COLLEGE STUDENTS' ATTITUDES TOWARD RAPE: A COMPARISON OF NEW ZEALAND AND THE UNITED STATES.

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Authors MACGREGOR, JANET CATHERINE BROOKFIELD.

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College students' attitudes toward rape: A comparison of New Zealand and the United States

MacGregor, Janet Catherine Brookfield, Ph.D. The University of Arizona, 1987

U·l\/1·I 300 N. Zeeb Rd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106

COLLEGE STUDENTS' ATTITUDES TOWARD RAPE:

A COMPARISON OF NEW ZEALAND AND THE UNITED STATES

by

Janet Catherine Brookfield MacGregor

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the

DEPARTMENT OF COUNSELING AND GUIDANCE

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

1 9 8 7 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE

As members of the Final Examination Committee, we certify that we have read

the dissertation prepared by __~J~a~n~e~t~C~.~B~r~o~o~k~f~l~·e~l_d __ M_a_c~G~r~e~g~o~r~ ______

entitled College Students' Attitudes Toward Rape: A Comparison of

New Zealand and the United States.

and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement

for the Degree of __~D~o~c~t~o~r~o~f~P~h~i~l~o~s~o~p~h~y _____

Date gv4 /0 L / 9"7

7 - I 0 ~~ 2 Date

Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate's submission of the final copy of the dissertation to th(~ Graduate College.

I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement.

~~/~__ - Dissertation Director STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library.

Brief quotations from this dissertation are allow­ able without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of SCLlrce is made. Requests for permiss ion for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his or her judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Over these last three years there have been many people to whom I am extremely grateful for their support and assistance. In my doctoral studies, I have been especially fortunate in my committee. First, I want to express my great appreciation to Dr. Oscar Christensen, my major advisor, for his continuing encouragement, and warm support. It has been a real priviledge to be his student.

To Dr. Betty Newlon, my deepest thanks for her unflagging enthusiasm, and her generous sharing of her expertise in counseling women. As a professional, she continues to be a strong and exciting role model for me. Dr. Peter Attarian too, has been an invaluable committee member with his scholarly interest and helpful suggestions.

I have been fortunate in my minor committee who have been very involved in my doctoral process. I am deeply appreciative of the integrity and scholarship of Dr.

Richard Coan, and his ability to impart his love and understanding of Jungian psychology. To Dr. George Domino,

I owe much gratitude for his disciplined and rigorous approach to testing and measurement. His insightful and helpful comments were much appreciated.

iii iv Dr. Steven Powers has been my consultant on the statistical section of this study. I am indebted to his willingness to assist at short notice, and his invaluable assistance with the statistical results and interpretation.

A very special thanks goes to Mr. David Blessing­ ton, for his patience and generous donation of his time leading me through the intricacies of "Word Perfect."

Erika Louie also, with her expertise as an editor and typist has contributed much to this final manuscript. I am extremely grateful for her assistance.

This has been a family project in some respects.

My children, Alastair, Rachael and David have cheered me on and shared my sense of accomplishment with each milestone, as have my parents, Inez and Melville Brookfield, and my sister, Ann. The love and support of my special women friends, both in the doctoral program and in other fields, also cannot be forgotten.

Finally, to all the subjects of this survey, in New

Zealand and the United States r I express my heartfelt thanks. Without their willing assistance, this study would not have been possible. The ramifications of the project for me, professionally and personally, are exciting. I look forward to exploring and understanding more of the complexities of the relationships between men and women. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

LIST OF TABLES ...... viii

ABSTRACT .. G • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • ix

CHAPTER

1. INTRODUCTION...... 1

Purpose of the Study...... 4 Arizona Revised Statutes...... 5 New Zealand Statutes...... 7 Hypotheses...... 9 Limitations...... 10 Definition of Terms ...... 11 Assumptions ...... , . . .. 12 Importance of the Study ...... 12

2. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...... 14

Hi story...... 14 Theory...... 16 Psychoanalytic Theory...... 18 The Feminist Model ...... 20 Role Theory and Moral Development ..... 20 Social Learning Theory ...... 22 Evolutionary Theory ...... 23 Interactionist Theory ...... 25 Overview of Individual Psychology ..... 26 Overview of Analytical Psychology ..... 29 Research...... 34 The Offender...... 34 Marital Rape, Date Rape and Incest .... 35 Motives for Rape ...... 36 Effects of Rape ...... 37 The Criminal Justice System ...... 39 Reporting Rape ...... 40 Research on Attitudes ...... 42 Justification for Research Questions .. 47

3. METHODS...... 49

v vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS--Continued

Page

Sample Selection and Data Collection ...... 49 Background Information ...... 50 The Instrument...... 53 Reliability and Validity ...... 54 Research Design ...... 55 Data Analysis...... • ...... 56

4. RESULTS...... 59

Description of the Sample...... 59 Hypotheses...... 61 Hypothesis 1...... 61 Hypothesis 2...... 62 Hypothesis 3...... 64 Hypothesis 4...... 66 Hypothesis 5...... 72 Factor Analysis...... 75 Analysis of Variance ...... 84 Chi Square Tests ...... 89 Summary...... 89

5. SUMMARY, DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 93

Sample Group...... 94 Measurement...... 94 Findings...... 95 Hypothesis 1 ...... 95 Hypothesis 2...... 95 Hypothesis 3...... 96 Hypothesis 4...... 98 Hypothesis 5 ...... 100 Analysis of Variance ...... 102 Factor Analysis ...... 102 Summary of Findings ...... 104 Conclusions ...... 105 Limi ta tions...... 107 Recommendations ...... 109

APPENDIX A: "ATTITUDES TOWARD RAPE VICTIMS SURVEY" (ARVS) ...... 111

APPENDIX B: DEMOGRAPHIC DATA QUESTIONNAIRE: NEW ZEALAND AND UNITED STATES ...... 114 vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS--Continued

Page

APPENDIX C: COMPARISON OF ATTITUDES TOWARD RAPE VICTIMS OF UNITED STATES AND NEW ZEALAND ON THEIR RESPONSES TO EACH ITEM ON THE ARVS ..•.....•...... •.... 116

REFERENCES...... 120 LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Demographic data ...... 60

2 • Comparison of overall attitudes ...... 63

3 • Attitudes according to culture and gender .... . 64

4 . Attitudes according to culture and age ...... 67

5. Comparison of feminist attitudes ...... 73

6 . Factor analysis of overall attitudes ...... 76

7. Factor analysis of United States attitudes .... 78

8 . Factor analysis of New Zealand attitudes ...... 80

9. Results of 3-way ANOVA (overall attitudes) .... 85

10. Results of 3-way ANOVA ( feminist attitudes) ... 88

viii ABSTRACT

This cross-cultural study used the "Attitudes

Toward Rape Victims Survey" (ARVS), designed by Ward

(1984), to examine the attitudes of college students in New

Zealand and the United States. The instrument (ARVS) is the first of its kind to test for victim blame, and the first to be limited to the assessment of attitudes toward the rape victim specifically. Subjects were 205 students from the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, and 508 students from the University of Arizona, Tucson. The survey responses were analyzed to determine cultural differences in attitudes, according to gender and age.

Findings would suggest that the United States students were more sympathetic toward the rape victim, less likely to believe traditional rape myths, and more ready to assign male responsibility for the assault than were New

Zealand students. New Zealand women appeared less aware of the implications of sexual assault than both United States men and women, and New Zealand men. New Zealand men demon­ strated greater awareness than United States men. Older students in both countries tended to be more conservative in their responses than were the younger students.

ix x Although there was a significant cultural difference according to age and gender, scores were consistently low for each sample, indicating a general acceptance of traditional rape myths and a continuing tendency to assign to women the responsibility for sexual assault.

Several conclusions were drawn from the data analysis. There is a significant cultural difference in attitudes toward the female victim of rape, between New

Zealand and United States college students, according to age and gender. However, both cuI tures retain a strong belief in traditional rape myths. Responses to the ARVS seem to support the views of current theorists: that attitudes toward rape and incidence of rape are culturally predisposed by factors such as domination and aggression in men, passivity and submission in women, fear of the

"feminine," and stereptypic sex roles. It is recommended that more research be undertaken on cross-cultural attitudes toward rape victims. CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Over the last decade, as the Women's Movement has

expanded, there has developed a broader interpretation of

sexual violence, both in the United States and cross

culturally (Burgess, 1985). In New Zealand, a recently

proposed Rape Law Reform Bill (Barrington, 1986) reflected

this trend, defining rape in terms of behavior not tradi­

tionally considered in that category. In the last few

years, Arizona also has revised its sexual abuse statutes.

Rape crisis centers, in conjunction with the anti-rape

movement, are now established world-wide, and in the United

States, the NCASA (the National Coalition Against Sexual

Assault) has become a powerful means of 'influencing public

pol icy. As part of the social change, Inore men and more

minorities are represented in the orgar.izations (Burgess,

1985) .

The terms sexual violence and assault cover a wide

field: sexual abuse of children, women and men, by men, women and children. The degree of risk will often vary

according to the geographic location of the individual,

al though other factors such as age, socio-economic status

1 2 and culture are also implicated. It has been estimated, from the results of a study in San Francisco, that there is a 26% probability that a woman in that city will be a rape victim at some time in her life; this probability increases to 46% when attempted rape is included (Russell and Howell,

1983). Nationally, in both New Zealand and the United

States, the probability of sexual assault is estimated as high as one in four (Wellington Rape Crisis Center, 1986;

Tucson Rape Crisis Center, 1986). A recent study (Koss,

Gidycz and Wisniewski, 1987) has suggested these discour­ aging estimates should be even higher. After interviews with over 6,000 college students across the United States, this study found that 53.7% of all women interviewed reported some form of sexual victimization. According to the United States Department of Justice (1984), in 1983, the incidence of (reported) forcible rape for Arizona was 38.5 per 100,000. In contrast, Koss et ale (1987), found an incidence of rape of 38 rapes per 1000 women nationally over a six-month period. Accompanying these results was acknowl­ edgement by male respondents of an active rape rate two to three times greater than the risk of rape to women aged 16-

24 years suggested by the National Crime Survey (Koss,

Gidycz and Wisniewski, 1987). The National Crime Survey suggusts a risk rate of between three to four per 1000 3 women, whereas men interviewed in the Koss study acknowl­ edged a rate of nine per 1000 women; Koss et al. had adopted for these figures the narrow definition used by the Federal

Bureau of Investigation. In 1986, the reported incidence of rape and attempted rape in New Zealand was 14 per 100,000

(Dunedin Police Department ,personal communication, 1987).

Figures from the early 1980s suggest that only 10-25% of rapes are reported in the United States, while approximately

20% of rapes are reported in New Zealand (Stone, Barrington and Bevan, 1983).

Although the heightened awareness of the pervasive­ ness of sexual violence in New Zealand and United States is evidenced in revised legal statutes, in the growth and use of rape crisis centers, in victim wi tness programs, and in the increased reporting of rape and subsequent convictions, it is important that prevailing societal attitudes be determined through research. Koss, Gidycz, and Wisniewski

(19137) stress the need to reach the "hidden victims" of rape--those victims of unreported rape--as there is little information about them. Since college students represent a large portion of the population most at risk, a survey of student attitudes toward rape is an important area of inquiry. 4 Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to examine some of the

attitudes of New Zealand and United States college students

toward the rape of women. Attitudes of both men and women were investigated in a cross cultural survey of students

from the University of Arizona, Tucson, United States of

America, and from the University of Otago, Dunedin, New

Zealand. Students were given a questionnaire, consisting of

statements which have traditionally discounted the serious­

ness of rape for women, as well as statements representing

current feminist views. In general, the questionnaire was

designed to reflect the dichotomy, men are responsible for

rape, vs. women are responsible for rape.

In this cross-cultural study, Arizona is considered

to be comparable to New Zealand. Although New Zealand has

national laws regarding rape, the United States does not, each state being responsible for its own legislation. The comparison is felt to be justified because New Zealand and

Arizona have a similar population size (approximately three million), but also have a similar geographical area (approx­

imately 100,000 square miles) .

In New Zealand, the amended Rape Law Reform Bill

(effective February, 1986) defines rape as an offense of a man against a woman, including the offense in a list of many sexual violations (Barrington, 1986). The proposed reform 5 bill had considered rape to be "gender neutral and introduced a new composite offence of sexual violation"

(Barrington, 1986), but this failed to pass.

Marriage no longer provides immunity from the charge of rape in New Zealand, whereas in Arizona, marriage is still a defense. Stone, Barrington and Bevan (1983) suggest that the legal barrier against marital rape lies in English common law. In the seventeenth century it was written that a husband could not be held guilty of rape because "by their mutual matrimonial consent and contract, the wife hath given up herself in this kind unto her husband which she cannot retract" (p. 134). Under amended Arizona law it would appea r that rape is not def ined as such, the term "sexual abuse" covering offenses against men and women. The fol- lowing are the relevant excerpts from the Arizona Revised

Statutes.

Arizona Revised Statutes. (Cum. Supp. 1986)

S 13-1401. Definitions

In this chapter, unless the context otherwise requires

1. "Oral sexual contact' means oral contact with the penis, vulva or anus.

2. Sexual contact" means any direct or indirect fondling or manipulating of any part of the genitals, anus or female breast.

3. "Sexual intercourse" means penetration into the penis, vulva or anus by any part of the body or by any object or manual masturbatory contact with the penis or vulva. 6

4. "Spouse" means a person who is legally married and cohabiting.

5. "Wi thout consent" incl udes any of the following:

(a) The victim is coerced by the immediate use or threatened use of force against a person or property.

(b) The victim is incapable of consent by reason of mental disorder, drugs, alcohol, sleep, or any other similar impairment of cognition and such condition is known or should have reasonably been known to the defendant.

(c) The victim is intentionally deceived as to the nature of the act.

(d) The victim is intentionally deceived to erroneously believe that the person is the victim's spouse.

S 13-1404. Sexual abuse; classifications

A. A person commits sexual abuse by intentionally or knowingly engaging in sexual contact with any person fifteen or more years of age without consent of that person or with any person who is under fifteen years of age if the sexual contact involves only the female breast.

S 13-1406. Sexual assault; classifications

A. A person commits sexual assault by intention­ ally or knowingly engaging in sexual inter­ course or oral sexual contact with any person without consent of such person.

S 13-1407. Defenses

D. It is a defense to a prosecution pursuant to S 13-1404, or 13-1405 or 13-1406 that the person was the spouse of the other person at the time of commission of the act. 7 S 13-1411. Crime against nature; classification

A person who knowingly and without force commits the infamous crime against nature with an adult is guilty of a class 3 misdemeanor.

S 13-1412. Lewd and lascivious acts; classification

A person who knowingly and without force commits, in any unnatural manner, any lewd of lascivious act upon or with the body or any part of member thereof of a male or female adult, with the intent of arousing, appealing to or gratifying the lust, passion or sexual desires of either such persons, guilty of a class 3 misdemeanor."

For New Zealand, the relevant legal statutes are:

Crimes Amendment (no. 3) 1985

S 128. Sexual Violation

1. Sexual violation is: (a) the act of a male who rapes a female; or (b) the act of a person having unlawful sexual connection with another person.

2. A male rapes a female if he has sexual connec­ tion with that female occasioned by the penetration of her vagina by his penis (a) without her consent; and (b) without believing on reasonable grounds that she consents to that sexual connection.

3. A person has unlawful sexual connection with another person if that person has sexual connection with the other person (a) without the consent of the other person; and (b) without believing on reasonable grounds that the other person consents to that sexual connection. 8 4. A person may be convicted of a sexual violation in respect of sexual connection with another person notwithstanding that those persons were married to each other at the time of that sexual connection.

5. For the purposes of this section, "sexual connection" means; (a) connection occasioned by the vagina or anus of any person by: (i) any part of the body of any other person; or (ii) any object held or mani­ pulated by any other person, otherwise than for bona fide medical purposes: (b) Connection between the mouth or tongue of any person and any part of the genitalia of any other person: (c) the continuation of sexual connection as described in either paragraph (a) or paragraph (b) of this subsection.

Other definitions of rape include that of Webster's:

"a. the cr ime of hav ing sexua 1 intercourse with a woman or

girl forcibly and without her consent, or (statutory rape) with a girl below the age of consent. b. any sexual assault

upon a person" (Guralnik, 1972, p. 1177).

In the Shorter Oxford English Dictionary rape is

defined as: "a. the act of taking anything by force. b.

the violation or ravishing of a woman" (Onions, 1959, p.

1657) .

De s pi te these def ini tions indicating the "innocent victim" status of the raped woman, society has continued to support "victim blame" in most cases (Brownmiller, 1975).

The overall goal of this study was to contrast the attitudes of college men and women in the United States and New

Zealand toward rape of women, with the expectation that 9 besides culture, gender, and age, the effects of the feminist movement would be reflected in the findings.

Hypotheses

The following hypotheses were tested in this study.

Using the "Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Survey" (Ward,

1984) as the measure, it was hypothesized that:

1. there will be a difference in attitudes toward rape

victims between New Zealand and the United States

College students.

2. there will be a difference in attitudes toward rape

victims according to gender:

a. between New Zealand men and women.

b. between United States men and women.

3. there will be a difference in attitudes toward rape

victims according to culture:

a. between United States men and New Zealand men.

b. between United States women and New Zealand

women.

4. there will be a difference in attitudes toward rape

victims at three age levels: 17-18 years, 19-21

years, and 22 years and older.

a. between New Zealand men and women.

b. between United States men and women.

c. between United States men and New Zealand men. 10

d. between United States women and New Zealand

women.

5. there will be a difference in attitudes toward rape

victims reflecting the effects of the feminist

movement:

a. between New Zealand men and women.

b. between United States men and women.

c. between United States men and New Zealand men.

d. between United States women and New Zealand

women.

Limitations

From the outset, it was recognized that there were considerable limitations in this study.

1. Population samples were drawn in a purposive fashion and were not random samples; therefore generalizations to other students, to other universities and to the general population of each nation were limited at best.

2. Samples were also limited in that they largely reflected the perceptions of the Anglo population of both universities. Minorities were not well represented.

3 . I n many instance s, the s ampl e was composed of volunteer subjects; only those who were interested completed the questionnaire. This introduced the threat of selection to internal validity. 11 4. Because of the nature of the questions, and the heightened sensitivity of students to women's issues, response validity was also a concern, despite assured anonymity.

5. There was no control for women respondents who had been the victims of rape or for those who had been exposed to rape of family members. This could have resulted in response bias.

6. An additional limitation could have been associated wi th the cons istency of the responses. Those s tuden t s i 11 the sample who completed their surveys at leisure may have had assistance with their responses. This would have introduced a degree of unreliability which could not be measured or controlled.

Definition of Terms

The following definitions are germane to this study:

Attitudes toward rape: A general term used for convenience that implies attitudes toward rape victims.

ARVS: An acronym for the "Attitudes Toward Rape

Victims Survey" (Ward, 1984).

Masculinity and Femininity: Terms used to describe personality attributes and behavior that are interpreted and categorized by society to be sex specific. In this study, masculinity and femininity are not considered to be exclus­ ively based on innate or biological sex differences. 12 New Zealand Students: A general term used for partici-

pating students from the University of Otago, Dunedin, New

Zealand.

Rape: Unless specifically stated otherwise, rape and sexual assault are used synonymously. The broad definition of rape is applied: "any sexual assault upon a person"

(Guralnik, 1972, p. 1177).

United States Students: A general term used for participating students from the University of Arizona,

Tuscon, Arizona, United States.

Victim: A woman who has been sexually assaulted.

Assumptions

For the purposes of this survey, the following assumptions were made:

1. All subjects were equally motivated to participate in the study and complete the questionnaire.

2. All subjects were able to understand the question­ naire and complete it independently.

3. The questionnaire was a valid instrument reflecting significant aspects of the construct of attitudes toward rape victims.

The Importance of the Study

This study was designed to help understand the atti- tudes and beliefs of college students toward rape. It has 13 provided material to help assess need for further education in this area of sexual violence.

The victim or survivor of rape needs a sensitive and sympathetic hearing. The long-term psychological effects of sexual violence are only now being understood, and often the woman's full recovery and resumption of a normal life depends on the support she receives. Her self esteem will be affected not only by the rape but by her post-rape treat­ ment which, in turn is strongly influenced by the cuI tural perceptions of sexual assault, and by attitudes toward her as a victim (Brownmiller, 1975; Ward, 1984).

The reality of rape is related to a woman's very survival. The significance of the fear of rape is indicated in the different perceptions of the night for men and for women; in the economic hindering of women stemming from this fear, accompanied by a greater need for more financial resources, the greater economic dependence of women on men; the diminished availability of comfortable relaxed solitude and the inhibition of a woman's expressiveness (Beneke,

1982; Griffin, 1979). CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Because of the breadth of the topic of sexual

assault, a comprehensive literature review will not be

attempted. Areas covered in this survey include a short

historical background, the application of major psycho­

logical theories to sexual violence, and an outline of the

scope of the research field, with particular emphasis on

attitudinal studies.

History

Throughout history, rape has been considered an

offense against the property rights of the victim's husband,

father or brothers, rather than against the victim herself

(Brownmi 11 er, 1975). Te Paske (1982) discusses the chapter of Genesis in the Bible where responsibility for inappro-

priate social behavior is placed squarely upon the woman:

"She gave me of the tree and I did eat" (p. 31).

Brownmiller (1975) traces some of the recorded history of rape, and of women as property, from Babylonian

times to the present. Women of a conquered tribe or country have always been considered part of the booty of war, the

14 15 victims of sexual violence and often murder. The wars of this century, including that of Vietnam, have been no exception. "Down through the ages, triumph over women by rape became a way to measure victory, part of a soldier's proof of m.asculinity and success, a tangible reward for services rendered" (Brownmiller, 1975, p. 35).

In thirteenth century England, rape legislation was revolutionized to include married as well as single women, and the concept of statutory rape was instituted. Rape became an issue of public concern, no longer related only to property rights (Brownmiller, 1975). Although it appears that eighteenth century white culture in the United States was such that rape (outside of marriage) was minimal

(Lindemann, 1984), there is much evidence that sexual exploitation of black women (slaves) was rampant

(Brownmiller, 1975). It is interesting to compare

Lindemann's study of eighteenth century rape in the United

States, with the work of Clark (1987). Her book is a study of literature, poems, essays, bawdy rhymes and the records of such places as courts, prisons and work houses in England. She concluded that rape was commonplace in eighteenth century England. With increasing industrial- ization, women were leaving the home to work. Clark's thesis is that the sexual danger to women was used as an excuse to curb their freedom, and that the use of rape as a threat was linked with an increasing emphasis on sexual purity. 16

Because a pure woman could not speak on sexual matters, she was forced to keep her silence when raped. Clark claims that times of social change increase the threat of rape, and sees today's increase in rape as part of the backlash to push women back into the home.

Not all writers agree that the incidence of rape has been high through the ages. Porter (Tomasell i and Porter,

1986) concluded that. Brownmiller and her supporl:ers are misguided to regard rape as commonplace in the preindustrial wor ld. He does not deny the male dominance of the times, but claims that since "their grip was cast-iron" (Tomaselli and Porter, 1986, p. 223), there was no need to intimidate with rape.

Theory

Many recent studies suggest that rape is normative in contemporary Western culture. There are strong indica- tions that violence toward women is part of everyday life in our society (Russell and Howell, 1983). Unfortunately, societal institutions such as the family, marriage, the police and the courts currently promote sexism, encour­ aging powerlessness in women with need for approval of others. (O'Neil, 1981; Reynolds, 1984).

Sanday (1981) noted that in rape-free societies, the contribution of women is seen as worthy of ceremonial importance, and men and women are accorded more equal power. 17

Brownmiller (1975) also stresses the importance of the sexual power structure in relationships between men and women; as can be seen in the so-called male machismo, and in the deliberate degradation and intimidation of women.

Groth (1979) proposes that there are three compo- nents to the psychodynamics of rape: power, anger, and sexuality. Sex-role socialization and sex-role beliefs have been shown to be important in the shaping of attitudes toward sexual violence (Campbell, 1975; Jensen and Gulek,

1982; Williams and Holmes, 1981). Many studies in the last decade have identified predisposing factors existing in cultures which exhibit a high incidence of rape (Burgess,

1985; Campbell, 1975; O'Neil, 1981; Sanday, 1981; Williams,

1979). These include:

1. Male domination/power

2. Male aggression/violence

3. Female passivity

4. Female subservience/submission

5. Denigration of feminine attributes/fear of the

feminine

6. Stereotypic sex roles/gender role conflict

It is these characteristics which will be investi­ gated in the following extant psychological frameworks:

Freudian, Adlerian, Jungian, Social Learning, Sociobiology and others. 18

Most psychological theories have been developed in this century to explain many aspects of human nature, but the subject of sexual violence, until recently, has been neglected by all major psychological theorists. This can be attributed, to some degree, to the misogyny which has operated in the fields of psychology, medicine, and religion

(Brownmiller, 1975; Te Paske, 1982). Te Paske (1982) comments on the self-deception and blindness of many male theorists, notably Krafft-Ebing, whose scientific works seem biased today, (he all too readily projected responsibility for sexual violence on the women involved).

Although neither Alfred Adler nor Carl Jung dealt directly with the subject of rape (Brownmiller, 1975; Te

Paske 1 1982), both men have generated psychological theories that can help us better understand sexual violence: the will to power (Dinkmeyer, Dinkmeyer and Sperry, 1987), and the archetypal fear of the feminine (Te Paske, 1982). Sanford

(1980) points ou~ !hat of the psychologists of this century, only Carl Jung has differentiated the psychology of men and of women. In a study of sexual assault, an offense primarily of men against women, it is fitting that possible sex differences of the psyche be investigated.

Psychoanalytic Theory and the Medical Model

In the Psychoanalytic view of rape derived from

Sigmund Freud's theory of sexuality, which proposed that 19 perversion had its origins in the earliest stage of psycho­ sexual development, "concerns about dominance, submission and control, frequently stem from unresolved conflict originating during the anal period of development" (Rada,

1978, p. 25.). Brownmiller (1975) attributes much

Freudians' and Neo-Freudians' neglect of this topic to their unwillingness to condemn rape as deviant sexual behavior, thereby excusing the rapist and minimizing the victim's ordeal. She believes their philosophy was geared to understanding the offender. The anxiety about sexual violence experienced by women, was attributed to projection and to a strong unconscious desire for rape to occur. Clark

(1987, p. 131) also takes issue with Freudian theorist

Helene Deutsch, who espoused the theory of "divine masochism," claiming that "not only did women enjoy violent sex but they actively precipitate it."

The traditional psychoanalytic psychiatric/medical model appears inconsistent with current research (Burgess,

1985; Schwendinger and Schwendinger, 1983; Scully and

Marolla, 1985). The narrow focus of the medical model, and the limitations of studies to the clinical populations, have contributed to the difficulty of finding a general explanation for rape (Scully and Marolla, 1984). 20

The Feminist Model

Scully and Marolla (Burgess, 1985) likewise refute

the presumption that rape is a pathological symptom, and

suggest investigating the field from a stance of normalcy,

proposing an alternative model to that of psychopathology.

They argue that personality traits alone are not sufficient

to explain rape. It is imperative that the social and

cultural factors which influence learning and encourage

aggression against women be examined. The mode 1, der i ved

from a feminist perspective, views rape as "an expression of

normal sexual aggression which can best be understood within

the context of hostility toward women and male sex role

expectations" (Scully and Marolla, 1985, p.306). Feminists view United States' culture as a rape prone culture because

of the socialization of the population to accept male

aggression as natural and normal. Sexual violence is

influenced by many social factors and has multiple causes

(Scully and Marolla, 1984). The framework provided by

Analytical Psychology and Individual Psychology embraces

this alternative to the medical model.

Role Theory and Moral Development

Role theory attempts to explain patterns of social

interaction in interpersonal relationships (Dietz, 1978).

Many social psychologists propose that gender role social­ ization occurs by learning and modeling, as children take on 21

the roles of men and women around them. (O'Neil, 1981;

Thomas, 1979). By the act of rape, a man "expresses and

testifies to a coveted role, perhaps most commonly the

°machismo male role'" (Dietz, 1978, p. 68). Role theory

suggests that a function of sexual violence is to validate

this machismo role.

Kohlberg's six-stage theory of moral development,

also has significance here, with his observation that role

taking opportunities differ between cultures and social

classes (Thomas, 1979). Differences in moral judgment

development can be explained by these varying opportunities

at "role taking." It was found that in some families

(notably middle class versus lower class), children moved

faster through the sequences of moral judgement develop­

ment. This faster pull was promoted by families better able

to award responsibility to a child, to communicate, to

exhibit emotional warmth, and to discuss consequences of

behavior. From Kohlberg's perspective, role taking is only

one of four variables which contributes to the growth of moral development. The others are: (1) the level of

cognitive logical development, (2) the factor of will or

desire (it may not be in our best interest to operate at the

highest level of moral judgement), and (3) the justice

structure--the structure of social groups or institutions in which the developing child is involved. Those groups which operate on a higher level of equality and reciprocity will 22

encourage higher levels of judgment (Thomas, 1979).

Research indicates that late adolescence/early adulthood is

the time of greatest involvement in sexual violence (Koss,

Gidycz and Wisniewski, 1987). Moral development and role

theory may help in the understanding of this social problem.

Social Learning Theory

Social Learning takes the approach espoused by

Abel, that the development of a rapist mentality is the result of a long social learning history, or a long behavioral shaping process (Davison and Neale, 1982). Much of Bandura's work on aggression and imitative aggressive behavior seems to have implications in the understanding of sexual violence (Dietz, 1978). Bandura postulated that character is learned, not inherited, and that it is through modeling and conditioning that beliefs and values are acquired, along with self control (Thomas, 1979). Social learning theory can also be applied to the manner in which women and men learn their sex roles, including passivity, compliance or aggression. Dietz (Rada, 1978) would endorse thi s approach to understanding sexual violence. He states that "the use of violence, the subjugation of women and coercive sexual practices are not only widespread and tolerated but are encouraged and rewarded in a variety of ways (notably the high probability of success and the low risk involved)" (p. 73). While Social Learnin9 Theory 23 provides a perspective to help in the understanding of how

individuals may develop certain characteristics, it fails to

provide a framework to explain why the shaping or modeling

should occur in this direction. Theories such as Individual Psychology and Analytical Psychology provide a more

satisfactory approach to this dilemma.

Evolutiona~y Theory

An evolutionary approach to the understanding of

rape is proposed by sociobiologist Thornhill and his

colleagues (Tomaselli and Porter, 1986). They suggest that

human rape is an evolved facultative behavior, dependent on

certain conditions. Men who have been unable to attract

desirable mates and reproduce successfully (because of their

inability to compete satisfactorily in society for resources

and status) will turn to rape. The biologists base their

argument on their claim that most human societies are

polygynous to some degree, encouraging competition among men

for women. For their theory to have any basis, it is

essential that rape be understood as a form of sexual

conflict. Most present-day theorists disagree with this

concept: rape symbolizes a deeper under-lying conflict which

has its expression sexually. It also seems necessary in

this theory, that women be depersonalized and seen as

property, providing a source of competition for men, along with resources and status. 24

The sociobiologists suggest that rape, as an evolved mating behavior, involves only those men who are socially unsuccessful. Present research indicates that common

characteristics among rapists have not been identified.

Although Thornhill, Thornhill and Dizinno (Tomaselli and

Porter, 1986) argue that rapists are primarily young, poor men, this categorization fails to consider studies demon­ strating a high incidence of marital rape, date rape and

incest, and also those studies which show that most men have access to a woman for sexual purposes (Schwendinger and

Schwendinger, 1983). Thornhill and his coworkers take exception to the two main social science views, which they believe are inconsistent with a biological view of behavior: that of rape being a social pathology, and the feminist view that rape shows power or domination over women. These sociobiologists argue that the social science theories attempt to address causation and are not alternatives to evolutionary theory. The social pathology theory is dismissed because it seems to restrict rape to industrial societies, and the feminist approach is criticized because they claim it predicts that older, powerful women are at greater risk for rape.

In contrast to this view of evolution, Sanday

(1981), from her studies of rape-free and rape-prone societies, proposes that the pattern of male dominance arose when food resources were depleted in a particular society, 25

and it was necessary to develop and depend on male

aggressive tendencies which inevitably acquired greater

prestige than the feminine nurturing and supportive role.

Sanday ('I'omaselli, 1986), suggests that it was not hunting

that helped the evolution of early human society but the

ability to cooperate in the gathering of food. Her

research supports the belief that the drive to rape is not

innate; it is a learned social behavior. It is of interest to note that Sanday's evolutionary approach to the develop­ ment of male dominance, is in accord with current feminist theory. She also stresses the evolutionary idea of competition, but combines it with the concept of cooper- ation, ideas which are compatible with the social behaviors studied by sociobiologists, such as Edward Wilson.

Interactionist Theory

Another theory, currently as out of favor as the psychoanalytical model of rape, is the interactionist theory, with its ideas of victim precipitation and the emphasis on rapist reactions to the victim (Schwendinger and

Schwendinger, 1983). The symbolic interactionist theorists ascribe to the victim the inability to negotiate her relationships realistically, but also admit that this is an inadequate explanation of forcible rape.

The psychological theories of Alfred Adler and Carl

Jung are alternatives to the theories discussed above. They 26

are identified as appropriate perspectives for understanding

the phenomenon of sexual abuse. Summaries of the two

psychologies as they relate to sexual violence, follow.

Overview of Individual Psychology

The psychology of Alfred Adler, or Individual

Psychology, is a psychology of the individual. It has been

described as a socio-teleo-analytic theory. Adlerian

psychology emphasizes that men and women are social beings,

who can make choices and are striving to belong.

In an individual's efforts to make a place for him/

herself, he/she demonstrates his/her social interest or

"Gemeinschaftsgefuhl", the term used by Adler (Dinkmeyer,

Dinkmeyer & Sperry, 1987). It is a subjective or phenomeno­

logical theory that emphasizes the importance of a person's

"life-style," and is best understood by uncovering an

individual's guiding fictions or goals of behavior

(Christensen and Schramski, 1983).

The teleological aspects of the theory can be seen in the emphasis on striving for goals; behavior is always purposive and goal-directed. The theory is also an analytical psychology, as evidenced in the belief that most behavior is based on that which is unconscious and not understood. As a child, one may misinterpret some behavior or event and carry the mistaken belief or "private logic" throughout adulthood, allowing it to dictate, often without 27 question, many aspects of behavior (Christensen and

Schramski, 1983).

In Adlerian psychology, each individual is viewed as a unique and responsible human being whose actions have a purpose (Christensen and Schramski, 1983). Individuals evaluate and interpret life according to goals they choose for themselves. Some of the life priorities that indivi­ duals can choose are superiority, control, or pleasing, all goals which can have a healthy or unhealthy expression, the latter possibly fostering sexual violence.

It becomes clear that the psychology of Alfred

Adler, with its strong emphasis on human \velfare, is an appropriate theory to apply to the subject of sexual assault or rape. Adler offers a more optimistic view of man's relationship to society than did Freud, who was unable to see past the guilt and neurosis he believed we must all endure (Coan, 1977). Were Adler living today, it is certain that he would have developed his theory to encompass all aspects of sexual violence, and would have suggested avenues by which society could be rebuilt to diminish these ills. A psychology of constructiveness and optimism, Individual

Psychology claims that life consists of unceasing development (Dreikurs, 1946). Adler would no doubt view the cur~ent understanding of the extent of sexual abuse as a st2P in the evolution of mankind. He would consider it now 28 time that social interest be demonstrated by taking appropriate steps to reduce the violence.

Individual Psychology is closely involved with current trends in the social and political sciences

(Dreikurs, 1946). Adler emphasized, as did Carl Jung, the importance of personal interrelationships, and he offered a means for understanding and solving social problems.

Ultimately there may be nothing more important than rela­ tionships between men and women. With the high incidence of s exua 1 aggression, and research indicating the role played by male dominance/aggression and female submission/ passivity, we are forced to acknowledge our inability at present to live as social equals (Peven, 1973).

Peven (19 7 3, p. 173) describes the individua 1 who needs to dominate as one who is "discouraged about the effectiveness of relationships between equal s" . Democratic relationships cannot be trusted, and the individual feels threatened unless he/she can dominate. Domination can be seen as a cultural phenomenon and a neurotic trait, and is related to the inability to feel fully belonging. A discouraged person will feel inferior and will attempt to prove his/her superiority. In a healthy parent-child relationship, a child does not have to fight for attention or feel the need to impress others with his/her power. The child develops into an individual who can use honesty, sincerity and caring in his/her daily transactions with 29

other people and avoids the mistaken goal of dominance (Pe r ry, 1973).

Adlers' early idea of masculine protest, wherein a

man asserts his strength and power, is also related to male

domination, as he recognized that the idea of male superi­

ority is culturally imposed. Mosak and Schneider (1977,

p. 199) state that "People with a masculine protest must

emotionally distance themselves from the °opposite' sex

because the latter is considered subjectively to be °the

enemy', a constant threat which serves to point out the

person's own feeling of inadequacy, of not feeling able to

measure up." Adler viewed the striving for superiority and

power as a natural part of the human condition but did not

believe it to be equated necessarily with aggression or

dominance over others. Its natural expression was, rather,

in a sense of mastery or competence. When the striving for

power finds its expression in dominance and/or aggression,

it becomes socially destructive. In an ideal society,

relations with other people would be positive (Mosak and

Schneider, 1977).

Overview of Analytical Psychology

As with Individual Psychology, the Jungian psychol- ogy model is based on the health of the individual rather than on pathology; it is a psychology of optimism, focusing on the creation of opportunities. Jungian psychology al so 30

presents another perspective, enabling better comprehension

of the problem of sexual assault, particularly when the

denigration of women and the rejection of the feminine is

considered. Not only is rape an exercise in male domination

and aggression, it also embodies denial of the feminine

principle: this being true for rape of either men or women.

Jung used the old Greek concept of Eros or relatedness, to

express the feminine principle, in contrast to the concept of Logos, or factual knowledge and wisdom, to express the masculine principle (Harding, 1970).

Carl Jung devoted much of his life and writings to understanding the spiritual crisis of our times, and the crisis of meaning, which is presently experienced world wide

(Coan, 1977). The rise of science and technology has been accompanied by a heightened awareness of rational conscious­ ness, and on literal meaning as opposed to symbolic meaning.

Masculine principles have been emphasized, while the femi­ nine have suffered neglect. Jung stressed the importance of myths, dreams and fantasies. By examining the myths and religious systems of many different cultures, he found basic patterns which led him to develop the theory of the collective unconscious. He has been the only major psycho- logical theorist to stress the need to find the spiritual ground within our psyches (Coan, 1977).

Jung named the individual search for wholeness,

"individuation," an inner change or growth, one important 31 aspect of which is finding a balance between the masculine and feminine principles and honoring th "se enti ties wi thin ourselves. From this thinking Jung developed his theory of typology, which rests on the basic idea that each individual has the same set of underlying potentials, which he called thinking, feeling, intuition and sensing (Matoon, 1981).

These functions have "masculine" or "feminine" qualities, and as such are valued to a greater or less extent. In each individual one of these functions tends to predominate, to the neglect of the other balancing aspects, which may largely reside in the unconscious. Part of the work of individuation is to become aware of these undeveloped potentials, pulling them into conscious daily use. Through interpersonal relationships, each person can develop an understanding of their "psychological type" and how this affects their day-to-day patterns of behavior. A relationship and dialogue can be developed between the conscious and the unconscious (Matoon, 1981).

Carl Jung also gave psychology the terms extra­ version and introversion, to explain the way in which individuals tend to find meaning for themselves. The introvert seeks meaning within him/herself psychically, while the extravert seeks meaning outside of him/herself in the material world (Matoon, 1981).

Jung saw the psyche as a self-regulating system, whose function is directed toward individuation. The psyche 32

has several major components: the ego, the persona, shadow,

and animus and anima, the last three being largely uncon-

scious. It is the anima and animus which are of particular

relevance when examining sexual assaul t. The anima is the

contrasexual element of the male, embodying such feminine

qualities as relatedness, reconciliation, passivity, and

creativity, while the animus is the contra-sexual element of

the female, embodying the masculine qualities such as power, meaning, deed, and discrimination (Mattoon, 1981). In the

individuation process, notably in analysis, a conscious

relationship is encouraged with the contrasexual element,

particularly through the use of dreams.

The Self is the most complete expression of the

"total personality" of the conscious and unconscious elements. It has also been called the core of the person­ ality, or "the God within" (Mattoon, 1981). Jung assumes that each individual is both "masculine" and "feminine" but that each person tends to adopt one set of qualities, allowing those not integrated to fall into the unconscious

(eoan, 1977).

Many people are threatened by the contrasexual element and consequently will project it in a negative form.

For a man, a negative anima figure may be experienced as a mother figure who threatens to destroy or overpower him. If he is unconscious of these forces, as most people are, they will be projected on to any woman, and she readily becomes 33 the target of abuse or revenge. Whitmont (1969, p. 200) states:

Fear of the anima historically and collectively led to the degradation of women. Today this fear expresses itself in the masculinization of the world and the attending disparagement of femininity which is defined exclusively in terms of mothering and homemaking, hence the low ebb of woman's true self regard as a woman, rather than as an imitator of male functioning.

Te Paske (1982, p. 57) also adds that "Rape . betrays a deep fear and resentment regarding women and the unconscious." For thousands of years women have been discounted. Loathing has been expressed even by spiritual and prominent thinkers and leaders of the times; Aristotle,

St. Augustine and of course, St. Paul. In contemporary society, Charles Manson exemplifies a person overtaken by the negative feminine archetype: he was "caught in the grip of the terrible mother" (Te Paske, 1982, p. 61). He becomes the "terrible father," the negative aspect of the masculine spirit. Te Paske continues: "a man has to not only reappraise his attitude toward the feminine, but also, and more fundamentally, grapple with his personal identity as a man" (Te Paske, 1982, p. 67).

Jungians today emphasize the deep loss to the human psyche resulting from the rejection of the feminine.

Woodman (1982) further states that the two sexes are in the crisis together, and women have to consciously accept their own share of the responsibility. 34 Research

Research on sexual violence in the last decade has been prolific. Rape, along with child abuse, has now become a public issue, with much of the responsibility for this attention due to the growth of the Women's Movement.

Accompanying this research on attitudes toward sexual violence, there have also been many studies on other aspects of sexua 1 abuse which will be brief ly discussed here. The observations of Sanday (1981) in her comprehensive study of different societies, have helped reinforce the direction of much current rape research. Because of the great number of "red herrings" in past studies, it would seem that gaining knowledge of causes of rape has been slow. Studies of rapists and their characteristics have been many, including detailed work on "penile tumescence" while subjects are shown pornographic literature. As critics of these studies explain, these men represent only incarcerated offenders, and as such, they are only minimally representative of the perpetrator population.

The Offender

The incidence of sexual violence is related to perceptions of sex role expectations, with offenders represented at one end of the continuum of male sexual aggression, or a continuum of male aggressive-female passive patterns (Burgess, 1985). This view contrasts with such 35 writers as Davison and Neale, (1982, p. 359) who state that

the rapist tends to be one of the following: "a psychopath,

an unassertive man with a fragile ego, a teenager provoked

by a seductive woman, or a man with inhibitions repressed by

alcohol." Others stress that there is no clear profile of a

rapist; each rapist has individual psychodynamics (Groth,

1979; Freeman,· 1979; Rada, 1978), and may not necessarily

be identified as an emotionally disturbed individual

(Schwendinger and Schwendinger, 1983). Freeman (1979,

p. 45) states that "one of the most surprising findings on

studies on rape is that the rapist is normal in personality,

appearance, intell igence, behavior and sexual drive"; and he supports the theory of the offender's need for domina-

tion. Freeman also points out that rape is frequently a group phenomenon, suggesting there should be more emphasis on the study of group dynamics instead of individual characteristics.

Marital Rape, Date Rape, and Incest

The extent of marital rape, date rape, and incest is only beginning to be realized. Today, marital rape is widespread and is the most common form of rape, involving 3-

14% of all married women. It has also been shown that of all types of rape, marital rape has the most damaging long­ term effects, with victims often experiencing severe trauma

(Burgess, 1985). Herman (Freeman, 1979) criticizes those 36 statutes which provide legal immunity from the charge of

rape in marriage, emphasizing that violence and unwanted

sexua 1 intercourse are thus 1 egally condoned. Part of the

problem here is that marital rape is often associated with

high levels of physical violence (Frieze, 1983). Weingourt

(1985) claims that medical and health professionals have not

dealt squarely with the issue of raped wives, who hesitate

to seek help out of fear they will be blamed. Awareness of

sexual violence also includes the evidence of a high

incidence of incest. Gordon and O'Keefe (Burgess, 1985)

question the idea of the "incest taboo", skeptical that such

a restriction has ever existed except in name. High levels

of male domination are noted in incest families, along with

evidence of premeditation and calculation. Date rape is

also covered in considerable detail in the literature.

Findings from the recent study by Koss and her colleagues

(1987) testify to its prevalence. The scale of these

offenses is only now being fully realized and can only be

acknowledged here.

Motives for Rape

Rapist motives have also come under scrutiny.

Scully and Marolla (Burgess, 1985) examine the four types of motive statements derived from analytic theory: un­ controllable impulse, mental illness, momentary loss of con trol precipi ta ted by c ircums tances (use of alcohol, for .37 example) and victim precipitation. These statements lack

empirical support and encourage an insular view of rape,

assuming that rape behavior is strange and abnormal, or is

the responsibility of the victim. Groth (1979) views rape

as a pseudo-sexual act and criticizes rape myths that

promote the idea that assault is motivated by sexual desire.

Identified offenders have provided justifications and ex­

cuses for their behavior, many of which are readily accepted

by the courts. Other men have described the rewards of

rape: satisfaction being derived from rape as a revenge or

punishment; as recreation; as a bonus to a burglary or

robbery; or a means of access to an unwilling woman (Scully and Marolla, 1985). Investigations suggest that women were depersonalized, and were held "collectively liable" for the problems of the offenders, showing that dominance was an

important issue. Satisfaction, in some instances, was also derived from terrorizing a woman. "Understanding that otherwise normal men can and do rape is critical to the development of strategies for prevention" (Scully and

Marolla, 1985, p. 263).

Effects of Rape

The effects of rape and the coping abilities of rape victims have been addressed by several researchers. Burgess

(1985) discusses four different models, each of which emphasizes the stages of grief work associated with 38 victimization. She notes that Lindemann's grief formula can

be applied to survivors: sadness, preoccupation, self- blame, hostility and changes in conduct, with a pathological

response being determined by the intensity of the assault

and the individual's coping behaviors. Horowitz's "stress

response syndrome" provides another framework to look at the

effects on the victim. Burgess (1985, p. 37) states that

Horowitz proposes a sequence of responses encountered by

most trauma victims: "an outcry; a denial of the event's

occurrence; intrusive ideation, and disturbed cognitive

processing; working through via repetitive consideration of

the event in a supportive environment; completion." A third

model, discussed by Burgess (1985), is Selye I s general

adaptive syndrome, a psychological parallel to the stress

response syndrome with its stages of alarm, resistance and

exhaustion. The psychosocial model ·of stress is also

presented by Burgess, relating environmental situations to

psychological characteristics of the individual.

All four of these models stress a stage at which a

supportive environment is significant to the recovery process. The attitudes of the victim's family, her close associates, and the authorities with whom she deals are highly relevant (Stone, Barrington and Bevan, 1983) and have an important bearing on her coping ability.

One criticism of much of the research on the effects of rape is that these have not been considered over the long 39

term. Attempts have been made in recen t years to remedy

this oversight, with studies investigating the severe and

chronic manifestations of reactions to rape (Sales, Baun and

Stone, 1984). Sales and his colleagues state that the

victims do not return to normalcy. This finding is con­

firmed by Santiago, McCall-Perez, Gorcey and Beigel (1985),

who found in their study of long-term effects that rape

victims were significantly more depressed, and generally

more anxious and fearful than control subjects. Not only is

rape experienced as physically painful, life-threatening,

shock-inducing, an abuse of power, and an expression of

contempt, but it is also deeply humiliating and degrading,

as it invades the victim's deepest sense of privacy,

promoting long-lasting mental anguish (Stone, Barrington and

Bevan, 1983). Myers, Templer and Brown (1984) studied the

vulnerability of women to rape, finding that rape victims were more likely to have a past history of suicidal ideation

and psychiatric hospitalization.

The Criminal Justice System

The victim's dealings with the criminal justice

system are also anxiety-producing (Burgess, 1985). Those women who are able to report their rape to authorities may experience what has been called a "second assault" (Cluss,

Boughton, Frank, Stewart and West, 1983; Williams and

Holmes, 1981), that has been found to be at least as 40

devastating in its expression as the original assault

(Freeman, 1979). The experience of rape and its aftermath

are now recognized as extremely destructive, engendering a

p s y c hoI 0 g i call y h a z a r d 0 us sit u at i on ( Form an, 1983).

Increased interpersonal difficulties, somatic complaints, varied emotional responses, and dramatic behavioral changes have been identified (Gilmartin-Zena, 1985; Stone, Barring- ton and Bevan, 1983). Fear of sex, and arousal or desire dysfunction were found to be present in 39% of a sample of rape and incest victims studied by Becker, Skinner, Abel and

Treacy (1984). Phobias about being indoors, outdoors, alone, in crowds, and in the dark, are all common manifesta- tions (Davison and Neale, 1982). Many victims change addresses, lifestyle and dress, fear relationships with men, and live with anger and fear (Stone, Barrington and Bevan,

1983) .

Reporting Rape

Official figures on the incidence of rape in different countries are derived from reported rapes. There is now much evidence to suggest that reported rapes re­ present only one-fourth or less of the true incidence, and that rape is probably the most under reported of all violent crimes (Cluss, Boughton, Frank, Stewart and West, 1983).

Frequently, rape has been very narrowly defined legally and socially, so that the extent of sexual violence has not been 41 fully realized until this decade (Koss, Gidycz and Wisniew- ski, 1987). Many reasons are given for women's failure to report rape: expectations of antagonistic response, fear of punishment, fear of relatives' reactions and rejection, a desire to repress the memory of the abuse, belief that there is insufficient evidence for prosecution, fear of police hostility, fear of the assailant, self blame, and feelings of shame, guilt and embarrassment (Burgess, 1985; Cluss,

Boughton, Frank, Stewart and West, 1983; Stone, Barrington and Bevan, 1983; Williams, 1983).

A victim of a "classic rape," who perceives herself as a true crime victim, tends to report the rape (Williams,

1983) . Factors that encourage a police report are: if the rape survivor experiences considerable danger, with force or violence, in a deserted public place, if there is a difference in socio-economic status between her and the attacker; if the support of family can be relied on; and if the assailant is unknown. Some will report if it is per­ ceived the police will help them (Burgess, 1985), although it has been found (as discussed above) that women who do report rape may put themselves at a greater disadvantage

(Cluss, Boughton, Frank, Stewart and West, 1983). The court process can be a serious and barely tolerable ordeal, where women are at an emotional and psychological disadvantage in a generally male environment (Stone, Barrington and Bevan,

1983) . Before a woman is able to report a rape, she must 42

see herself as a victim and be confident that others will also see her that way (Williams, 1983). To enable rape to be more readily recognized as such, and to help women to more easily press charges, rape law reform has been instituted in both Arizona and New Zealand.

Research on Attitudes

Whereas rape studies in the past tended to concen­ trate on rapist and victim characteristics, research in later years has taken a broader view. Awareness of sexual abuse as a wider social phenomenon has encouraged more attitude surveys. Attribution of blame for rape has been studied by several researchers (Acock and Ireland, 1983 ~

Barnett and Field, 1977). It has been found that men are more willing to attribute blame to the victim than women, a finding that was not unexpected. Briere and his coworkers

(1985) studied sexuality and rape-supported beliefs, finding that these attitudes had very complex components. Attitudes held by society are now being investigated in greater depth, as these are seen to be responsible for much of the continu­ ing victimization of rape victims (Burgess, 1985).

Dietz (Rada, 1978) claims that the public's atti­ tudes toward rape are linked to sensationalism, as witnessed by the strong reactions to sexual assault of children, but that there is generally little sympathy for the actual victim of any form of sexual assault; and most jurors will 43

acquit a rapist. Court attitudes reflect beliefs and

attitudes found in society at large, although recent studies

suggest that training of police officers has encouraged a

more sympathetic approach to victims, with less assignment

of victim responsibility (Faison and Orcutt, 1984).

Attitude studies were conducted by Burt (1980) who

found that acceptance of rape myths could be predicted by

looking at variables such as sex role stereotyping,

conservatism, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and

others. Faison and Orcutt (1984) and Williams (1979) have

also conducted research on sex roles and aggression. Rape myths have likewise been studied by Sanday (1981), whose

significant cross-cultural study suggested that rape is not an inherent tendency in males. She found cultures which were relatively rape-free, contrasted to those she described as rape-prone. Attitudes toward rape victims have been found to differ based on information available on the characteristics of these women. Weidner and Griffitt (1983) surveyed attitudes toward women in general, and found that negative attitudes were accompanied by a belief in rape myths and the perceived responsibility of the victim, with predictably less blame attached to the rapist.

Student attitudes toward rape have been the subject of many studies (Barnett and Field, 1977; Schwarz and Brand,

1983; Speas and Claiburne, 1979; Williams, 1979). These studies have strengthened the link between the perception of 44 sex roles, belief in rape myths and attitudes toward rape, and along with other studies on the influence of sex role attitudes, have considerable implications in the reduction of sexual violence (Faison and Orcutt, 1984; Krulewi tz and Payne, 1978).

Newlon, Patnoe and Ward (1986) in their cross­ cultural study on attitudes among students (Singapore anq the United States) found evidence that culture cannot be considered apart from gender when developing theories of sexual violence. One of the findings was that a consid­ erable proportion of male students from both cultures were influenced by traditional sexist attitudes toward sexual violence. It also was found that attitudes toward the status and role of women were strongly reflected in attitudes toward rape. A significant cross-cultural variable in attitude differences has been the sexual experience of the victim (Ward, 1984). Victim blame was correlated with perceived sexual experience. Ward (1984) found that victim blame was more common in male respon­ dents, who also showed greater acceptance of interpersonal violence and adversarial sexual beliefs, as well as conser­ vative attitudes toward women's roles.

Other attitudinal cross-cultural studies have been few, but given the normativeness of rape in rape-prone societies, it is important that differences among cultures be identified, and attempts made to understand the reasons 45 for them. Sanday's 1981 study has been a landmark in this aspect of rape research, and has been followed by work by

Larmand, Pepitone and Shanmugan (1981), with their comparison of attitudes in India with those of the United states. Mexican American, Black and Anglo attitudes toward sex roles and rape were investigated by Williams and Holmes

(1981), who found that Hispanics in the study tended to hold more traditional sex role beliefs than did their Anglo counter-parts. They found that emotional support of the rape victim was associated with stronger feminist attitudes toward rape. Differences were also found, when taking education, sex, age, and income into consideration; the influence of these factors varies according to the culture.

In New Zealand, attitude studies have been limited.

A police report on rape (Stone, Barrington and Bevan, 1983) studied court and societal attitudes and found that many supported the idea of victim precipitation. Perceptions of rape, and the link between sex roles and rape have been studied in Britain by Howells, Shaw, Greasley, Robertson,

Gloster and Metcalf (1984). An Australian study of 1978 found "polarized views on what constituted masculinity,

(toughness, strength, virility) and femininity (weakness and passivity)" and concluded that the public's definition of what constitutes rape, is very narrow and is based on tra­ ditional sex roles (Stone, Barrington and Bevan, 1983). 46

While all aspects of rape and its effects on rape

victims are being studied, it seems to be forgotten that

sexual violence has a profoundly deep psychological effect

on the perpetrator, and on the society which allows this assault to continue. This is a neglected area of research.

What long-term effects does the act of rape have on the offender? It can be assumed from Individual Psychology and

from Analytical Psychology that rape is not an isolated act; that the beliefs and life-style of the offender reflect a

lack of social interest, inability to develop democratic relationships and fear of the feminine. What is the price our society pays for the ongoing ne~lect of the feminine?

"The 1980's woman is realizing her psyche has been raped as her mother's before her was raped. Women today are reaping the harvest of generations of rape. Grandmothers and mothers have adjusted to patriarchal values to the point of extinguishing their own femininity" (Woodman, 1982, p. 152 and p. 173). According to Jungian theory, it can be surmised that rape is symbolic of the denigration of the feminine, to which society as a whole subscribes; that as members of society, both men and women suffer when this vital part of the total psyche is rejected. At an individual level, a person who either actively or passively scorns his/her feminine aspects fails to live as a full human being, fails to individuate adequately and is unable 47 to develop or maintain satisfactory intimate relationships

with the other sex.

Justification for the Research Questions

The "Attitude Toward Rape Victim Survey," the ARVS, was designed to investigate only attitudes toward the rape

victim. Research in the field of victimology has encouraged

studies of victim blame and precipitation, which have been

based on rape myths that sexual violence is uncommon, that

the victims encourage, desire and deserve rape, and that,

women generally make false accusations of rape (Barnett and

Field, 1977; Ward, 1984). It also has been empirically

established, that victims are more likely to be ascribed

negative traits than are non-victims, associated with the

concept of a "just world" (Ward, 1984; Wyer, Bodenhausen and

Gorman, 1985).

There have been four major blame models proposed with respect to causal attributions of rape: offender blame

(sexual assault was the result of overwhelming lust, passion or aggression); situational blame (the fault lay with the

circumstances surrounding the event); victim blame (she is

seen as desiring, deserving and/or precipitating the rape);

and societal blame (fault is found with social values, specifically, acceptance of aggression and oppression of women) (Ward, 1984; Weidner and Griffitt, 1983). 48

Using the frameworks of Individual Psychology and

Analytical Psychology, it can be seen that this study will

help in the assessment of need for change relating to:

1. democratic relationships between men, women and

children, with equality between the sexes.

2. goals of behavior for men and women.

3. beliefs governing these goals (in particular male

violence and female passivity/desire to please) .

4. the importance of the feminine; that ways be found

to celebrate both the "feminine" and the "mascu

line," to enable integration at the deepest levels

of the psyche.

The items on the ARVS are directly tied to research on beliefs in rape myths and attitudes toward the victims of

rape, both from the traditional and feminist standpoint

(Barnett and Field, 1977; Burt, 1980; Calhoun, Selby, Cann and Miller, 1978; Courtois, 1979; Kanekar and Kolsawalla,

1980; Schwendinger and Schwendinger, 1974; Thornton, Robbins and Johnson, 1981). These attitudes and patterns of belief are extremely important, as not only do they affect the

treatment of a woman following her assault, but strongly

influence her own self-concept (Brownmiller, 1975; Ward,

1984) . As the patterns of attitudes toward victims become clear, the values held by society at large are highlighted, and sexual violence is more able to be seen in perspective. CHAPTER 3

METHODS

For this study, designed to further cross-cultural know I edge on a tti tudes toward the rape victim, co lIege students from the University of Arizona, Tucson, United

States, and the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, completed the "Attitudes toward Rape Victims Survey" (Ward,

1984, Appendix A). This chapter will discuss the sample selection, data collection, the instrumentation, and the procedures for analyzing the data obtained.

Sample Selection and Data Collection

Participants for the study were recruited through the cooperation of several departments at the two univer­ sities. The ARVS, accompanied by demographic questions relating to age, gender, college level, and ethnicity

(Appendix B), was presented to all subjects in the cross- cultural study. The data were collected at the University of Arizona in April, 1985. New Zealand data were collected in May, 1986. Students in the participating classes were given a brief description of the proposed research. At the

University of Arizona, the survey was handed out at this time and completed independently, with immediate collection

49 50 before regular class resumed. New Zealand class instructors were reluctant to give time to the project; after the introduction, those students who were interested in the study voluntarily participated, independently completing the form, and returning it within the week. In New Zealand, 500 surveys were distributed with 205 being returned. In

Arizona, 508 surveys were completed. Anonymity was assured at both universities.

Background Information

Both the University of Arizona and the University of

Otago are public universities founded over 100 years ago.

In 1985 the University of Arizona had a total enrolment of approximately 30,300 students, of whom approximately 23,100 were undergraduates. For the University of Otago, these figures were 7,700 and 6,800 respectively. At the Univer­ sity of Arizona, men are represented by 51.9% of the undergraduate population while women are represented by

48.1%. For the University of Otago, these proportions are reversed; 49.5% men and 50.5% women. At the graduate level for both universities, the proportions differ more markedly; women at the University of Arizona account for 45.3% of the graduate population and men 54.7%. The equivalent percen­ tages at the University of Otago are 38% women, and 62% men.

In 1985, the University of Arizona had approximately

52% of its student population from out of Tucson, whereas 51 the University of Otago had 71% students whose homes were out of Dunedin. Both universities provide many residence halls and other student accommodations for their out-of-town enrollees. Dunedin, with a population of approximately

120,000, is known in New Zealand as the university city and is proud of its "town-gown" relationship. Likewise for

Tucson, the University of Arizona generates considerable revenue for the city but it lacks the cohesion and sense of community of a small university in a relatively small city.

Attitudes toward a college education differ in the two countries. In the United States most families aspire to send their children to university or community college; in

New Zealand, "Jack is as good as his master" and a univer­ sity education is not always seen as an enviable asset.

"There is an innate suspicion of anything 0 cl ever' in the community" (Gordon Parry, 1987, personal communication).

New Zealand university students tend to come from families who are somewhat wealthier and better educated. Most high school students from lower socio-economic groups do not consider a university education for themselves. As in

Arizona, a university education is accessible to almost anyone willing to make the academic effort.

In New Zealand, much government assistance is automatically available for those who have completed the high school requirements: grants or bursaries for boarding, 52 tuition and living expenses. Relatively small parental outlay is required, and student loans are still not common.

In New Zealand, 70% of the students will complete their courses (Parry, 1987, personal communication), whereas in

Arizona this figure is 60% completing after four or more years of study, (University of Arizona, General Catalog,

1986). All these factors will have some bearing on the results of the study.

Research on Human Subjects

Guidelines on research with human subjects were adhered to in accordance with principles listed in:

1. Ethical Principles in the Conduct of Research with

Participants, Washington, D.C.: American

Psychological Association, 1973.

2. Code of Federal Regulation, Title 45, Subtitle A,

Part 46, as currently issued. Care was taken to:

a. avoid causing injurious psychological,

physical, or social effects on the subjects;

b. inform subjects as to the purpose of the study

except when withholding information is

essential to the investigation;

c. protect the volunteer status of subjects; and

d. ensure that the subject's privacy is protected, 53 or that they are anonymous, in the absence of

specific authorization to do otherwise.

The questionnaire was approved by the University.

The Instrument

The Attitudes toward Rape Victims Survey (ARVS) was

developed by Ward (1984) to assess college students'

attitudes toward women and rape. The twenty-five items

were designed to tap responses from a traditional and a

feminist perspective (Appendix A). Ward (1984) suggests

that the advantages of the instrument are primarily that it

is the first of its kind to test for victim blame specifi­

cally, and the first to be limited to the assessment of

attitudes toward rape victims. A total score was employed

to measure the overall attitudes toward rape. The total

score was the sum of the 25 ratings of each study. A

subscale of seven items (Items 3, 5, 7, 10, 12, 15, and 19) was used to assess the individual's feminist attitudes.

All twenty-five statements were presented with

Likert response categories to increase the comparability of

the responses given. The respondents were asked to rate their degree of agreement or disagreement with each of the statements using the five point scale: (1) Disagree strongly (DS), (2) Disagree mildly (DM), (3) Neutral (N),

(4) Agree mildly (AM), and (5) Agree strongly (AS). Values were assigned to the different response categories on the 54

Likert scale: Disagree strongly, was assigned a value of

5; disagree mildly, a value of 4; neutral, a value of 3; agree mildly, a value of 2; and agree strongly, a value of

1. The range of possible scores was from 25-125. High scores reflect feminist views and less victim blame, while low scores reflect the traditional outlook, and more un- favorable attitudes toward the victim. Fo r purposes of scoring, the seven feminist items were reversed in value to give a more accurate total attitude score.

The following questions reflect the feminist viewpoint directly:

3. A raped woman is usually an innocent victim.

5. "Good" girls are as likely to be raped as "bad"

girls.

7. Women do not provoke rape by their appearance or

behavior.

10. Even women who feel guilty about engaging in

premarital sex are not likely to falsely claim

rape.

12. Any female may be raped.

15. Men, not women, are responsible for rape.

19. A woman should not blame herself for rape.

Reliability and Validity

Psychometric analysis indicates that the ARVS is reliable (Ward, 1987, personal communication). The ARVS has 55 been used in several cross-cultural studies with large population samples. Coefficient alpha (or Cronbach alpha) has been calculated using the results of this research, and high inter-item consistency has been found (Anastasi, 1982). Ward (1987, personal communication) cites her Israeli study which gave a reliability of .81 (N = 95), and another New Zealand study which gave a reliability of .88 (N = 250). The validity of the ARVS can be examined by investigating the face validity and the construct validity.

The ARVS has considerable face validity: The items either relate directly to rape myths identified by recent research, or relate directly to the feminist viewpoint. Factor analysis of results of former studies is relevant here in supporting construct validity (Ward, 1987, personal commu- nication) . Correlation of item scores with the total score have indicated internal consistency and are a measure of the homogeneity of the ARVS. Ward gives the results of a factor analysis on a sample of 250 New Zealand students, and although the number of factors is not given, there appears to be one major factor, and the factor loadings range from .18 - .65.

Research Design

Survey research can be considered an example of pre­ experimental research design, where the measure (testing) is the administration of the questionnaire; a post test only, 56

with no control group (Babbie, 1986). In this study, the

independent variables were age, gender, culture and the

feminist viewpoint, while the dependent variable was the

student's attitude toward rape.

The measure chosen in this study to operationalize

the dependent variable was that measure commonly used in

survey research; the self-administered questionnaire. Some

of the advantages of a study of this nature are that it can

describe the characteristics of a large population, it can make large samples feasible, it introduces flexibility and

it has the advantage of standardization. Disadvantages are

found in the possibility of the questions being only minimally appropriate; the context of the social milieu in which these questions assume relevancy cannot be examined.

Other disadvantages are that the initial survey design must

remain the same and that it can also be subject to some

artificiality.

Data Analysis

The hypotheses of this study were tested with several statistics.

a. The mean overall attitudes of United States students and New Zealand students toward rape victims were compared using independent t-tests. Interactions were tested with three-way analysis of variance. 57

b. The mean attitudes of New Zealand men and women were compared using a t-test, as were the mean attitudes of

United States men and women, the mean attitudes of United

States men and New Zealand men, and the mean attitudes of

United States women and New Zealand women.

c. The mean attitudes of New Zealand men and women students toward rape victims were compared by t-tests with the mean attitudes of United States men and women students, according to gender and cuI ture, a t three age level s. For the purposes of this study, these three levels were: young

(17-18 years); middle (19-21 years); and old (22 years and above) .

d. Seven items were summed to create a measure of feminist attitudes, and t-tests were employed to compare New

Zealand men and women, and United States men and women, on their feminist attitude. Also t-tests were used to compare men from the United States and New Zealand, and women from the United States and New Zealand, on their feminist attitudes. Analysis of variance was also employed to test for any interactions.

e. Addi tiona I analyses were conducted to examine the factor structure of the responses to the ARVS. The responses of United States and New Zealand participants were compared using chi-square tests of independence. The purpose was to determine if the responses of United States 58

and New Zealand participants differed systematically. The

chi-square test was applied to each item.

f. Factor analyses were used to determine the number of

factors underlying the total responses to the twenty-five

items of the survey, the united States responses, and the

New Zealand responses. These were done in three stages:

1. An intercorrelation matrix was computed .. This is

the correlation between every item and every other

item.

2. The factors were extracted from the matrix, and

3. The factors were rotated (orthogonal rotation). CHAPTER 4

RESULTS

The purpose of this study was to examine some of the

attitudes of New Zealand and United States college students

toward rape victims. As part of a world-wide research

project investigating attitudes of students from many

countries, this study used the "Attitude toward Rape Victims

Survey" (ARVS, Ward, 1984, Appendix A) which has been tested

in previous research. This chapter begins with a demo­

graphic description of the sample populations, fOllowed by

the results of the survey. Each hypothesis will be dis­

cussed separately. The following data were based upon

information supported by 508 subjects from the University of

Arizona, United States, and 205 subjects from the University

of Otago, New Zealand. In the tables, significance is

presented in terms of the exact £ values as achieved for

each test.

Description of the Sample

Participants for this study were college students

enrolled at the University of Arizona, Tucson, United

States, and the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand.

Descriptive data are presented in Table 1. Of the 508

59 60

Table 1. Demographic data of the United States and New Zealand college students.

United States New Zealand

Total N S08 20S

Male 299 S4

Female 20S lSl

Age

Mean 23.19 21.22

SD 8.43 8.61

Range 17-63 17-4S

College Years

Freshmen 46.4 32.2

Sophomore 18.6 20.S

Junior 10.S 24.9

Senior S • 4 lS.l

Graduate 19.1 7 .3

Ethnicity

Anglo 8.3.2 90.2

Hispanic 7 .3

Black 2 .9

Polynesian 3 .9

Oriental 2.7 3.9

Missing/Other 3.9 2.0 61 students from the United States, 299 were men and 209 were women. Of the 205 students from New Zealand, 54 were men and 151 were women. Fo r both countries, Ang 10 represen­ tation in the sample was highest (83.2% for the United

States; 90.2% for New Zealand). Age distribution also varied: The mean age of the United States students was

23.19 years, whereas for New Zealand it was 21.22. The

United States sample included more older students (age range

17-67 years) than did the New Zealand sample (age range 17-

45 years). Proportions of students in the different age categories also varied: Freshmen students represented 46.4% of the United States sample, but only 32.2% of the New

Zealand sample. The United States sample also had a higher proportion of graduate students (19.1%) than did the New

Zealand sample (7.3%).

Hypotheses

Hypothesis 1

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in attitudes toward rape victims between United States and New

Zealand students. The responses of the United States and

New Zealand students to the 25 items on the ARVS, differed significantly. In their overall attitudes toward rape victims, the United States students' mean score was higher than the New Zealand students' mean score (Means of 49.16 and 43.95 respectively, SDs of 13.37 and 11.2; t = 4.94, 62

E. < .001, Table 2). Hypothesis 1 was supported: There was a difference in attitudes between New Zealand students and

United States students. A comparison of responses for each of the 25 items on the ARVS may be found in Appendix c. The United States and New Zealand students also differed significantly in their feminist attitude scores

(the scores on the seven feminist items on the ARVS; 3, 5,

7, 10, 12, 15, and 19). The United States students' mean score was again higher than the New Zealand students' mean score (Means of 14.75 and 13.16 respectively, SDs of 4.63 and 4.12; t = 4.27 I E. < .001, Table 2). (Refer to Appendix C for comparison of responses for each item).

Hypothesis 2

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in attitudes toward rape victims according to gender:

a. between New Zealand men and women.

On the 25 items on the ARVS, the New Zealand men and women differed significantly in their overall attitudes toward rape victims. The New Zealand men's mean score was higher than the New Zealand women's score (Means of 49.13 and 42.09 respectively, SDs of 13.00 and 9.77; t = 4.15, E. < .001,

Table 3). Hypothesis 2.a. was supported: There was a difference in attitudes between New Zealand men and women.

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in attitudes toward rape victims according to gender: Table 2. A comparison of attitudes toward rape victims of United States college students and New Zealand college students as measured by the ARVS.

United States New Zealand

Variable N M SD N M SD t p

Overall 508 49.16 13.37 205 43.95 11.12 4.94 .0001 a Attitude

Feminist 508 14.75 4.63 205 13.16 4.12 4.27 .0001 b Attitude

a Overall attitude is measured by the total score of the 25 items, with a range from 5 to 125. b The Feminist Attitude Scores were comprised of 7 items (Items 3, 5, 7, 10, 12, 15, and 19) on the ARVS.

0"1 W 64

b. between United States men and women.

United States men and women differed significantly in their responses to the 25 questions on the ARVS indicating their overall attitudes toward rape victims. The United States men's mean score was lower than the United States women's mean score (Means of 45.47 and 54.44 respectively, SDs of

11.42 and 14.19; t = -7.58, ~ < .001, Table 3). Hypothesis 2.b. was supported: There was a difference in attitudes between United States men and women.

Hypothesis 3

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in attitudes toward rape victims according to culture:

a. between United States men and New Zealand men.

United States men and New Zealand men differed signifi­ cantly in their responses to the 25 questions on the ARVS indicating their overall attitudes toward rape victims. The

United States men's mean score was lower than the New

Zealand men's score (Means of 45.57 and 49.12 respectively,

SDs of 11.42 and 13.00; t = -2.12, ~ < .05, Table 3). Hypothesis 3.a. was supported: There was a difference in attitudes between New Zealand men and United States men.

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in attitudes toward rape victims according to culture:

b. between United States women and New Zealand women.

On the 25 items on the ARVS, the United States women Table 3. A comparison of overall attitudes toward rape victims of United States college students and New Zealand college students according to culture and gender.

Male Female

Culture N M SD N M SD t P

United States 299 45.47 11. 42 209 54.44 14.19 -7.58 .0001

New Zealand 54 49.13 13.00 151 42.09 9.77 4.15 .0001

United States New Zealand

Gender N M SD N M SD t P

Males 299 45.47 11. 42 54 49.12 13.00 -2.12 .035

Females 209 54.44 14.19 151 42.09 9.77 9.23 .0001

m U1 66 students and New Zealand women students differed signif-

icantly in their attitudes toward rape victims. The United

States women's mean score was higher than the New Zealand women's mean score (Means of 54.44 and 42.09, SDs of 14.19 and 9.77; t = 9.23,12. < .001, Table 3). Hypothesis 3.b. \vas supported: There was a difference in attitudes between

United States women and New Zealand women.

Hypothesis 4

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in attitudes toward the rape victim at the three age levels:

a. between New Zealand men and women.

The responses of the New Zealand students to the 25 items on the ARVS differed significantly according to gender and age group, for two of the three age groups; young (17-18 years); middle (19-21 years); and old (22 years and above). In their overall attitudes toward rape victims, the young group of New Zealand men differed significantly from the young group of New Zealand women. The New Zealand men's mean attitude score was higher than the New Zealand women's mean score (Means of 55.81 and 43.89 respectively, SDs of 11.82 and 9.89; t = -3.81, 12. < .001, Table 4). For the middle age group of New Zealand students, there was a significant difference in attitude scores. The New Zealand men's mean score was again higher than the New Zealand women's score

(Means of 48.89 and 41.89 respectively, SDs of 15.18 and Table 4. A comparison of overall attitudes toward rape victims of United States college students and New Zealand college students at three age levels.

Male Female

Young N M SO N M SO t P

United States 98 48.67 9.98 63 54.32 13.85 -3.00 .003

New Zealand 16 55.81 11.83 38 43.89 9.89 3.81 .000

Male Female

Middle N M SO N M SO t P

United States 90 50.01 11.21 96 56.88 14.95 -3.52 .001

New Zealand 18 48.89 15.18 90 41.89 9.52 2.55 .012

Male Female

Old N M SO N M SO t P

United States 108 38.94 9.52 48 50.25 12.23 -6.25 .000

New Zealand 19 43.63 9.58 22 40.41 10.37 1. 03 .310

m "-l Table 4--Continued

United States New Zealand

Young N M SD N M SD t P

Males 98 48.67 9.98 16 55.81 11. 83 -2.58 .011

Females 63 54.32 13.85 38 43.89 9.89 4.05 .000

United States New Zealand

Middle N M SD N M SD t P

Males 90 50.01 11.21 18 48.89 15.17 .36 . 717

Females 96 56.88 14.95 90 41.89 9.52 8.09 .000

United States New Zealand

Old N M SD N M SD t P

Males 108 38.94 9.53 19 43.63 9.58 -1. 98 .050

Females 48 50.25 12.23 22 40.41 10.37 3.27 .002 a Young = 17-18 years of age b Middle = 19-21 years of age (j'\ co cOld = 22 years of age and above 69

9.52; t = 2.55, ~ < .01). For the older age group there was no significant difference in attitude scores between New Zealand men and New Zealand women (Means of 43.63 and 40.41

respectively, SDs of 9.58 and 10.37; t = 1.03, ~ < .310). Hypothesis 4.a. was partially supported: There was a difference between New Zealand men and women, for the young and middle age groups of students, but not for the older group.

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in attitudes toward rape victims at the three age levels:

b. between United States men and women.

The responses of the United States students on the 25 items of the ARVS differed significantly according to gender and

age group, for the three groups; young (17-18 years); middle

(19-21 years); and old (22 years and over). For United

States students in the young group, there was a significant

difference between men and women. The United States women's

mean overall score was higher than the United States men's mean score (Means of 54.32 and 48.67 respectively, SDs of

13.85 and 9.98; t = -3.00, ~ < .01, Table 4). For United

States men and women in the middle group ther~ was also a significant difference in attitudes; the United States women's mean overall attitude score was higher than the United States men's mean overall attitude score (Means of

56.88 and 50.01 respectively, SDs of 14.95 and 11.21; and 70 t = -3.52, E.. < .001). Again there was a significant difference in mean scores in the older group of United

states men and women students, United States women's mean

attitude score was higher than the United States men's mean attitude score (Means of 50.25 and 38.93 respectively, SDs of 12.23 and 9.53; t = -6.25, E.. < .001). Hypothesis 4.b. was supported: There was a difference between United States men and women for all three age groups.

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in

attitudes toward rape victims at the three age levels:

c. between United States men and New Zealand men.

On the 25 items on the ARVS, there was a significant difference in the responses in two of the different age

groups, for New Zealand and United States men. For the young group, the New Zealand men's mean overall score was higher than the United States men's mean overall score

(means of 55.81 and 48.67 respectively, SDs of 11.83 and

9.98; t = -2.58, E.. < .01, Table 4). There was no signifi­ cant difference in scores of the middle age group of New

Zealand men compared with United States men, (means of 48.89 and 50.01 respectively, SDs of 11.21 and 15.17; t = .36, E.. < .717). For the older group of men students, there was again a significant difference in mean attitude scores, the New

Zealand men's mean overall attitude score was higher than the United States men's score (Means of 43.63 and 38.94 71

respectively, SDs of 9.58 and 9.53; t = -1.98, E- < .05). Hypothesis 4.c. was partially supported: There was a

difference in attitudes toward rape victims at the three age

levels for United States men and New Zealand men, for the young group and the older group, but not for the middle group.

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in

attitudes toward rape victims at the three age levels:

d. between United States women and New Zealand women.

In the responses to the 25 items on ARVS there was a signi­

ficant difference in the scores in all three age groups for

United States women compared with New Zealand women. For

the young age group, the significance was high. The United

States women's mean overall attitude score was higher than

the New Zealand women's mean score (Means of 54.32 and 43.89

respectively, SDs of 13.85 and 9.89; t = 4.05, and E- < .001, Table 4). For the middle group there was also a signifi-

cance. The United States women's mean overall attitude

score was higher than the New Zealand women's mean score

(Means of 56.88 and 41.89 respectively, SDs of 14.95 and 9.52; t = 8.09, E- < .001). For the older group, there was again a significant difference in the mean scores. The

United States women's mean overall score was higher than the

New Zealand women's mean overall attitude score (Means of 50.25 and 40.41 respectively, SDs of 12.23 and 10.37; t = 72

3.27, ~ < .01). Hypothesis 4.d. was supported: There was a significant difference between United States women and New

Zealand women in their attitudes toward rape victims, at the three age levels.

Hypothesis 5

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in attitudes toward rape victims reflecting the effects of the feminist movement:

a. between New Zealand men and women.

On the seven feminist items on the ARVS, New Zealand men and women students differed significantly in their responses.

The New Zealand men's mean score was higher than the New

Zealand women's score (Means of 14.76 and 12.59 respec­ tively, SDs of 4.45 and 3.85; t = 3.41, ~ < .001, Table 5).

Hypothesis 5.a. was supported: There was a difference in feminist attitudes between New Zealand men and New Zealand women.

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in attitudes toward rape victims reflecting the effects of the feminist movement:

b. between United States men and women.

On the seven feminist items on the ARVS, United States men and women students differed significantly in their re­ sponses. The United States men's mean score was lower than the United States women's mean score (Means of 13.80 and Table 5. Comparison of feminist attitudes toward rape victims of United States college students and New Zealand college students, according to culture and gender.

Male Female

Culture N M SD N M SD t P

United States 299 13.80 4.01 209 16.10 5.02 -5.65 .0001

New Zealand 54 14.76 4.45 151 12.59 3.85 3.41 .001

United States New Zealand

Gender N M SD N M SD t P

Males 299 13.80 4.09 54 14.76 4.45 -1. 56 .120

Females 209 16.09 5.01 151 12.58 3.85 7.19 .0001

-...J W 74

16.10 respectively, SDs of 4.01 and 5.02; t = -5.65, ~ < .001) . Hypothesis 5.b. was supported: There was a differ-

ence in feminist attitudes toward rape victims between

United States men and United States women.

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in

attitudes toward rape victims reflecting the effects of the

feminist movement:

c. between United States men and New Zealand men.

In the responses to the seven feminist items on the ARVS, no

significant difference was found between New Zealand men and

United States men. The United States men's mean score was

not significantly lower than the New Zealand men's mean

score (Means of 13.80 and 14.76 respectively, SDs of 4.09

and 4.45; t = -1.56, ~ n.s., Table 5). Hypothesis S.c. was

not supported: There was not a significant difference in

feminist attitudes between New Zealand men and United States men.

It was hypothesized there would be a difference in

attitudes toward rape victims reflecting the effects of the

feminist movement:

d. between United States women and New Zealand women.

In the responses to the seven feminist items on the ARVS, a significant difference was found between New Zealand women

and United States women. The United States women's mean score was higher than the New Zealand women's mean score 75 (Means of 16.09 and 12.58 respectively, SDs of 5.01 and

3.85; t = 7.19, ~ < .001). Hypothesis S.d. was supported: There was a significant difference in feminist attitudes between United States women and New Zealand women.

Factor Analysis

Three separate factor analyses were conducted. The number of factors underlying the ARVS were examined using principal components factor analysis for the total responses of both the United states and New Zealand students combined; for the responses on the United States students; and for the responses of the New Zealand students. This was done in three stages: (1) the intercorrelations of all items were computed, (2) factors were extracted, and (3) the factors were rotated using a Varimax rotation.

Five factors were extracted and rotated for the total responses, seven factors for the United States responses, and nine factors for the New Zealand responses.

Factor loadings greater than .30 were selected for inter- pretation. The matrix of factor loading is presented in

Table 6 (total responses), Table 7 (United States re- sponses) , and Table 8 (New Zealand responses). The factor analysis supports the idea that the questionnaire is measuring one construct; attitudes toward rape victims. In the analysis of the total responses, before the rotation, the amount of variation the fir~t factor explains is very 76

Table 6. Attitudes toward rape victims of United States college students and New Zealand college students. -- Results of factor analysis with representative ARVS items.

Factor ARVS Loading Item

Factor 1 (6 items)

.68 24 Sexually experienced women are not really damaged by rape . . 66 25 In most cases when a woman was raped, she deserved it . . 59 6 Women who have had prior sexual relation­ ships should not complain about rape . . 52 23 Women put themselves in si tuation in which they are likely to be sexually assaulted because they have an unconscious wish to be raped. . 49 11 Most women secretly desire to be raped . . 47 9 It would do some women good to be raped .

Factor 2 (5 items)

.69 17 Many women claim rape if they have consented to sexual relations but have changed their minds afterwards. .68 14 Many women invent rape stories if they learn they are pregnant. .65 4 Women often claim rape to protect their reputations. .60 21 Many women who report rape are lying because they are angry or want revenge on the accused. .53 10 Even women who feel guilty about engaging in pre-marital sex are not likely to falsely claim rape.

Factor 3 (7 items)

.61 16 A woman who goes out alone at night puts herself in a position to be raped . . 59 13 Women who get raped whi Ie accepting rides from strangers get what they deserve. .58 22 Women who wear short skirts or tight blouses are inviting rape. 77

Table 6--Continued

Factor ARVS Loading Item

.48 18 Accusations of rape by bar girls, dance hostesses and prostitutes should be viewed with suspicion. .44 8 Intoxicated women are usually willing to have sexual relations. .38 2 The extent of a woman's resistance should be a major factor in determining if rape has occurred. .37 20 A heal thy woman can successfully resist a rapist if she really tries.

Factor 4 (4 items)

.69 3 A raped woman is usually an innocent victim . . 64 15 Men, not women, are responsible for rape. .49 7 Women do not provoke rape by their appear­ ance or behavior. .34 19 A woman should not blame herself for rape.

Factor 5 (3 items)

. 70 12 Any female may be raped . .59 5 "Good" girls are as likely to be raped as "bad" girls. • 30 1 A raped woman is a less desirable woman . 78

Table 7. Attitudes toward rape victims; results of factor analysis with representative ARVS items, United states college students.

Factor ARVS Loading Item

Factor 1 (9 items)

. 69 1 A raped woman is a less desirable woman .

.66 22 Women who wear short skirts or tight blouses are inviting rape.

.62 18 Accusations of rape by bar girls, dance hostesses and prosti tutes should be viewed with suspicion.

.54 23 Women put themselves in situations in which they are likely to be sexually assaulted because they have an unconscious wish to be raped.

.50 2 The extent of the woman's resistance should be the major factor in determining if rape has occurred.

.50 8 Intoxicated women are usually willing to have sexual relations.

.49 20 A heal thy woman can successfully res ist a rapist if she really tries.

.44 19 A woman should not blame herself for rape.

.42 13 Women who are raped while accepting rides from strangers get what they deserve.

Factor 2 (5 items)

.70 17 Many women claim rape if they have consented to sexual relations but have changed their minds afterwards.

.68 4 Women often claim rape to protect their reputations.

.65 14 Many women invent rape stories if they learn they are pregnant. Table 7--Continued

Factor ARVS Loading Item

.62 21 Many women who report rape are lying because they are angry or 5want revenge on the accused.

.58 10 Even women who feel guilty about engaging in pre-marital sex are not likely to falsely claim rape.

Factor 3 (4 items)

.70 3 A raped woman is usually an innocent victim.

.62 5 'Good' girls are as likely to be raped as 'bad' girls.

.56 7 Women do not provoke rape by their appearance or behavior.

• 43 15 Men, not women, are responsible for rape .

Factor 4 (3 items)

.78 24 Sexually experienced women are not really damaged by rape .

. 75 25 In most cases when a woman was raped, she deserved it .

. 48 6 Women who have had prior sexual relationships should not complain about rape.

Factor 5 (2 items)

.70 9 It would do some women good to be raped.

. 61 11 Most women secretly desire to be raped .

Factor 6 ( 1 item)

.77 16 A woman who goes out alone at night puts herself in a position to be raped.

Factor 7 ( 1 item)

. 77 12 Any female may be raped . 80

Table 8. Attitudes toward rape victims; results of factor analysis with representative ARVS items, New Zealand college students.

Factor ARVS Loading Item

Factor 1 (5 items)

. 75 15 Men, not women, are responsible for rape .

.68 22 Women who wear short skirts or tight blouses are inviting rape .

. 68 7 Women do not provoke rape by their appearance or behavior .

. 60 19 A woman should not blame herself for rape.

.37 17 Many women claim rape if they have consented to sexual relations but have changed their minds afterwards.

Factor 2 (3 items)

.78 2 The extent of the woman's resistance shou Id be the major factor in determining if rape has occurred.

.65 23 Women put themselves in situations in which they are likely to be sexually assaulted because they have an unconscious wish to be raped.

.47 11 Most women secretly desire to be raped.

Factor 3 (3 items)

. 75 1 A raped woman is a less desirable woman .

.47 J.8 Accusations of rape by bar girls, dance hostesses and prostitutes should be viewed with suspicion.

.46 8 Intoxicated women are usually willing to have sexual relations. 81

Table 8.-- Continued

Factor ARVS Loading Item

Factor 4 (3 items)

.82 6 Women who have had prior sexual relationships should not complain about rape.

.52 4 Women often claim rape to protect their reputations.

.41 9 It would do some women good to be raped.

Factor 5 (3 items)

.75 24 Sexually experienced women are not really damaged by rape .

. 64 20 A healthy woman can successfully resist a rapist if she really tries.

. 49 12 Any female may be raped .

Factor 6 (3 items)

.70 16 A woman who goes out alone at night puts herself in a position to be raped.

.40 13 Women who are raped while accepting rides froIl} strangers get what they deserve.

.39 21 Many women who report rape are lying because they are angry or want revenge on the accused.

Factor 7 (l item)

.79 25 In most cases when a woman was raped, she deserved it.

Factor 8 (2 items)

.74 5 'Good' girls are as likely to be raped as 'bad' girls.

.64 3 A raped woman is usually an innocent victim. 82

Table 8--Continued

Factor ARVS Loading Item

Factor 9 (2 items)

.81 10 Even women who feel guilty about engaging in pre-marital sex are not likely to falsely claim rape .

• 42 14 Many women invent rape stories if they learn they are pregnant. 83 high (26.6%). The five factors of the total responses account for about half of the variation and are considered meaningful factors.

Total responses: On the rotated analysis, items 6,

9, 11, 23, 24, and 25 loaded on Factor 1. Items 4, 10, 14,

17, and 21 loaded on Factor 2. Items 2, 8, 13, 16, 18, 20, and 20 loaded on Factor 3. Items 3, 7, 15, and 19 loaded on Factor 4, and items 1, 5, and 12 loaded on Factor on 5.

It appears the ARVS is measuring five separate aspects of attitudes toward rape victims.

United States responses: On the rotated analysis, items 1, 22; 18, 23, 2, 8, 20, 19 and 13 loaded on Factor 1.

Items 17, 4, 14, 21, and 10 loaded on Factor 2. Items 3, 5,

7, and 15 loaded on Factor 3. Items 24, 25, and 6 loaded on

Factor 4. Items 9, and 11 loaded on Factor 5. Item 16 loaded on Factor 6, and item 12 loaded on Factor 7.

New Zealand responses: On the rotated analysis, items 15, 22, 7, 19, and 17 loaded on Factor 1. Items 2,

23, and 11 loaded on Factor 3. Items 6, 4, and 9 loaded on

Factor 4. Items 24, 20, and 12 loaded on Factor 5. Items

16, 13, and 21 loaded on Factor 6. Item 25 loaded on Factor

7. Items 5, and 3 loaded on Factor 8, and items 10, and 14 loaded on Factor 9. 84 Analysis of Variance

An additional statistical analysis was performed to

identify possible interaction effects. This was addressed

by use of three-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) to identify

the differences, looking at the main effects, the 2-way

in teractions and the 3 -way interactions. Overall a tti tude

was used as the dependent variable, while the independent

variables were age, gender and culture (Table 9) .

The main effects for culture were significant, ~ (1,

694) = 53.47, 12.. <.001. United States students (M = 49.24) scored higher in overall attitudes than New Zealand students

(M = 43.99). The main effects for gender were also signifi­

can t , ~ (1, 6 9 4 ) = 18. 8 2, 12.. < . 0 0 1 . The worn en ( M = 4 9 . 3 6 ) scored higher than the men (M = 46.07) in their overall attitude. The main effects for age were found to be

significant, ~ (2, 694) = 28.86, 12.. < .001. Those students in the young age group (M = 50.01) scored higher than those students in the middle age group (M = 49.70) or the old group (M = 42.31). A significant culture by gender interaction effect was found on the overall attitude toward rape victims, ~ (1,

694) = 48.39, 12.. < .001 (Table 9). The overall attitudes of men and women students depended on whether they were from

New Zealand or the United States. Male students from the United States scored lower (M = 45.52) than New Zealand 85

Table 9. Results of three-way analysis of variance: overall attitudes of United States and New Zealand college students, according to culture, age, and gender.

Source SS df MS F p

A (cul ture) 7116 1 7116 53.47 .000

B (gender) 2504 1 2504 18.82 .000

C (age) 7681 2 3840 28.86 .0

A x B 6440 1 6440 48.39 .000

A x C 941 2 470 3.54 .030

B x C 966 2 483 3.63 .027

A x B x C 72 2 36 .27 .762

Within 92,362 694 133

Total 118,536 705 168 86 males (M = 49.09), whereas United States women (M = 54.56) scored higher than New Zealand women (M = 42.18). A significant culture by age interaction effect was found on the overall attitude toward rape victims, ~ (2, 694) = 3.54, E. < .05 (Table 9). The overall attitudes of New Zealand and United States students depended on their ages. United States students in the middle age group (M = 53.55) scored higher than United States students in the young group (M = 50.88) and the old group (M = 42.42), and also scored higher than New Zealand students in any age group. For New Zealand students, the young group (M = 47.43) scored higher than the middle group (M = 43.06) or the old group (M = 41.90) . A s ignific.?Int gender by age interaction effect was found on the overall attitude toward rape victims, F (2, 694) = 3.63, E. < .05. The overall attitudes of men and women students in both cultures depended on their ages. Male students in the middle age group (M = 49.82), and the young age group (M = 49.68) scored higher than the males in the old group (M = 39.64). For women students, those in the young group (M = 50.40) scored higher than those in the middle group (M = 49.62) and those in the old group (M = 47.16).

The 3-way interaction, culture, age and gender was not significant, F (2, 694) = .271, E. n.s. 87 A three-way analysis of variance was also performed to identify possible interaction effects for the feminist attitudes (the seven feminist items on the ARVS) between

United States students and New Zealand students. The dependent variable was the feminist attitude toward rape victims, and the independent v~riables were age, gender and culture.

The main effects for culture were significant,

~(1,694) = 31.04, E. < .001 (Table 10). United States students (M = 14.77) scored higher in feminist attitudes than New Zealand students (M = 13.18). The main effects for gender were also significant, F (1,694) = 8.56, l2. < .005. The women (M = 14.67) scored higher than the men (M = 13.95) in their feminist attitudes. The main effects for age were likewise significant, F (2,694) = 7.74, E. < .001. Those students in the middle age group (M =14.76) scored higher than those students in the young age group (M = 14.65), and those in the old age group (M = 13.28).

A significant culture by gender interaction effect was found on the feminist attitude toward rape victims, ~ (1, 694) = 27.17, E. < .001. The feminist attitudes of men and women students depended on whether they were from New

Zealand or the United States. Male students from the United

States scored lower (M = 13.81) than the New Zealand males 88

Table 10. Results of three-way analysis of variance: femi- nist attitudes of United States and New Zealand college students, according to culture, age and gender.

Source SS df MS F P

A (culture) 577 1 577 31. 04 .000

B ( gender) 159 1 159 8.55 .004

C (age) 288 2 144 7.74 .000

A x B 505 1 505 27.17 .000

A x C 52 2 26 1. 42 .242

B x C 46 2 23 1. 26 .284

A x B x C 19 2 9.85 .529 .589

Within 12,916 694 18.612

Total 14,585 705 20.689 89 (M = 16.15), whereas United States women (M = 14.75) scored higher than New Zealand women (M = 12.62). The age by culture interaction effect on the femi­ nist attitude toward rape victims was not significant, ~ (2, 694) = 1.42, 12. n.s. The feminist attitudes of New Zealand and United States students were not dependent on their ages.

The gender by age interaction effect on the feminist attitude toward rape victims was also not significant, ~ (2,

694) = 1.263, 12. n. s. The feminist attitudes of men and women students in both cultures were not dependent on their ages.

The 3-way interaction, for the feminist attitude, according to culture, age and gender, was also not signi­ ficant, F (2, 694) = .529, 12. n.s.

Chi-square Tests Results from the chi-square tests of independence are tabul ated in Appendix C. Signif icance atE. < • 05 was found on items # 7,8,9,10,11,12,14,15,16,18,20, 22, 23, and 25. New Zealand students and United States students responded in a significantly similar way to these fourteen items.

Summary

A summary of the results accompanied by their confidence levels as they relate to the hypotheses, follows: 90

Hypothesis 1 was significant at ~ < .001. The difference in attitudes toward rape victims between New Zealand and United

States students was supported.

Hypothesis 2, there would be a difference between the two cuI tures according to gender was supported. The difference in attitudes between New Zealand men and women was significant at ~ < .001. The hypothesized difference in attitudes between United States men and women was supported,

E. < .001. Hypothesis 3, there would be a difference in attitudes toward rape victims according to culture was supported. The difference in attitudes between United

States men and New Zealand men was significant, ~ < .05. The hypothesis there would be a difference in attitudes of

New Zealand women and United States women was supported:

There was a significant difference, ~ < .001.

Hypothesis 4, there would be a difference in atti­ tudes toward rape victims according to gender and culture in the 3 different agE"~ groups, wa s part ia 11 y supported. A difference in attitudes toward rape victims between New

Zealand men and women students in the different age groups was supported, except for the older group--for the young group, E. < .001; for the middle group, E. < .01; for the older group, E. n.s. The difference between United States men and women in their attitudes toward rape victims was 91

also supported for the three age levels. For the young age

group, ~ <.01; for the middle group, ~ < .001; and for the

older group, ~ < .001. The cross-cultural comparisons were also significant: There was a significant difference in the

attitudes of the men of the two universities at both the young age level and the older age level, but not at the middle age level. 'I'he hypothesis was supported for the young age group, ~ < .01, and for the older group, E < .05.

For the middle group the difference was not significant. A significant difference existed at each age level in the attitude scores of the women from New Zealand and the United

States. The hypothesis was supported. At the young age

level, ~ < .001; at the middle age level, ~ < .001; and at the older age level, E < .01. Hypothesis 5, there would be a difference in attitudes reflecting the effects of the feminist movement, was partially supported. The hypothesized difference in feminist attitudes between New Zealand men and New Zealand women was supported, ~ < .001. There was also a significant difference between United States men and United States women in their feminist attitudes, ~ < .001. The hypothesized difference in feminist attitudes between United States men and New Zealand men was not significant. Finally, the hypothesized difference in feminist attitudes of New Zealand 92 women and United States women was supported; a significant difference was found, ~ < .001.

The 3-way analysis of variance supported the results found through the t-tests. For both the overall attitudes and the feminist attitudes, the main effects for culture, gender and age were significant. There were significant interactions, for overall attitudes, for culture by gender, culture by age, and for gender by age. For the feminist attitude, the only significant interaction was culture by gender. The 3-way interaction for both the overall atti­ tu1es and the feminist attitudes was not significant. CHAPTER 5

SUMMARY, DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This chapter will include a summary of the findings of the study, a discussion of the results and several recom­ mendations for further research. The literature on the many facets of rape is extensive, but until recently: researchers had not inve3tigated rape out of the context of pathology, or seen it as an expression of a deeper societal issue.

Woodman (1982, p. 132) says "What this century has brought to light by acting it out in the most public and explicit ways is the psychological condition of the raped woman".

The rationale for this study was based on the assumptions, supported by research, that the incidence of rape and attitudes toward rape are culturally predisposed by factors such as domination, power, aggression, and violence in men; passivity, subservience, and submission in women; denigration of feminine attributes, and fear of the femi­ nine; stereotypic sex roles and sex role conflict (Burgess,

1985; Campbell, 1975; O'Neil, 1981; Sanday, 1981, and

Williams, 1979).

The cultural differences in attitudes toward rape victims were investigated in this study, using the ARVS

93 94 (Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Survey), assessing the extent

to which responsibility for the assault was attributed to

the victim or the offender. A high score on the ARVS

indicated more sympathy for the victim and an assumption of

male responsibility: A low score indicated attitudes of

victim blame. Hypotheses were developed to address the

areas where differences were expected; culture, gender, age,

and feminist viewpoint.

Sample Group

A total of 508 men and women from the University of

Arizona constituted the United States sample, while 205

University of Otago students represented the New Zealand

sample. Missing data was minimal and nearly all returned

surveys were usable. In the United States sample there were

299 men and 209 women, while in the New Zealand sample there were 54 men and 151 women.

Measurement

The Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Survey (ARVS) was composed of 25 statements which were derived from current rape myths or which represented the feminist viewpoint. The study also included questions designed to provide demo­ graphic data; age, gender, ethnicity, and college year. 95 Findings

Hypothesis 1

The first hypothesis, there would be a difference in

attitudes toward rape victims between United States and New

Zealand college students, was supported. The mean score for

overall attitudes toward rape victims for the United States

students, was significantly higher than the New Zealand mean

score. The pattern was repeated for the feminist scores.

The mean score for the United States students feminist

attitudes was significantly higher than the mean score for

New Zealand students. It would appear that United States

college students, in this sample, have more sympathy for the

victim of rape and were less inclined to believe in

traditional rape myths: They tended to be more feminist in • their beliefs, assigning more responsibility to men for

rape.

Hypothesis 2

The second hypothesis, there would be a difference

in attitudes toward rape victims according to gender, had

two components:

a. The attitudes of New Zealand men and New Zealand women were hypothesized to be different: The results were

that New Zealand men scored significantly higher than New

Zealand women. It would seem that New Zealand men had greater sympathy for the rape victim than did New Zealand 96

women, and were less inclined to believe traditional rape

myths. The New Zealand men were more willing to assume male

responsibility for rape, than were the New Zealand women to

assign that responsibility to men.

b. The attitudes of United States men and United States

women were hypothesized to be different: The study found

that United States women scored significantly higher than

United States men. It would appear that United States women

were more sympathetic of the rape victim, and more ready to

assign male responsibility for her plight than were the

United States men, who also demonstrated stronger belief in

the traditional rape myths.

Hypothesis 3

The third hypothesis, there would be a difference in

attitudes toward rape victims according to culture, also had

two components:

a. The attitudes of New Zealand men and United States men were hypothesized to be different: A significant dif-

ference was found between the two groups, with New Zealand men scoring higher than united States men. It appeared that

New Zealand men were less ready to accept traditional rape myths, and demonstrated more sympathy for the rape victim,

than did their United Sates counterparts.

b. The attitudes of New Zealand women and United States women were hypothesized to be different: The study found 97

that United States women scored significantly higher than

New Zealand women. The situation was reversed in this

finding for the women. United States women demonstrated more sympathy for the rape victim than did New Zealand women, and were less inclined to believe the rape myths:

They held men more responsible for sexual assault, and were more feminist in their responses on the ARVS.

There are at least two possible explanations for the outcome for the New Zealand men's higher scores, taking the position that; either the scores are a true indication of

New Zealand male students' attitudes or they are not.

The strongest case appears to be for response bias, in part due to the different methods of sampling. Because those subjects who completed the questionnaire in New

Zealand were volunteers, it could be that only men who were somewhat interested in the feminist movement completed the

ARVS. Rape is generally considered to be a problem of the victim, and since most victims are women it would seem likely that many men would want to disassociate themselves from the issue of rape. If only those men with feminist tendencies responded, then the scores would be higher than expected.

An alternative explanation for the high scores of

New Zealand men could be related to the history of New

Zealand: The emancipation of New Zealand women in 1883; 98 over twenty years before that of women in the United States:

The enactment of legislation in 1961 of equal pay for equal work: New Zealand's pacifist stance on nuclear war ships in

New Zealand waters reflects the feminist's concern for the environment. Since it has been men who made the laws, there may be an element of pride in the male population toward their perceived democratic and liberal attitudes. It would be appropriate for a cross-cultural survey to reflect these views, and may predispose the male subjects to respond more favorably toward the female victim.

Hypothesis 4

The fourth hypothesis, there would be a difference in attitudes according to culture and gender, in three different age groups I ( young; 1 7 -~ 8 years; - . mid dIe, 1 9 - 21 years; and old, 22 years and above) had four components:

a. the attitudes among New Zealand men and women in the three different age groups would be different. For the young group and the middle group, the study found a sig­ nificant difference between New Zealand men and women, with the men scoring higher than the women. For the older group, there was no significance difference between the men and the women. In this study, it would appear that younger New Zea­ land male students were more ready to assign male respon­ sibility for rape, and less inclined to believe traditional 99 rape myths than were New Zealand women or older New Zealand men.

b. the attitudes among United States men and women in the three different age groups would be different. The results showed a significant difference in attitudes for all age groups, with United States women scoring higher than

United States men, demonstrating the women's greater sympathy for the rape victim, and their readiness to assign more male responsibility for rape.

c. the attitudes among New Zealand men and United

States men in the three different age groups would be different. A significant difference was found for the young group and for the older group but not for the middle group:

New Zealand men scored higher than did United States men, indicating a greater sympathy for the rape victim, and willingness to accept male responsibility, in the younger and older group.

d. the attitudes among New Zealand women and United

States women would be different. The results showed a significant difference between the women students at all three age levels, with the United States sample scoring higher than the New Zealand sample, indicating their greater understanding of the plight of the rape victim.

It appears that the New Zealand women and New

Zealand men in this study, presented more traditional views 100 with age. The youngest groups were found to be the most

feminist in their attitudes and were the least likely to

ascribe victim blame. For the United States men and women

also, it appears that age was related to traditional

attitudes; those students in the older group (22 years and

above) were more likely to blame the rape victim for the

assault, whereas those in the middle age bracket (19-21 years) were found to be the most feminist in their views,

(in contrast to the New Zealand students in the youngest group) . The traditionalism of the older group of United

States students may be somewhat explained by the age range;

22-67 years. For the New Zealand students, this was 22-45.

Hypothesis 5

The fifth hypothesis, there will be a difference in attitudes toward rape victims reflecting the effects of the feminist movement had four components:

a. the feminist attitudes of the New Zealand men and women were hypothesized to be different. As for the first hypothesis, the results were significant. New Zealand men scored higher than New Zealand women. It appears that New

Zealand men in this sample held stronger feminist views than did the New Zealand women students.

b. the feminist attitudes of United States men and women would be different. There was a significant differ- ence in the results; United States women scored higher than 101 united States men on feminist attitudes. United States women were more feminist in their attitudes toward the rape victim than were the United States men.

c. the feminist attitudes of United States men would be different from New Zealand men. The study found that New

Zealand men did not score significantly higher than United

States men on feminist attitudes.

d. the feminist attitudes of United States women and

New Zealand women would be different. The results of this study indicated there was a significant difference between the two groups of women. United States women scored higher than the New Zealand women on their feminist attitudes. It would seem that the feminist movement has had a stronger effect on United States women than on the New Zealand women.

It is interesting to note that although there was a significant difference between the two groups of male students on the overall attitudes, there was no significant difference in feminist attitudes between New Zealand male students and United States male students. The results would suggest that the differences in attitudes between New

Zealand men and United States men lie in their attitudes toward the rape myths (the basis of eighteen questions on the ARVS). The New Zealand men indicated that they were less willing to accept the rape myths than were the United

States men in this sample. 102

Analysis of Variance

These findings were supported by the 3-way analysis of variance. For the overall atti tudes, it was found that the United States students were more sympathetic toward the victim of rape than were the New Zealand students, the total sample of women were more sympathetic than were the men, and the total sample of younger students were more sympathetic than the 0 I der students. For the feminist a tti tudes, the results were again similar to the t-test findings.

Factor Analysis

Results from the factor analysis provided an inter­ esting interpretation of the scores. It appears tha t the

ARVS is measuring five separate aspects of attitudes toward rape victims, with respect to the total responses. When the statements (24, 25, 6, 23, 11, and 9) relating to Factor 1 were examined, it was noted that all derive from rape myths.

In addition, these statements all have to do with a woman's enjoyment of sexual experiences or her desire for the same, and suggest that if such a woman declares rape she is not to be taken seriously. Agreement with these items (lower score on ARVS) would indicate acceptance of traditional attitudes; female passivity, and stereotypic sex roles; and reinforces the old idea that women should be asexual and pure--and preferably virgin. This Factor could be called the

"passive" Factor. 103 Factor 2 items were also examined. The statements relating to this factor (17,14,4,21 and 10) also all relate to rape myths and all have in cornmon an element of distrust. Women cannot be trusted. Lack of trust is asso- ciated with fear, which supports the view of Jung and others that "fear of the feminine" is a large part of the problem in interpersonal relationships today. Thus Factor 2 could be called the "distrust" Factor.

When the seven statements associated with Factor 3 were investigated (16, 13, 22, 18, 8, 2, and 20), the common element was found to be female subservience and submission.

Woman should lead restricted controlled lives if they want to avoid sexual assault. This Factor 3 could be called the

"Madonna" Factor. Again all statements were derived from the rape myths, but had to do wi th a woman's "appropriate" clothing or behavior.

Factor 4 is associated with four items only, all of which are derived from the feminist viewpoint (3, 15, 7, and

19). They take the stance that victims are innocent, and men must accept responsibility for the assaults. This

Factor could be called the "male responsibility" Factor.

Factor 5 was more difficult to analyze. The three items associated here (12, 5, and 1) did not present a common element. Two of the statements are feminist items, 104 while the third is derived from a rape myth. This factor could not be named.

When the statements associated with the different f actors were examined for the United States resul ts (seven factors), it was found that Factor 1 had strong components of the "Madonna" Factor, while Factor 2 could be associated with the "distrust" Factor, and Factor 3 with the "passive"

Factor. The remaining factors were associated with fewer items and commonalities were less easily determined.

The New Zealand results presented nine less well defined factors. When the statements associated with these were examined, it was fOU.ld that Factor 1 had strong feminist components, while Factor 2, Factor 3, and Factor 4 seemed to relate to the "Madonna" and "passive" Factors. As with factor analysis of the United States results, the commonalities of the remaining factors were not easily identified and were not named.

Summary of Findings

The findings can be summarized as follows: United

States students at the University of Arizona scored higher on the "Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Survey" on both their overall attitudes and their feminist attitudes, than did their New Zealand counterparts at the University of Otago.

New Zealand men scored higher than New Zealand women, and United States women scored higher than United 105

States men, both on overall attitudes and on feminist attitudes. New Zealand men also scored significantly higher than United States men for overall attitudes but there was no signif icant difference for the feminist attitudes. New

Zealand women consistently registered the lowest scores while United States women consistently registered the high- est scores. Traditionalism appeared to be synonymous with age; older students in both countries were more conservative than were the younger students in their responses. While in

New Zealand it was the youngest group of students (17-18 years, both men and women) who scored highest, i~ the United

States it was the middle group (19-21 years, both men and women). Significant differences across age groups persisted between United States women and New Zealand women, while for the men, significant differences held for the younger and older group but not for the middle group. Significant differences across age groups also persisted between United

States men and United States women, but differences held only in the younger and middle age groups for New Zealand men and women; the older groups were closer on traditional attitudes.

Conclusions

The analysis of the data prompted the following conclusions about studies on cross-cultural attitudes. 106

1. Culture is a significant factor even in populations

which would appear to have similar cultural

influences, and heritage.

2. Gender is also an important factor in attitudes.

3. Age or "maturity level" plays an important role in

the development of attitudes.

4. Culture, gender and age cannot be considered

independently.

5. The effects of the feminist movement will differ

cross-culturally, according to gender and age.

For this particular study, there are several further conclu­ sions which can be drawn from the samples.

1. Students at the University of Arizona appeared more conscious of the plight of rape victims than did the sample of New Zealand students at the University of Otago. The

United States students were more ready to assign male responsibility for the assault, and less inclined to believe traditional rape myths. However, neither culture held these views strongly. Highest mean scores for overall attitudes averaged around a low 50, out of a possible 125, indicating that attitudes toward the rape victim, despite the influence of feminism, still tended to be tied to traditional rape myths ascribing female responsibility for the assault.

2. New Zealand women in this sample, appeared less aware of the implications of sexual assault than New Zealand 107 men, and than United States men and women. They were more ready to assign female respons ibi 1 i ty for rape, and ho 1 d traditional rape myths.

3. United States women in this study, appeared more aware of the implications of sexual assault, but again, the awareness was not high.

4. From factor analysis, the responses to the ARVS were seen to support the views of current theorists: The inci- dence of rape and attitudes toward rape are culturally predisposed by factors such as domination and aggression in men, passivity and submission in women, fear of the femi­ nine, and stereotypic sex roles. Women, as well as men in this study, demonstrated belief in traditional rape myths, allied with acceptance of female passivity and submission, as well as fear of the feminine.

Limitations

This study is an example of pre-experimental research in which there is both no control group, nor random selection of subjects. Threats to the internal and external validity of such studies have been discussed by Cook and

Campbell, and Campbell and Stanley (Babbie, 1986). Three possible threats to the validity of this study were identi­ fied, using the guidelines of Cook and Campbell (Babbie,

1986) : 108

1. Selection b~as; a threat to internal validity. This

study used subjects who were students in specific classes at

both the University of Arizona and the University of Otago.

Classes were not selected randomly, nor was there random

selection of students within classes. In the United States,

all students within a class were requested to complete the survey; in New Zealand, volunteers were called for within

classes. The sampling inconsistency has restricted the

generalizability of the study.

2. The possibility of an interaction between the selec­

tion of subjects and the experimental treatment; a threat to

external validity, where the characteristics of the sample

group have limited the generalizability of the study to

other populations. Because the New Zealand student sample

were volunteers for the study, there was a possibility they

had a strong interest in the topic of attitudes toward rape

victims. Their responses to the questionnaire could have

reflected this bias.

3. The possibility of the IIHawthorne effectll; a second

threat to external validity, in which the nature of the

questionnaire itself may have heightened the subjects

awareness of acceptable attitudes toward rape victims, and

also led to response bias. Generalizability of the results would be again affected. 109 Recommendations

Based on the findings of this study, there are many avenues for contil'ued research on attitudes toward rape victims or on sexual assault in general. Several recommen- dations can be made.

Additional data need to be gathered from other

United States and New Zealand samples, with more consistent sampling, preferably as random as possible. It would be of interest to gather more demographic data to study attitudes toward rape victims according to academic majors, according to family structure (two-parent family of origin or single­ parent family of origin), according to marital status, and ethnic background. Minori ties need to be better repre­ sented. The atti tudes toward men and women, and a tti tudes toward the "feminine," of society in genera I, need to be better understood. Alternative instruments also need to be developed to assist in this understanding.

Woodman (1982, p. 132) emphasizes the importance of this understanding in her comment, "The experience of the feminine is the psychological key to both the sickness of our time and its healing".

She adds about rape (both psychological rape and physical rape), "Whether we know it or not, we are all the products or victims of it" (p. 133). The responsibility for rape lies with women and with men. The pain of the rape 110 victim is also the pain of the offender, and at this time in history it appears to be necessary and appropriate that society deal with both the dilemma and the pain of sexual assault. This study, which provides a deeper understanding of prevailing attitudes in different cultures is an important beginning. APPENDIX A

ATTITUDES TOWARD RAPE VICTIM SURVEY (ARVS)

III 112

ATl'ITUDES TCMARD RAPE VIcrIMS (ARVS)

The following statements concern attitudes toward women and rape. There are no right or wrong answers, only opinions. You are asked to express your reaction to each statement by indicating your response. Read each item carefully, but give your immediate response. Check the category which is closest to your opinion. DS = Disagree Strongly OM = Disagree Mildly N = Neutral, neither agree or disagree AM = Agree Mildly AS = Agree Strongly

DS OM N AM AS

1. A raped woman is a less desirable woman. () () () () ()

2. The extent of the woman's resistance () () () () () should be the major factor in determining if rape has occurred.

3. A raped woman is usually an innocent () () () () () victim.

4. Women often claim rape to protect their () () () () () reputations.

5. 'Good' girls are as likely to be raped () () () () () as 'bad' girls.

6. Women who have had prior sexual relation­ () () () () () ships should not complain about rape.

7 . Women do not provoke rape by their () () () () () appearance or behavior.

8. Intoxicated women are usually willing () () () () () to have sexual relations.

9. It would do some wcmen good to be raped. () () () () ()

10. Even women who feel guilty about engaging () () () () () in pre-marital sex are not likely to falsely claim rape.

11. Most wcmen secretly desire to be raped. () () () () () 113

12. Any female may be raped. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( )

13. Women who are raped while accepting rides ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) from strangers get what they deserve.

14. Many women invent rape stories if they ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) learn they are pregnant.

15. Men, not women, are responsible for rape. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( )

16. A woman who goes out alone at night puts ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) herself in a position to be raped.

17. Many women claim rape if they have con-· ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) sented to sexual relations but have changed their minds afterwards.

18. Accusations of rape by bar girls, dance ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) hostesses and prostitutes should be viewed with suspicion.

19. A woman should not blame herself for rape. ( ) ( ) ( ) ( )

20. A healthy woman can successfully resist ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) a rapist if she really tries.

2l. Many women who report rape are lying ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) because they are angry or want revenge on the accused.

22. Women who wear short skirts or tight ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) blouses are inviting rape.

23. Women put themselves in situations in ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) which they are likely to be sexually assaulted because they have an uncon- scious wish to be raped.

24. Sexually experienced women are not really ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) damaged by rape.

25. In most cases when a woman was raped, she ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) deserved it. APPENDIX B

DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE FOR THE UNITED STATES AND NEW ZEALAND

114 115 DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE FOR THE UNITED STATES AND NEW ZEALAND

United States Demographic Questionnaire

Age___ _ Sex: Male---- Female---- College level: Freshman Sophomore Junior :....------Senior----- Graduate---- Other---- Ethnicity: Hispanic---- Black---- Oriental---- Native American---- Ang I 0 ____ Other----

New Zealand Demographic Questionnaire

Age Sex: Male Female Faculty

University level: 1st year 2nd year 3rd year

4th year Graduate Other

Ethnicity: Maori Pakeha Pacific Island

Other APPENDIX C

COMPARISON OF ATTITUDES TOWARD RAPE VICTIMS OF UNITED STATES AND NEW ZEALAND ON THEIR RESPONSES TO EACH ITEM ON THE ARVS

116 Comparison of attitudes toward rape victims of the United States and New Zealand and their responses to each item on the ARVS.

DS DM N AS AM 2 Item N % N % N % N % N % x P

1. USA 353 69.4 64 12.6 57 11.2 31 6 . 1 3 .6 4.22 .377 NZ 149 72.6 21 10.2 16 7.8 15 7.3 3 1.5

2. USA 311 61.2 88 17.3 46 9 50 9.8 13 2.6 2.08 .721 NZ 114 55.6 42 20.5 19 9.3 22 10.7 7 3.4

3. USA 240 47.2 119 23.4 72 14.2 54 10.6 23 4.5 7.33 .119 NZ 108 52.6 53 25.8 28 13.7 11 5.4 5 2.4

4. USA 206 40.5 132 25.9 126 24.8 33 6.5 11 2.2 3.58 .465 NZ 96 46.8 54 26.3 40 19.5 12 5.8 3 1.5

5. USA 284 55.9 III 21.8 48 9.4 30 5.9 35 6.9 8.99 .06 NZ 133 64.9 40 19.5 14 6.8 10 4.9 5 2.4

6. USA 463 91.1 31 6.1 8 1.6 1 .2 5 .1 8.42 .077 NZ 198 96.6 5 2.4 0 0 0 0 1 .5

7. USA 117 23 84 16.5 77 15.1 170 33.5 60 11.8 18.8 .0009 NZ 63 30.7 51 24.9 30 14.6 50 24.3 11 5.3

8. USA 125 24.6 III 21.9 144 22.4 102 20 26 5.1 15.02 .005 NZ 61 29.7 62 30.2 40 19.5 39 19 3 1.5

9. USA 439 86.4 29 5.7 18 3.5 8 1.6 14 2.8 13.63 .009 NZ 195 95.1 3 1.4 4 1.9 0 0 2 1 l- f-' -...] DS DM N AM AS 2 Item N % N % N % N % N % x P

10. USA 160 31.4 121 23.8 153 30.1 46 9 28 5.5 21. 64 .0002 NZ 36 17.6 39 19 81 39.5 20 9.8 22 10.7

11. USA 361 71 51 10 67 13.2 23 4.5 6 1.2 24.88 .0001 NZ 180 87.8 12 5.8 12 5.9 1 .5 a a

12. USA 381 75 72 14.2 26 5.1 8 1.5 21 4.1 19.05 .0008 NZ 174 84.8 10 4.8 5 2.4 a a 11 5.3

13. USA 235 46.2 122 24 65 12.8 66 13 20 3.9 8.9 .064 NZ 118 57.6 42 20.5 17 8.3 19 9.3 9 4.3

14. USA 156 30.7 99 19.5 193 38 50 9.8 10 2 11.57 .02 NZ 86 41.9 39 19 66 32.1 12 5.8 1 .5

15. USA 136 26.8 123 24.2 107 21 95 18.7 47 9.2 31.20 .0001 NZ 96 46.8 47 22.9 32 15.6 21 10.2 9 4.4

16. USA 75 14.8 70 13.8 65 12.8 203 40 95 18.7 11. 09 .025 NZ 47 22.9 23 11.2 20 9.8 89 43.4 26 12.7

17. USA 127 25 120 23.6 177 23 74 14.6 10 2 1.69 .791 NZ 59 28.8 44 21.5 73 35.6 26 12.7 3 1.5

18. USA 190 37.4 113 22.2 85 16.7 92 18.1 28 5.5 26.58 .0001 NZ 101 49.2 62 30.2 16 7.8 20 9.7 5 2.4

3.5 11 2.2 7.78 .100 19. USA 346 68.1 90 17.7 43 8.5 18 I- NZ 159 77.6 28 13.7 13 6.3 4 1.9 1 .5 f-J (Xl DS DM N AM AS 2 Item N % N % N % N % N % x P

20. USA 237 46.6 126 24.8 66 13 55 10.8 24 4.7 11.26 .024 NZ 101 49.3 66 32.2 12 5.8 20 9.7 6 2.9

21. USA 266 52.4 113 22.2 87 17. 1 37 7 .2 5 1 3.70 .448 NZ 114 55.6 44 21.5 37 18 10 4.8 0 0

22. USA 209 41 146 28.7 59 11.6 75 14.8 19 3.7 26.59 .0001 NZ 125 60.9 37 18 23 11.2 18 8.8 2 1

23. USA 318 62.5 98 19.3 72 14.2 17 3.3 3 .6 23.19 .0001 NZ 165 80.5 21 10.2 16 7.8 2 1 0 0

24. USA 443 87.2 33 6.5 20 3 .9 4 .8 8 1.6 6.88 .142 NZ 191 93.1 7 3.4 6 2.9 1 .5 0 0

25. USA 442 87 33 6.5 21 4.1 3 .6 9 1.8 19.02 .0008 NZ 200 97.6 4 2 0 0 0 0 1 .5

Note: The five ratings for each item were DS = Disagree Strongly, DM = Disagree Mildly, N = Neutral, AM = Agree Mildly, and AS = Agree Strongly.

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