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ED 376 524 CS 508 735 TITLE Proceedings of the Annual Meeting ED 376 524 CS 508 735 TITLE Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (77th, Atlanta, Georgia, August 10-13, 1994). Part I: Media History. INSTITUTION Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication. PUB DATE Aug 94 NOTE 745p.; For other sections of these proceedings, see CS 508 736-744. For 1993 proceedings, see ED 362 913-925 and ED 366 041- PUB TYPE Collected Works Conference Proceedings (021) EDRS PRICE MF04/PC30 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS American Indians; Civil Rights; *Foreign Countries; Freedom of Speech; *Journalism; *Journalism History; Propaganda; Racial Attitudes; *Radio; World War II IDENTIFIERS African Americans; Black Press; McBride (Mary Margaret); Media Coverage; Media History; Missionaries; Professional Concerns; *Progressive Era; Spanish American War; Womens Suffrage ABSTRACT The Media History section of this collection of conference presentations contains the following 21 papers: "Social Class Advocacy Journalism: Prelude to Party Politics, 1892" (David J. Vergobbi); "Pilfering the News: A Quality Comparison of the World and Journal's Spanish-American War Coverage" (Randall S. Sumpter); "The Early Black Press in Wichita, Kansas: A Historical Analysis" (Aleen J. Ratzlaff); "The Civil Rights Movement in the 1940s: A Communication Context" (William J. Leonhirth); "Reform Allies: The Temperance and Prohibition Press and Woman Suffrage Wisconsin, 1910-20" (Elizabeth V. Burt); "African-Americans and 'Delusive Theories of Equality and Fraternity': The Role of the Press in the Institutionalization of Racial Inequality" (David Domke); "All That Unsung Jazz: How Kansas City Papers Missed the Story" (Giles Fowler); "Discovering a Mid-Nineteenth Century Drive. for Journalistic Professionalization" (Stephen A. Banning); "Bad Times for the Press: The 1931 Labor Struggle in Harlan County" (Sally A. Guthrie); "Hearst, Roosevelt and the Muckrake Speech of 1906: A New Perspective" (Mark Neuzil); "'We Shall No Longer Play Fool': The Black Press in the 'Nadir' of African-Americans" (David Domke); "The Politics of Journalistic Independence: Detroit Journalism in the Progressive Era" (Richard L. Kaplan); "Those Who Would Not 'Sigh to the Wind': The Missionary Press in China" (Virginia Mansfield-Richardson); "Against the Grain: Published Humor in Wartime France" (Ross F. Collins); "Mainstream Press Portrayals of. Native Americans in the 'Indian New Deal'" (Mary Ann Weston); "Henry R. Luce's intellectual Militia: Examining the Origins of the Commission on Freedom of the Press" (Jane S. McConnell); "Mary Margaret McBride, Talkshow Host: The Perfect Proxy for Radio Listeners" (Beverly G. Merrick); "From Ghosting to Free-Lancing: Mary Margaret McBride Covers Royalty and Radio Rex" (Beverly G. Merrick); "Sponsors Court Mary Margaret McBride, Talkshow Host: 'All About Life in a Biscuit Factory, on the Radio)" (Beverly G. Merrick); "A Study in Contrasts: The Ideology and Reality of Newsroom Work in the Late 19th Century" (William S. Solomon); and "Propaganda without Pain: United States' Design for World War II Hemispheric Radio" (Michael B. Salwen). (RS) PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR EDUCATION IN JOURNALISM AND MASS COMMUNICATION (77th, Atlanta, Georgia, August 10-13, 1994). Part I: Media History. U S DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION 'PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THIS Ortir.e ot r ch.cal.ona! Flesearcn rro MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) c/ /This document has been reproduced as received !torn the person or organization originating it 0 Minor changes have been made to improve reproduction quality TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES Points of view or opinions slated in this document do not necessarily represent INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) official OERI position or policy BEST COPY AVAILABLE Social Class Advocacy Journalism: Prelude to Party Politics, 1892 by David J. Vergobbi University of Utah Department of Communication 103 LeRoy Cowles Bldg. Salt Lake City, UT 84112 (801) 581-3294, (801) 532-4739 U S DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION AEJMC Annual Convention --movezneni THIS EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES ORMATION History Division "PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE BY CENTER (ERIC! MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED lhis document has been reproduced as received from the person or organization originating it Minor changes have been made to Atlanta, GA improve reproduction quality August 10-13, 1994 Points el view or opinions stated in this document do not necessarily represent TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES official OERt position or policy INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC) Social Class Advocacy Journalism: Prelude to Party Politics, 1892 ABSTRACT By 1890, organized labor had engaged corporate mining companies for socio-economic control of North Idaho's Coeur d'Alene mining district. This ideological struggle led to a social class advocacy journalism. Editors became vociferous advocates of capital or heralded the rights of labor. When these social groups started courting political assistance during the violent 1892 labor/capital clash, the editors began, then prompted, political party identification to clarify social class positions. Only when martial law effectively destroyed the miners' unions did Coeur d'Alene advocacy journalism emerge as political party partisanship, for electoral purposes to represent social class ideology. Coeur d'Alene newspapers thus reverse historical evolutionary trends and help define an unique early industrial frontier journalism that exemplifies the force socio-economic catalysts could play in the evolution of American journalism through the impetus of societal institutions, not political parties, vying for power. The first of a series, the paper provides a conceptual framework to 1) ascertain if similar developments existed on other industrial frontiers, then 2) determine whether, and/or how, such advocacy journalism influenced the evolution of American journalism generally. Social Class Advocacy Journalism: Prelude to Party Politics, 1892 Eye to eye with his bitter rival, Adam Aulbach accepted the inevitable: when you choose sides and take a stand, someone loses. Aulbach had lost. The miners he championed had lost. Martial law and the mine owners -- controlled North Idaho's Coeur d'Alene mining district (Map 1). Now Aulbach stood ready to sign over the business he spent the last three years building into Shoshone county's foremost newspaper and printing plant, his flagship Wallace Press, the "voice of labor."1 And he was handing it to R. E. Brown, editor of the mine owners' Coeur d'Alene Barbarian. For the past seven months, from January into July 1892, these rival editors had exchanged salvos in a cross-fire that engulfed the Coeur d'Alenes. Other newspapers joined the fray, but Aulbach and Brown spoke loudest for labor and capital, social class opponents whose actions erupted in death and destruction; a conflict that echoed across the nation and bore the seed to unite, for the first time, all western mine workers.2 But on July 20, 1892, Aulbach knew only that the combined power of mine owners, state government, and federal troops had suppressed the Coeur d'Alene labor unions and, with them, the working class. Within days, the pro-miners' union Wallace Press became the pro- capitalist Coeur d'Alene American. Within the month, the pro-union Mullan Tribune also disbanded as the pro-capitalist Wardner/Wallace Coeur d'Alene Barbarian, Wallace Coeur d'Alene Miner, and Osburn Coeur d'Alene Statesman proclaimed a just Mine Owners' Association victory. Only then, with union activity outlawed, did Coeur d'Alene newspapers pursue their social class advocacy through political party ideology. 5 2 Though many histories use the Coeur d'Alene press as primary sources, no history addresses the roles those newspapers played in the events nor the type of newspaper and journalism created for, or by, the moment.3 This case study thus considers the state of Coeur d'Alene journalism before, during, and following, the violent 1892 climax of labor/capital tensions that produced armed warfare, martial law, and a heated election. It defines a social class advocacy jour- nalism that reverses the traditional politics-to-economics evolution of early 19th century urban and frontier journalistic partisanship.4 The first of a series, the paper also provides a framework to ascer- tain whether similar developments existed on other early industrial frontiers and highlights an area where labor press history and the history of early industrial frontier newspapers intersect.5 A Wage Workers' Frontier of Social Class Advocacy Original North Idaho fortune-hunters of the mid-1880s found and worked their own gold claims -- what they dug, they kept. With the mines came settlements. Camps like Eagle City, Raven, Delta, Burke, Gem, Wardner, Milo (Kellogg), and Mullan grew up nearly on top of these claims. But silver soon displaced gold and, unlike the early surface placer claims, underground silver lode mining became complex and expensive. By 1889 things had changed. An elite group of mine owners -- few of whom lived in the Coeur d'Alene region, most of whom answered to eastern or west coast investors -- controlled the forty developed mines. When fortune-hunters continued to arrive in the late 1880s, the riches were already divided. Personal fortune rested on management whim. The lucky miners became wage-earners -- and dug 6 3 silver for someone else.6 Though reflecting national corporate trends, two major differen- ces distinguished the Coeur d'Alenes: 1) North Idaho
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