exertion, danger and conmuntcation occur which influence an individual's life. For example, the person who gives orders is self-assured, initiates talk, has positive feelings about himself, identifies with the goals of a si tuation and is able to mobilize more resources. The resources used by individuals in their struggle for status can be divided into general or specific resources. General resources include conversation and rituals. It is Collins' (1975:91) contention that conversations are the building blocks of social structure and by explaining who will talk to whom and about what will enable the social scientist to make a study of social structure. Talk and conversational exchanges among individuals are likely to occur if they are physically copresent, they are motivated to converse, their respective resources are more or less equal and there are positive feelings about previous encounters. If the individual s' resources are unequal, then the conversations are likely to be impersonal, highly ri tualized and of short duration. If the resources are perceived as equal, then conversation is on a personal level, is very flexible and is likely to be of a long duration. Individuals who share the same resources are also likely to form attachments to each other, i.e. develop the sentiment of liking, agree with each other, have CODUnon moods, outlooks and beliefs and the I 269 attachment to each other is likely to be sustained by rituals. Rituals themselves are dependent on the physical co-presence of individuals for a certain length of time and their focusing on a common object. The participation in ritual activity leads to the establishment of social attachments and a common outlook among individuals. Thus if there is a deviation from established rituals it is likely to be negatively sanctioned. Rituals are invoked wherever there is a perceived external threat, when individuals are admitted to or leave the group, or when the individuals within the group are elevated to a higher position. These types of ritua 1s therefore play a cruci a1 ro1e in group 1ife as they reinforce the shared definition of the situation and the identities of those involved. However rituals may also be used to reinforce the difference between individuals. For example, individuals in a position of dominance will use rituals to dramatize their power over others, and individuals in subordinate positions will use rituals to "save face". Rituals not only playa crucial. role in the struggle for power between individuals and within groups, but also between groups. In this regard Collins maintains that power in human society depends on an individual's ability to transform raw coercion into ritual deference and the manipu lation of existing rituals so as to illicit feelings of emotional solidarity. Thus as individuals go about their daily lives, interacting with others, they are defining their situation. They are also attempting to maximize their status in any way they can, i.e. they are pursuing interests such as wealth, power and prestige. In their pursuit of these interests they often compete with others who either have more resources than they or fewer. If others have more, the individual is likely to withdraw from the struggle as he cannot compete; if he cannot wi thdraw confHct is likely to occur. The same situation is likely to occur between groups, organizations, communities, societies and states. In other words, Collins has formulated general principles which can be applied to a variety of conditions, and which he applies to the following fields, namely sex and age stratification, organizational theory, political sociology, social inequality and the organization of the intellectual world. 270 10.2.1 Sex stratification One of the areas to which Collins applies his general principles is that of sex stratification. Within sex stratification, the basic elements are the human sex drive and male physical dominance. Within every society a power struggle is found between men and women pursuing their interests. The male, because of his physi ca1 strength, has been allotted a dominant position as he has the ability physically to coerce the weaker sex. An analysis of sexual stratification shows that an attempt is made by one sex to control sexual activity and to dominate the other sex. The domination and control is met with resistance by the subordinate sex i.e. they dislike being dominated. The subordinate sex will attempt to reduce sexual encounters i.e. counteract the dominant sex's control and domination. In the attempt to maximize their status the subordinate sex will use the resources available to them t ,e, physical attractiveness and emotionality. However, if these resources do not enable them to obtain a more ~gal itari an relationship, and they cannot withdraw from the situation, conflict is likely to occur. Being a man or woman therefore prescribes certain resources to the individual, and a certain status. In the modern society, the resource of sex still plays an important role socially, but equal education opportunities have done much to equalize job opportunities. Conflict is everpresent in the relationship between men and women. Male dominance has been underwritten by the economic realm and in this regard Collins in his analysis of the variations in male dominance on the basis of the ruling economic system, concludes that: Firstly, in low technology tribal societies, survival necessitates an equal market position between men and women; Secondly, in the fortified household the male's dominance is absolute; 271 Thirdly, in private households in a market economy an element of negotiation is introduced into the relationship between men and women; and Finally, in an affluent market economy women have been placed firmly in the job market. However Collins contends that although sexual stratification has levelled out, it will never fully disappear. The attractiveness of one sex for the other is still an important resource even though women have made progress in equalizing the work market. Attractive men and women demand deference from their unattractive counterparts, and sex wi 11 always be used as bait to bring commitment to a relationship. 10.2.2 Age stratification Age stratification involves each age group's manoeuvring to obtain the best possible advantage. Age stratification thus implies the control by the older age .group of the following resources: they are bigger and stronger and therefore able to coerce the younger age groups, they control material resources by virtue of being in the situation first, and they control symbolical resources, i.e. the definition of reality. In other words, adu 1ts wi 11 use physi ca1 puni shment because they are bigger, material resources because they can afford it, shame and ridicule because they define the situation and are able to verbalize better. However, adults according to Collins (1975:435) do not have it all their own way. As the child grows older he obtains a variety of resources of his own. For example infants have minimal resources but the older child in his involvanent with peer groups and with the onset of puberty, becomes an achiever in other areas such as school, thereby earning a resource of his own whi ch he can use to negotiate a better relationship with his parents. This child is also bigger and therefore not as easy to coerce as smaller children. 272 An individual's age therefore prescribes to him certain resources and a certain status. An individual is able to use the resources available to him to negotiate a higher status position for himself. If however his attempt fails, and he is unable to withdraw from the situation conflict is likely to occur. 10.2.3 Organizational theory After examining stratification, Collins turns to an extensive analysi s of organizations. According to him, organizations are made up of nothing more than the repetitive encounters between individuals where one person can manipulate others to strive for the same goal. Organizations are also arenas for struggle in which the individual attempts to obtain certain resources to use in his struggle for status, to actualize specific goals and to gain control over others. It is Collins' intention to show that all kinds of organizations are the results of a particular set of general variables namely, control strategies, tasks and structures. The pursuit of interest - a basic confl1ct concept - determines what is to be produced in the organiza tion, its goals and ideals, and the network of relationships that make up the organization. (i) Control strategies Three types of control strategies in organizations were identified by Collins, namely coercion, material rewards and normative control. If coercion is used as a control strategy by those in a dominant position in an organization, the reaction of the subordinates could include the following: * Resentment of being coerced; * apathy; * non co-operation; 273 * alienation; and/or * conflict. If control by material rewards is the strategy being used by those in the dominant position, then the subordinates could react in the following manner: * Develop an acquisitive orientation; and/or * manipulate their performances. If normative control is used as a control strategy by those in the dominant position, then the subordinate is likely to experience the following: * Indoctrination into the beliefs and values of the organization; and/or * rewards for conformity which include being given a responsible position These experiences can be promoted by recruiting members who are committed to each other; by providing conditions that are conducive to the creation of personal friendships; and by promoting the threat from another organization as a reality. Conflict is likely to arise if the decentralization of power results in a situation of "too many chiefs and not enough Indians"; and when informal solidarity becomes counterproductive to the organization's goals. A control strategy which underlies all three of the abovementioned involves the implication that the superior has the right to give the order and that his superior pos ttion demands deference. Thi s control strategy functions indirectly, and is known as the taken-for-granted strategy. Conflict may occur when individuals in the subordinate position question the superior's "right" to give orders. 274 Control strategies are usually applied by means of certain administra tion devices. The most important devices include; surveillance, where a superior keeps a watchful eye over the worker; the criterion of efficiency, in which the outcome of production must be visible; rules, which prescribe standards; information control, in which the subordi nate's situation is carefully defined; and environmental control, in which the worker's environment is highly regulated. The integration of control strategies, administration devices and types of tasks is presented in the following figure: FIGURE 1 SYSTEMATIC REPRESENTATION OF THE INTEGRATION OF CONTROL STRATEGIES, DEVICES AND TASKS Task s Strategies Adlinistrative devices lOll initiative Coercion * High surveillance tasks * Environlental control * Application of rules MediUl initia- llaterial Rewards * Certain alount of sur- ti ve tasks veillance * Efficiency criteria * Application of rules High-initia Norlative control * Inforlation control tive task 275 The structure of an organization therefore depends on a combination of the abovementioned facets. Collins distinguishes between two major types of organizational structure, namely hierarchial organizations and membership-controlled organizations. Collins' typology of hierarchical organizations includes the following: * Unit production which implies initiative must be taken in the completion of a task with its accompanying control strategies and administrative devices, namely normative control and information control respectively. Little chance of conflict occurs as authority is shared between leaders and subordinates. * Mass production in whi ch tasks acqui re a bit of ini ti ative, and control strategies range from coercion, to material rew~rd to normative control and the use of administrative devices such as rules. Conflict is likely to occur between those who come first and those who come later in the line of production. * Process pro~uction in which little initiative is needed to complete the task in a work environment which is controlled. Written rules and reports are the administrative devices most used and thus this type of production implies a standardized bureaucratic form in which little conflict occurs. * Pooled production implies an organization which carries out a variety of seperate operations, e.g. government. Such organizations are generally highly bureaucratized. Competition among the various sections of the organization can be intense and lead to conflict. These four typologies of hierarchial organizations are, according to Collins end points on a continuum and should therefore be used as a point of departure in organizational theory. The second type of organizational structure identified by Collins is the membership controlled organization which has an inverse pyramidal form. The implication of this inverse form is that the organization's bosses, 276 are officials who are elected from within the ranks of ordinary workers. However, from within the ranks of the bosses a small decisionmaking conmunt ty forms on its own. Thi s small group upholds its power by controlling information, administration and the resource of informality. An example of a membership-controlled organization is a profession, which exhibits the following characteristics: * Equality amongst members; * specific skills; * ideological cover; and * a continuum of professiona1ization. Professions acquire power through the following means: * The support of the state for their monopoly; * the validation of success by a collegial group; * the occupation of positions regarded as autonomous, innovative and highly unpredictable; and * by controlling information regarded as necessary by others for the completion of a task. Both hierarchial and membership-controlled organizations are character ized by power struggles between those who give orders and those who take the orders. Leaders of the organization use the control strategies and administrative devices to get the task done. Turner (1986:451) is convinced that the propositions formulated by Collins in regard to his organizational theory help to explain political control in complex organization, as well as advancing an understanding of other patterns of social organization. Collins views organizations as being created and sustained by people using resources in encounters. As these encounters are repeated in time and space, interaction ritual chains develop into a structure. Thus the emphasis in Collins' work remains the integration of macro-micro analysis. 277 10.2.4 State economy and ideology Pol itics in its broadest sense refers to the management or control of events to win social conflicts. It is the struggle of individuals and/or groups, with conf1 icting interests and beliefs, over the organization that deals with violence, that is the state. Collins views the state as the way in which violence is organized. The power of any state depends on its abi 1ity and wi 11 ingness to use violence both internally (to support a specific interest group) or externally (as a deterrent for potential enemies). At the core of the state is the military organization which is used either in outright warfare or as a threat. The state as a structure is involved in a reciprocal relationship with the economy, deviance, family structure, the distribution of wealth, the dominance of one organization over another; 'in other· words, it is central to any society. Collins' focus in the military organization encompasses a compara tive-historical analysis of the various stages of technology and economic production, weaponry, supplies and supports for the dominant army. Accordingly then, the comparative historical analysis illuminates the following trends: * The increase in economic production i.e. from a subsistence economy to a market economy, coincides with an increase in stratification, political inequality, complex administration, the mobilization of people as a political force and the development of a powerful elite who control the resources. * Weaponry used in warfare varies from those that are expensive and individually operated e.g. warrior knights, to those that are expensive and group operated e.g. modern warfare. * Supp1ies whi ch are the way the army is fed and paid for thei r services, also correspond with the various types of societies. For 278 example, if the anny is supplied by a central command, the army is under control of a centralized state, as in modern societies. * Support for the dominant anny, in which the various systems of support, namely the booty system, feudal decentralization and the garrison system, corresponds with the progressive development of a centralized state. Another facet which shapes the military organization is the control of other territories by the state, t ,e. geo-po1itics. There are various barriers such as seas, rivers, lakes, deserts and jungles which influence a state's external control of territories. Collins also identified various principles of geo-po1itics. They include the following: * Territorial resource advantage which implies that those states which are larger and wealthier will dominate other states. * March1and advantage, which implies that those states on the edge of the groups have a power advantage as they have an enemy on only one side. * Balance of Power which implies that states that are equally big and equally powerful have equal positions of dominance. * Overexpansion and disintegration which imply that if a state overextends its borders and is unable to maintain control, it will disintegrate and lose power. * Stalemates and power vacuums imply that two states are equally powerful - and thus neither has the advantage. * Imperialism follows unification, implies that once a state has unified, it seeks to conquer adjacent states so as to consolidate its power. 279 * Partial diffusion and external proletariats imply that less advanced territories receive help from more powerful neighbours and can pose a threat to their neighbours in the future. In any political situation, the use of the military as a threat is a recognized control strategy, but normative control i.e. the legitimation of the use of force through religious interaction, is a further tactic in organizing power and establishing control. If any leader wishes to establ i sh his leadership as legitimate, he is required to give the impression that he will willingly use force, and he must ensure that his power becomes a reality to his followers. In other words he must control those mechanisms which underlie emotional solidarity and obedience, i.e. rituals. Collins traces the relationship between politics and religion throughout history and notes that although the relationship has changed consider ably, religion has been replaced by secular ideologies which are "variants" of the conditions which produce religions. These conditions include the following: * The social units, namely family, household, comnunf ty, associations and specialized organizations each of which reflect the ideals of loyalty and morality to which the individual must orientate himself. * The relationship between the social units which moves from brotherly love within the family, to religious ceremonies emphasizing a powerful god which require a specialized staff, t ,e, specialized organizations. * Voluntary and automatic participation in which the former involves ceremonies promoting universalism, and the latter which fosters loyalty to those symbols which represent the social unit. Secular ideologies have arisen owing to the following developments, namely: * A shift from religious legitimation to educational legitimation; 280 * the increased necessity for verbal communication by those engaged in politics; * the necessity for control of information by a political leader; and * the use of rituals to invoke solidarity especially when there is a threat to the group. Domination of the ritualistic side of politics has become a necessity for any leader who wishes to have power. Collins (1975:381) contends that modern politics is not about physical coercion, but is concerned with "political manoeuvring" in which certain groups try to convince others, manipulate others or influence others to do what they want them to do. In other words, they wish to define the situation and to do this they need to control the ritualistic side of politics. In politics there are various interest groups which wish to influence the state to support their interests. These interest groups include the following: * Economic class interests which involve the establishment of property rights which the state will be interested in upholding; * power interests which refer to the rights of citizenship, franchise or independence; and * status interests which involve the mobilization of ethnic or religious groups in an attempt to influence the state. A crisis is one of the most important factors which influence the mobilization of interest groups. A variety of crises were identified by Collins (1975:391) but the most important crisis of all is a war. When crises occurs, interest groups will challenge those in power and call the legitimacy of the status quo into question. These interest groups vary from supporters of the existing order such as conservatives, ultra conservatives and liberal conservatives, to those who oppose the existing order such as radicals and conciliators. The con~ervative 281 coalition will usually maintain their power in the time of crises, but the opponents of the existing order, may be able to overthrow the conservative coalition if they can show that they will be able to end the crisis. Interest groups wish either to control or to influence the state, as the control or influencing of the military organization implies coercion, and coercion is the strongest deterrent of all. The penultimate field to which Collins applies his general principles is that of social inequality. 10.2.5 The distribution of wealth and social mobility Collins begins his discussion of social inequality by emphasizing two issues, namely that the distribution of wealth must be explained, as well as the distribution of opportunities to acquire wealth. Both these elements influence the individual's behaviour and outlooks. Collins asked three questions in regard to the distribution of wealth, and the opportunities to acquire it, namely: * What are the determinants of the overall structure of wealth and mobility? * What are the rates of movement during people's careers? * What determines individual careers? (i) What are the detenninants of the overall structure of wealth and mobility? The following factors were identified by Collins: * The availability of natural resources; * the total number of workers; * the duration and intensity of their work; 282 * technological developments; * .the supply of existing goods; and * the effectiveness of the division of labour. In this regard, those who have wealth are in possession of the natural resources and can either manipulate, or control the organization of violence, t ,e, the state. A specific organization will therefore have the dominant position which will be entrenched if it can control the conditions in the market while protecting itself from the market, and if it can ally itself with political powers within the financial realm. Within the organization there are also power struggles which develop, especially with regard to paYment for services. Individuals who have the greatest power, who are able to remove themselves from the market while keeping others in the market will have the highest income. (ii) What are the rates of movements during people's careers? The ability to move depends on the availability of positions, as well as the resources that various groups have to create or limit the positions. Thus mobility implies a struggle for control of the market by certain groups. The dominant group develops and opens new market positions or it can discourage or limit new market positions. Within organizations, certain groups close off their positions so as to ensure that they receive the highest income. They will stress professionalism, ethnicity, and educational requirements so as to keep others out, i.e. mobility rates low. (iii) What determines individual careers? An individual who wishes to become successful in his career, is subject to certain elements which include the following: * The role of chance which indicates that an individual's success in his career depends to a certain extent on "••• happening along at the right time" (Collins, 1975:450); 283 * the demand for certain types of skill is closely related to the role of chance. For example the demand for a preacher in 18th century America would have made a man with the ability and skill that it takes to preach, a very successful man; * the sequence of jobs that an individual holds in his life time indicates the success or failure of an individual. For example if the individual is upwardly mobile he has been successful; and * the individuals compatibility with the cultural background of his co-workers is also relevant in determining if an individual has been successful. Success is likely to come only to those individuals who fit into the culture of those who control the creation or maintenance of positions in the occupational sphere. Thus for any individual to be successful he must have the necessary resources to begin his pursuit of wealth, power and prestige. Organizations not only struggle with each other for status, but there is also an internal struggle going on among individuals in the organization over the distribution of wealth and the opportunities to acquire wealth. This facet stresses Collins' contention that organizations are arenas of power struggles, and the organization of the intellectual world is no exception. 10.2.6 The organization of the intellectual world The organization of the i nte11 ectua1 wor 1dis the 1ast fi e1d to whi ch Collins applies his principles of conflict analysis. The basic activity of the intellectual world is to produce science. In this regard Collins (1975:472) views science as a human activity which takes the form of a verbal argument. These arguments are generally symbolical i.e. they are in writing and they take place within a self-contained intellectual community. Science becomes nothing more than a body of words that is accepted as true at any given time. 284 Collins contends that science is a field of confltct because within science the intellectuals attempt to maximise their own status. The definition of science can also be manipulated by one group of intellectuals to further their dominance in the field of science. Science can therefore be understood in terms of real interests being pursued by scientists who are in competition with each other. Each scientist has certain resources avai1ab le to him which he can use, namely: * His length of stay within the scientific community; * the originality of his argument; * the presentation to and acceptance of his argument by a select audience; * the innovativeness of his argument; and * the alliance he makes with those in power. However, the scientist's ability to pursue his interests also depends on his ability to advertise himself successfully. Collins (1975:480) contends that a realistic image of science then II ••• would be an open plain with men scattered throught it, shouting: Listen to me! Listen to me!lI. Collins identified four external organizational roles which intellectuals can occupy and which may act as a resource in the pursuit of status, namely: * Political role: This role is chosen by scientists who wish to make a career out of defending or attacking the legitimacy of organizations e.g. politicians and journalists. * Practical role: This role is chosen by a scientist who wishes to work for a customer, client or patients, e.g. engineer and doctor. These types of roles are empirically orientated to the gathering of data that is used to diagnose a situation so that a formulation can be made. 285 * Leisure-entertainment roles: This role is pursued by those who belong to the leisure class but who wish to produce "intellectual" work. * Teaching role: This role is taken by those who wish to communicate knowledge. These roles also tend to provide the most resources that are used by a scientist in his pursuit of status. The internal structure of the intellectual world can be studied in detail because communication within the intellectual world is slow. The scientist uses the work of his predecessors and his contemporaries so as to communicate easily, i.e. every scientist will know what he is talking about. If the scientist wishes to be recognized and gain superiority over others, he requires certain resources; namely: * A central position in the communication network; * validation and recognition by others in the intellectual's community; and * certain material resources with which to carry out his work. These material resources are usually found to a great extent in teaching roles. The structure of the i nte11 ectua1 communi ty is re1ated to task uncer tainty and co-ordination needs. A craft structure develops where task uncertainty is high and co-ordination needs are low. A collegia1 professional structure develops where task uncertainty is high and coordination needs are high. A stable bureaucratic structure evolves where task uncertainty is low and coordination needs are low. A con flictful bureaucracy will develop where task uncertainty is low and co-ordination needs are high. Collins (l975:5l4) asks the question of who wi11 become successful within science. His answer is that success depends on the following: 286 * The structure of the scientific community when the intellectual begins his career, i.e. does the intellectuals work fit in with the work being done within the ruling paradigm; * the contacts the intellectual is able to initiate and maintain, i.e. does the intellectual place himself at the centre of the network of conununication; * the number of times the intellectual is referred to by members of the scientific community; * the personal ambition of the intellectual, i.e. does the intellectual want to succeed; and * the intel1ectua1~ access to information in areas of uncertainty, i.e. does the work of the intellectual fall into an area of science that requires great skill. Collins (1975:251) views the rate of mobility in the intellectual world as equivalent. to the rate of intellectual innovation, i.e. rate of mobility is equal to the rate of mobility of men's ideas. Innovation according to Collins (1975:518) is related to two factors, firstly the number of competitors, and secondly the degree of competition between the existing definition of science and the one that is to replace it. Competition thus becomes central to determining mobi lity rates. The organization of the intellectual world is the last field to which Collins applied his general principles and his effort at bUilding a scientific explanatory theory would therefore seem to be concluded. In the final analysis Collins has used a conflict paradigm, integrated on the microlevel with a model of man as having a distinct social cognitive and emotional organization. 287 10.3 EVALUATION Collins' contribution to sociology includes two facets namely his micro-macro approach and his analytical conflict perspective. 10.3.1 Amethodological evaluation There are three major elements of Collins methodological approach, namely the micro-macro levels of analysis, interaction ritual chains and eclecticism. Various theorists have commented on Collins' approach to micro-macro analysis. Cicoure1 (1981:54) claims that Collins' view of micro-macro analysis is one of micro-dominance, and he calls for the interaction between the micro- and macro-levels to be acknowledged. However, in this regard Collins himself has stressed that he does not see micro-macro as dichotomous, but rather that they lie on a continuum with both ends progressing simultaneously. Ritzer (1983:250) in coalition with Cicoure1 also contends that although Co11 ins' small-scale orientation is helpful, he does not succeed in integrating large and small-scale theories. Turner (1982:442) in turn claims that Collins' view of structure is a positive "strength" as it is, according to thi s theori st, necessary to "••• understand the phenomenological and interactive process that occur among individuals". Although Collins may not, according to various authors, have succeeded in integrating the micro- and macro-levels of analysis, he has however made a serious call for their integration as the only way in which sociological theory can progress beyond its present confines: ·"The strategic problem in building a scientific sociology is to integrate macro- and micro1evels of analysis. The micro1eve1s must provide the detailed mechanisms through which 288 the processes summarized on the macro1eve1s may be exp1ained" (Collins, 1975:14). A possible lead in the pursuit of the integration of micro- and macro levels of analysis may be found in Buckley's (1967:145) contention that II ••• the organization (structure) of society is the framework inside of which social action takes place and is not the determinant of that action; ••• this organization and changes in it are the products of the activity of acting units and not of forces which leave such acting units out of account. Structural features-culture, roles and statuses and the like - set the conditions of action by shaping situations of action and providing a common coinage of symbols ••• 11 However the final words on the micro-macro-question are left to Collins (1975: 14) when he states that: IIMi cro does not precede macro; progress goes along both fronts; with each setting problems for the other and suggesting where the solutions 1ie." Collins' interaction ritual chai~s have also come under the spot light. Turner (1986: 436) contends that the propose1 of the time-number and space dimensions as defining macro-structure is an extreme line of argument. Furthermore Turner suggests that the interaction ritual chains are a methodological approach and the imp1 ication that by samp1 ing encounters over time it becomes possible to have a sense for what people are doing - how they talk, gesture, position themselves and how they feel about what is occurring - is still preliminary and evolving. Ritzer (1988:493) contends that in focusing on interaction ritual chains, Collins attempts to avoid what is considered to be 'reductionist' elements such as individual behaviour and consciousness. He contends further that Collins distances himself from macro-theories and their concern with macro-level phenomena. In defence of this commentary it can be pointed out that Collins does not reject macro-sociology, only points out that macro-rea11ty consists of interaction ritual chains. Collins (1975:12) does, however, emphasize that "••• any causal explanation must ultimately come down to actions of ll real individua1s • 289 Another theorist who has commented on Co11 ins mi cro-macro-approach is Anthony Gi ddens. Gi ddens (1984: 141 ) fi nds Co11 ins' emphas is on micro-translation of macro-structure and identification of the 3 pure macro-variables, namely time, space and number, wanting. Giddens views Collins account of macro-structure's being the result of "interaction" in micro-situations as confusing. According to Giddens, social insti tutions are not expl icab'le as '~aggregates" of micro-situations. Various theorists including Turner (1986), Johnson (1981) Wallace and Wo 1f (1980) and Ri tzer (1983) have commended Co 11 ins for his eclecticism. To be able to develop a new theory and new insights from the existing theoretical morass is in itself a complex task. In this regard, Turner (1982:442) states: "In the end, no matter how much is borrowed from other theorists or gleaned from empirical studies, theory involves 'creative insights'. It combines concepts, and propositions, in new ways; it develops new concepts and integrates them with previously used concepts; and through the vehicle of propositions it sees that certain properties of the social world covary and reveal affinities. Collins' Conflict Sociology is filled with such creative insights and stimulates further speculation that can lead to additional insights." In retrospect then, Collins' methodological approach - although havin~ a few problems - can be considered as innovative and thought provoking. 10.3.2 Theoretical evaluation Collins has applied the principles he developed in hi s stratification and organizational theory to the variety of subfields in sociology. Few theorists have commented on Collins work, but Wallace and Wolf {1980 & 1986}; Ritzer {l983 & 1986}, Johnson {l981} and Turner {l982 & 1986} have all praised Collins for his insight and creativity. Collins' confli ct theory does not descri be when soci a1 conf1i ct wi 11 actually occur and in most situations he describes, there is no overt conflict at 290 all. The conflict is rather implicit, i.e. that in in any situation there are dominant and subordinate positions wi 11 be fi 11ed, and they will be filed by individuals who have the corresponding resources. It is this facet of Collins' work which forces Turner (1982:443) to suggest that Collins' conflict theory is, in fact, an exchange perspective. Collins' main theme is to show that on the basis of conflicting interests,. an analysis of resources and actions that are available, and an emphasis on ideas as weapons in social conflict, the scientist is able to explain a wide range of social phenomena. Johnson (1981:491) contends that Collins' conflict model is more comprehensive than any other conflict model: "His model can be applied to any institutional area, such as fami1i es, rel igious organi zations, scientific-inte11 ectua1 communffies, and economic, political and military' structures." There are few theorists who have critized the content of Collins' Conflict sociology. Some of the main criticisms include the following: Firstly, Wallace and Wolf (1980:152) view Collins' discussion on the economic resources as basis for pol itica1 power as "sketchy" and state that Collins neglects the effect of different forms of property and economic organization of political structure. Furthermore they claim that Collins ignores the laws and systems of laws, even though law is an essential function of the state. They do claim, however, that Collins' emphasis on the state's coercive core is a great strength. Secondly, Turner (1986:454) views Co1l ins' formulations as being vague and metaphorical. Furthermore, Collins does not define concepts precisely and his shifts in vocabulary make it difficult to understand the central concepts such as resources, power, coercion, property, wealth, negotiation, encounters, rituals and structures•. 291 Thirdly, both Turner, and. Wallace and Wolf all consider Collins' 400 propositions as unwieldly. Turner (1986:448-454) has refor mulated Collins' propositions into a more manageable form. Out of the morass of propositions concerning sexual stratification for example, Turner formulated key propositions in the various fields that Collins analyzed, namely talk and conversation, ritual activity, organizational theory and political sociology. Examples of these key propositions include the following: * Key propositions on sex stratification: "I. Control over sexual activities between males and females as well as talk and ritual activities is a positive and additive function of: A. The degree of one sex's control over the means of coercion, -.. which is a negative function of: 1. The existence of coercive powers outside sexual partners . and family groupings (such as the state) 2. The presence of relatives of the subordinate sex. B. The degree to which one sex controls material resources, which is a positive and additive function of: 1. The level of economic surplus in a population. 2. The degree to which key economic activities are performed by one sex. 3. The degree to which resources are inherited rather than earned. "II. The greater is the degree of control of sexual relations and related activies by one sex, the more likely are sexual relations to be defined as property relations, and the more likely are they to be normatively regulated by rules of incest, exogamy, and endogamy. 292 II II I. The greater is the degree of contro1 of sexua1 re1ations and related activities by one sex, the greater will be the efforts of the other sex to: A. Reduce sexual encounters. B. Regulate them through rftual ," * Key propositions on political sociology: "I. The size and scale of political organization is a positive function of the productive capacity of the economy. IIII. The productive capacity of the economy is a positive and additive function of (a) level of technology; (b) level of natural resources; (c) population size; and (d) efficiency in the organization of 1abor. IIII!. The form of political organization is related to the levels of and interact;ve effects among (a) size of territori es to be governed; (b) the absolute numbers of people to be governed; (c) the distribution and diversity of people in a territory; (d) the organization of coercive force (annies); (e) the distribution (disperton of concentration) of power and other resources amoung a population; and (f) the degree of symbolic unification within and among social units. IIIV. The stability of the state is a negative and additive function of: A. The capacity for political mobilization by other groups, which is a positi ve function of: 1. The level of wealth 2. The capacity of organ; zation as a status group B. The incapacity of the state to resolve periodic crises." 293 It is Collins' con~ention that his work provides a synthesis of what is best in all the theories that presently exist under the banner of sociology. In this regard, Collins' work calls out to be read and reread, discussed and built upon because it is a theory that helps the scientist to make sense of an individual's everyday life. In final retrospection then, Collins' work is creative, insightful, and considered by various authors to be a positive contribution to theoretical sociology. The most important contribution of Collins (1975:51) however, is hi s vi ew of what soci ety is really 1ike as thi s sets the tone for not only hi s book but al so hi s approach to metho dology: as well: "What [human society] it looks like, as anyone can verify by opening his eyes as he goes about his daily business, is nothing more than people in houses, buildings, automobiles, streets, some of whom give orders, get deference, hold material property, talk about particular subjects ••• 11 This view of what society is really like provides the key to socio logical analysis and to the development of a generalized scientific explanatory theory. 294 BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Abrahamson, M. Sociological Theory. New Jersey: Prentice 1981 Hall Inc. Anderson, R.J., Classic disputes in Sociology. London: Hughes, J .A. s Allen & Unwin. Sharrock, W.W. (eds.) 1987 Bendix, R. Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait. . 1966 London: Methuen • Binns, S. Beyond the Sociology of Conflict. London: 1977 MacMillan Press. Botha, L. C. Wright Mills se Siening van Mag. 1978 Ongepubliseerde M.A. proefskrif. Johannesburg. Buckley, W. Sociology and Modern Systems Theory. New 1967 Jersey: Prentice-Hall Inc. Colfax, J.D. & Radical Sociology. New York: Basic Books. Roach, J.L. (eds.) 1971 Collins, R. & ~tate and Society. Boston: Little, Brown. Bendix, R. (eds.) 1968 295 Collins, R. & The Discovery of Society. New York: Random Malinowski, M. House. 1972 Collins, R. Conflict Sociology: Toward an Explanatory 1975 Science. New York: Academic Press. Collins, R. The Credential Society: An Historical 1979 Sociology of Education and Stratification. New York: Academic Press. Collins, R. Sociology Since Mid-Century: Essays in 1981 Theory Cumulation. New York: Academic Press. Collins, R. Sociological Insight: An Introduction to 1982 Non-obvious Sociology. New York: Oxford University Press. Collins, R. Three Sociological Traditions. New York: 1985 Oxford University Press. Collins, R. Family Sociology &Gender, Love and 1985 Property. Chicago: Nelson-Hall. Collins, R. Max Weber: ASkeleton Key. Beverley Hills: 1985 Sage Press. Collins, R. Weberian Socio1og1ca1 Theory. Cambridge 1986 and New York: Cambridge University Press. Conway, D. A Farewell to Marx. London: Penguin Books. 1987 296 Coser, L.A. Mas~~~s _~f ~~£!9l o[! ~a 1 Thought. 2nd 1977 edition, New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich. Craib, I. Modern Social Series. London: Harvester 1984 Press. Cuff, E.E. and Perspectives in sociology. London: Payne, G.C.F. (eds.) George, Allen and Unwin. 1984 Dahrendorf, R. Class and Class Conflict in Industrial 1959 Society. London: Routledge &Kegan Paul. Ditton, J. (ed.) The view from Goffman. London: MacMillan 1980 Press. Fenton, S. Durkheim and Modern Sociology. Cambridge: 1984 Cambridge University Press. Giddens, A. Profiles and critiques in Social Theory. 1982 London: MacMillan Press. Giddens, A. Social Structure and Social Theory. 1984 London: MacMillan Press. Goffman, E. The presentation of Self in Everyday Life. 1959 London: Penguin Press. Hansen, D.A. An Invitation to Critical Sociology. New 1976 York: Free Press. Johnson, D.P. Sociological Theory. New York: John & 1981 Wiley and Sons. 297 Knorr Cetina, K. & Advances in Social Theory and Methodology: Cicoure1, A.V. Toward an integration of micro and macro 1981 soci?logies. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Larson, C.J. Major Theories in Sociological Theory. New 1974 York: David McKay Publishers. Ni sbet, R.A. The Sociology of Emile Durkheim. London: 1975 Heinemann. Parkin, F. Max Weber. Chichester: Ellis Harwood. 1982 Ritzer, G. Towards an Integrate~ Sociological 1981 Paradigm. Boston: Allyn and Bacon Inc. Ritzer, G. Contemporary Sociological Theory. New 1983 York: Alfred, A. Knopf. Thompson, K. Emile Durkheim. Chichester: Ellis Harwood. 1982 Turner, J.H. The Struc~ure~!_~ocio10gica1 Theory. 1982 Illinois: Dorsey Press. Turner, J.H. The Structure. of ~ocio10gica1 Theory. (3rd 1986 edition). Illinois: Dorsey Press. Van Zy1, C. J. Die sosio10giese teorie van Erving Goffmann. 1976 Ongepub1iseerde M.A.-verhande1ing, Johannesburg. Wallace, W.R. (ed.) ~oci~]~_~j_c_~~_.T~~ort~._~~ntroducti on. 1969 Chicago: A1dine Publishing Company. 298 Wall ace, R.A. & Contemporary Sociological Theory: Wolf, A. -Continuing the Classical Tradition. New 1980 Jersey: Prentice-Hall. Wallace, R.A. & Contemporary Sociological Theory: Wolf, A. Continuing the Classical Tradition (2nd 1986 edition). New Jersey: Prentice Hall. PUBLICATIONS (Articles) Collins, R. Theory Building and Stratification, 1967 Berkeley Journal of Sociology. 12: 176-184. Collins, R. A Comparative Approach to Political 1968 Sociology. Bendix R. (ed.). State and Society. Boston. Little, Brown, 1968: 42-67. Collins, R. A Conflict Theory of Sexual Stratification, 1971 Social Problems. No. 19: 3-21. Collins, R. Politics. Douglas J.D. Ced.), Situations 1973 and Structures. New York: Free Press, 328-355. Collins, R. Reassessments of Sociological History: the 1974 Empirical Validity of the Conflict Tradition, Theory and Society. No.1: 147-178. Collins, R. Some Principles of Long-term Social Change: 1978 the Territorial Power of States. Kriesberg, L. (ed.). Research in Social Movements, Conflicts, and Change, Vol. 1. Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press. 1978: 1-34. 299 Collins, R. Erving, Goffman and the Development of 1979 Modern Social Theory, Ditton, J. (ed.). The View from Goffman. London: Macmillan. 1980. Collins, R. Weber1s Last Theory of Capitalism: A 1980 Systematization, American Sociological Review. 45: 925-942. Collins, R. On the Micro-foundations of macro-sociology, 1981 American Journal of Sociology 86: 984-1014. Collins, R. Micro-translation as a Theory-building 1981 Strategy. Knorr-Cetina, K. and Cicourel, A.V. (eds.). Advances in Social Theory and Methodology: Towards an Integration of Micro-Macro-socio10gy. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul 1981: 81-108. Collins, R. Does Modern Technology Change the Rules of 1981 Geopolitics? Journal of Political and Military. Sociology. 9: 163-177• Collins, R. Conflicts and Developments in the Sociology • 1983 of Science, The Sociological Quarterley. 24: 185-200. Collins, R. Micro-methods as a Basis for Macro-Socio 1983 logy, Urban Life. 12: 184-202. Collins, R. Statistics versus Words, ?ociological 1984 Theory. San Francisco: Jossey Bass: 329-362. 300 Collins, R. The Mega-historians, Sociological Theory. 1985 3: 114-122. Collins, R. Is 1980's Sociology in the Doldrums? 1986 American Journal of Sociology. 91: 1336-1355. Co11 ins, R. Interaction Ritual Chains, Power and 1987 Property. Alexander, J.C. (ed.). The Micro-Macro Link. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1987. Collins, R. Theoretical Continuities in Goffman's Work. 1988 Drew, P. and Wooten, A. (eds.) Erving Goffman: Explaining the I~te~action Order. Oxford: Policy Press. 1988. Co11 ins, R. Sociology: Pro Science or Anti Science? 1988 American Sociological Review. 53: 124-139.