of those campaigns attest the ETHNOHlSTORY: THE ANCIENT AUTHORS' REPORTS ON SOOTHWEST place. This problem was recent IBERIA -- AN EXAMPLE ating the ancient authors as dealt with important and note Teresa J�dice Gamito regarded as such, according to of great diversity." (Gabba 19 The use of ethnographic parallels became quite common under the each author and the public influence of the American anthropology of the late 1950s and early reports, are most important fac 1960s. This borrowing from anthropology to explain archaeological data, as he himself states (Polybius was largely used in studies of the rise of complex social systems, and remarkable achievements of manki became a fruitful and widely discussed topic, questioning the validity the Greeks (Herodotus I, 1); L of the use of analogy between past and present behavioural patterns with moral education, and Sa. (see, e.g. Gould 1978; Binford 1981). It has also been applied to economic and moral causes of, archaeological studies of more recent periods (e.g. South 1977). political milieu. These auth, Recent studies based on ethnohistory are generally well accepted picture of peoples whose materi (Clarke 1968; Ordner 1972; Crumley 1974; O'Shea 1981; Carmack and logical contexts, but whose Weeks 1981; Leone 1984; Hodder 1984). features cannot always be rea< alone. In this sense, Snodgr Historical documents have become a sound basis for studies of the different approaches to the ideology and organisation of past societies and for checking traces of their economic and spatial organisation, and hierarchical develop­ It is often, and in my ment (Clarke 1968; Crumley 1974). However, such information must be archaeology has the sa, filtered since these documents reflect the personal points of view of But the two di sci pl inei their authors, and the socio-cultural context in which they lived. Thus di ff ere n t data. It is 1 the historical ethnographic evidence cannot compete with the scope and aspects of history for accuracy of recent ethnographic data, but, as recently emphasised, it used, so there are fi completes and sometimes even plays a central part in the understanding beyond the reach of hi of the material culture of the peoples under study (Hodder 1984, 62). 1983, 139)

The ancient authors' reports, although providing somewhat biased Historical studies, on the o information, are the only available evidence for those past societies approaches deve I oped by the 'Nev comparable to modern ethnographic reports. The ancient authors refer to economic aspects of their subjec contemporary societies, as well as those already past at the time of the writing, from many of which we only have the archaeological The case of Tartessos .:.= Herodot1 remains. (Thus, for example, Herodotus is a 'source' for the history of Sa,te Egypt [Snodgrass 1983, 139]). Ideology, social organisation and As Southwest Iberia was, behaviour can arguably only be inferred through ethnographic para! leis in si Iver, gold, copper and or with the support of historical documentation. Therefore, in this 1978), it is often mentioned by, respect, the classical authors are invaluable. They report the over the ancient world, being distinctive dress, behaviour, linguistic characteristics, tribal and poems. Tartessos was located in place names, of their 'barbarian' neighbours, which they felt were so Guadalquivir and Guadiana basins, different in contrast to their own. Some points (such as, for example, as the Atlantic fa'fade ol the impressive Roman victories over Iberians, Gauls or Britons, where Phoenician trading activities t� thousands of defeated adversaries are reported dead) should not be in antiquity for its rich sourc taken at face value, but in the context in which they were written. We the Mediterranean (Strabo, Geo! can suspect that the figures presented were intentionally exaggerated to this, Iberia was also famous emphasise the glory of Rome. For example, Strabo, a Greek scholar in resources. the service of a Roman governor in Egypt, was very much influenced by his own convictions of the role Rome should play as a universal ruling Due to limits of time and state. Nevertheless, the impressive military evidence as it was referred to by Herodot, true sense, ethnographic, are t. (Archaeological Review from cambridge 3:2 [1984)) 91

of those campaigns attest the terrible battles that may have taken AUTHORS' REPORTS ON SOOTHWEST place. This problem was recently considered by Gabba when evalu­ AN EXAMPLE ating the ancient authors as sources: "Historiography in antiquity dealt with important and noteworthy events, or at any rate those dice Gamito regarded as such, according to principles, interests, aims and tastes of great diversity.• (Gabba 1983, 3). The underlying intentions of leis became quite common under the each author and the public he intended to reach in writing his pology of the late 1950s and early reports, are most important factors: Polybius wrote for men of affairs, , logy to explain archaeological data, as he himself states (Polybius IX, 1-7); Herodotus wrote to record the rise of complex social systems, and remarkable achievements of mankind with special emphasis on the deeds of ssed topic, questioning the validity the Greeks (Herodotus I, 1); Livy wrote as an historian concerned t and present behavioural patterns with moral education, and Sallust attempted to analyse the social, 981). It has also been applied to economic and moral causes of decline and corruption of the Roman recent periods (e.g. South 1977). political milieu. These authors enable us to build a more accurate istory are generally well accepted picture of peoples whose material culture is recoverable from archaeo­ ey 1974; O'Shea 1981; Carmack and logical contexts, but whose social, ideological and even economic 4). features cannot always be reached through the archaeological data alone. In this sense, Snodgrass' recent study high! ights the two come a sound basis for studies of the different approaches to the historical evidence: st societies and for checking traces anisation, and hierarchical develop­ It is often, and in my opinion rightly, argued that However, such information must be archaeology has the same ultimate aims as history. fleet the personal points of view of But the two disciplines use di fferent techniques and al context in which they I ived. Thus different data. It is also true that, as there are ce cannot compete with the scope and aspects of history for which archaeology cannot be data, but, as recently emphasised, it used, so there are fields of archaeology which lie a central part in the understanding beyond the reach of historical evidence. (Snodgrass pies under study (Hodder 1984, 62). 1983, 139)

although providing somewhat biased Historical studies, on the other hand, are starting to use the le evidence for those past societies approaches developed by the 'New Archaeology', especially on social and reports. The ancient authors refer to economic aspects of their subject matter (Snodgrass 1983, 168-172). s those already past at the time of we only have the archaeological The case£.!. Tartessos = Herodotus and� Archaeological Evidence otus is a 'source' for the history of ). Ideology, social organisation and As Southwest Iberia was, in antiquity, one of the richest areas ferred through ethnographic parallels in silver, gold, copper and even tin and iron (Allan 1970; Healy 1! documentation. Therefore, in this 1978), it is often mentioned by classical authors and was well known all are invaluable. They report the over the ancient world, being already referred to in the Homeric inguistic characteristics, tribal and poems. Tartessos was located in the region covering the middle and lower neighbours, which they felt were so Guadalquivir and Guadiana basins, by 800/600 OC probably reaching as far n. Some points (such as, for example, as the Atlantic fa�ade of Iberia. As a result of Greek and r Iberians, Gauls or Britons, where Phoenician trading activities the kingdom of Tartessos became renowned es are reported dead) should not be in antiquity for its rich sources of si Iver, gold and other metals of text in which they were written. We the Mediterranean (Strabo, Geography, I I I, 2, 4-8). Complementary to nted were intentionally exaggerated to this, Iberia was also famous for its cattle, horse, sheep and fish example, Strabo, a Greek scholar in resources. n Egypt, was very much influenced by me should play as a universal ruling Due to limits of time and space, I shall only deal with Tartessos ve military evidence as it was referred to by Herodotus. Much more ethnohistoric, and in its true sense, ethnographic, are the works written by Diodorus, Strabo,

dge 3:2 [1984]) 92

later accepted the offer as . .\ppian and Sal lust, although some other important information on the suggest (Judice Garni to �.d.). sociocultural features of the Iberian peoples can also be detected in 1 leads us to conclude that ott Pliny and Frontinus. conscious historian he must hi his narrative. Thus, after the e By the time of the expansion to the Atlantic coast, Tartessos had Phocaeans still had to flee f reached the complex social organisational level of a state. This was families and possessions to set due to the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age development of the communities years before they had founded living there, and to the different influences that by that time had that "Arganthonius was by this reached Iberia (Judice Gamito n.d.). The archaeological evidence sug­ implying that they did not go t gests the existence of a highly ranked and complex state, recognised as were not as they had been under a kingdom by all the ancient historians. Well organised inter- and thonius' death suggests that fu intra-regional trade networks seem to have been at work in the Bronze IV (ch. 152), does Herodotus me1 Age (Schubart 1975; Savory 19 68; Coles and Harding 1979). Distant Tartessos, not referring to Ar areas were also occasionally reached. This activity increased with the already much later. Even so, th, demands of Greek and Phoenician traders, whose impact is reflected in corned the Samians in a very fri the great wealth of burials and hoards. Rich graves are then found at archaeological evidence that s, Huelva (La Joya necropolis), possibly the main settlement site of Iberia by 700 BC, settled, an Tartessos, and in the peripheral areas, exactly where, from 500 BC bringing with them their be! onwards, are located other small states, recognised as kingdoms by later logical data suggests (Judice GI classic historians. This is certainly so in the case of the Oret.anians, the Carpetanians, the Vettones, the Cempsi, the Konii Discussion (whQ, were formerly called, by the Greeks, the Cynesi i: Strabo, Q!.��£..!!.l, I I I, 2, 4-8). An explanatory model presented by The study presented not Io Frankenstein (1979) was mainly based on the assumption of an exclusive rel iabi 1 i ty remains a most com1 Phoenician intervention in the social and economic development of case evaluating the soundness oJ Iberia, and is not consistent with the archaeological evidence which his study and conclusions are v shows the importance of local Late Bronze Age development as we! I as asises the fact that Herodotus w1 that of other influences reaching southwest Iberia by the time the he actually knew or had seen n1 Phoenicians arrived there. and their relative position 'in then known: Iberians, Tartessia1 Herodotus is one of the first ancient historians to refer to Tartessos The model suggested by Pola only a king and his entourage we These Phocaeans were the ear Ii est of the Greeks erit i c i zed on the grounds of its to make long sea-voyages: it was they who discovered Larsen 1982; Hodder 1982); howe the Adriatic Sea, and .Tyrrhenia, and Iberia and Classical Greece. The situation f Tartessos not sailing in round freightships but in very different from that in Athe fifty-oared vessels. When they came to Tartessos received the traders and dealt 1 they made friends with the king of the Tartessians, may have employed a large numbe1 whose name was Arganthoni us; he ruled Tartessos for were also high ranking members o: eighty years and lived an hundred and twenty. The other sites, or common court i 1 Phocaeans so won this man's friendship that he first participating in the 'king's t entreated them to leave Ionia and settle in his of trade we find in the Homeric p country where they would; and then, when he could not persuade them to that, and learnt from them how The main trade of Tartessos the Median power was increasing, he gave them money mining areas are all situated fa1 to build a wall round their city therewith 60 km (Rio Tin to) or 80-100 km (Herodotus, I, 163) those from the area of Castulo evi de nee shows the t me tels wer, Arganthonius seems to have failed in persuading these first the mining areas and a Iso at Hue Eastern Greeks to settle in his territory, but probably some others 93

later accepted the offer, as the archaeological evidence seems to e other important information on the suggest (Judice Gamito n.d.). Careful scrutiny of Herodotus' writing erian peoples can also be detected in leads us to conclude that other visits may have taken place. As a conscious historian he must have followed a chronological sequence in his narrative. Thus, after the events described above (Book I, 163), the r to the Atlantic coast, Tartessos had Phocaeans still had to flee from the Medes and sail off with their fisalional level of a state. This was families and possessions to settle in Cyrnus (Corsega), where twenty ron Age development of the communities _ years before they had founded Alalia. Herodotus states precisely fent influences that by that time had that "Arganthonius was by this time dead" (Herodotus 1,165), probably .d.). The archaeological evidence sug­ implying that they did not go to Tartessos, since the conditions there anked and complex state, recognised as were not as they had been under Arganthonius. His knowledge of Argan­ \storians. Well organised inter- and thonius• death suggests that further contacts were made. Only in Book em to have been at work in the Bronze IV (ch. 152), does Herodotus mention the visit of Colaeus of Samos to 8; Coles and Harding 1979). Distant Tartessos, not referring to Arganthonius, no doubt because it was ed. This activity increased with the already much later. Even so, the king of Tartessos of that time wel­ traders, whose impact is reflected in comed the Samians in a very friendly way. These details confirm the hoards. Rich graves are then found at archaeological evidence that some Eastern Greeks must have visited ssibly the main settlement site of Iberia by 700 BC, settled, and mixed with the Iberian peoples, I areas, exactly where, from 500 BC bringing with them their beliefs and burial rites, as the archaeo­ states, recognised as kingdoms by later logical data suggests (Judice Gamito n.d.). certainly so in the case of the the Vettones, the Cempsi, the Kon11 Discussion y the Greeks, the Cynesi i: Strabo, explanatory model presented by The study presented not long ago by Fischer (1972) on Herodotus' sed on the assumption of an exclusive reliability remains a most complete one. Although Fischer is in this social and economic development of case evaluating the soundness of Herodotus• knowledge about the Celts, h the archaeological evidence which his study and conclusions are valid also for Tartessos. Fischer emph­ ate Bronze Age development as well as asises the fact that Herodotus was very precise concerning those aspects ing southwest Iberia by the time the he actually knew or had seen, namely the case of the Celts in Iberia and their relative position in relation to the other Iberian peoples then known: Iberians, Tartessians and Cynesii. irst ancient historians to refer to The model suggested by Polanyi (1975) for archaic times, in which only a king and his entourage were entitled to trade,(e.g. has been widely e the earliest of the Greeks criticized on the grounds of its empiricist approach Gledhill and : it was they who discovered Larsen 1982; Hodder 1982); however, it was considered acceptable for Tyrrhenia, and Iberia and Classical Greece. The situation found in Southwest Iberia does not seem n round freightships but in very different from that in Athens, referred to by Polanyi. The 'king' When they came to Tartessos received the traders and dealt with them, but in practice, he himself the king of the Tartessians, may have employed a large number of traders or factors. They probably nius; he ruled Tartessos for were also high ranking members of that society, probably the masters of an hundred and twenty. The other sites, or common court individuals, enjoying the privilege of an's friendship that he first participating in the 'king's trade' and donations. This is the kind e Ionia and settle in his of trade we find in the Homeric poems and again in Herodotus' narrative. Id; and then, when he could t, and learnt from them how The main trade of Tartessos was in metals, especially silver. The reasing, he gave them money mining areas are all situated far inland. The closest ones are about their city therewith 60 km (Rio Tinto) or 80-100 km (S. Domingos and Aljustrel), being (Herodotus, I, 163) those from the area of Castulo (behind Cordoba). Archaeological e evidence shows that metals were processed both in the settlements of failed in persuading these first the mining areas and also at Huelva (Blanco and Luzon 1969; Rothenberg territory, but probably some others 94 and Blanco Freijeiro 1981; Ruiz Mata et al. 1982; Jurado 1984). ••. assuming that the c, historic. Archaeological evidence suggests that the access to these rich Whatever one may t mineral areas of the hinterland was total Iy under the control of particular classifica' Tartessos, this being probably one of the reasons why the Phoenician archical model (fig colonists could not settle further west than Gades, but chose the more archaeology requires S< distant, backward places of the southern coast of Iberia (Figure 1). structing the ran linguistic and racial Both archaeological evidence and the histori�al reports suggest the peculiar situations, th existence of a main settlement, probably located at Huelva. At a recent together with the proce conference (published in Huelva Arqueologica 6 [1982]) it was concluded category of entity. In that this site probably represented the principal settlement of situations, the archaeo Tartessos. Exchange transactions between secondary settlement sites and isolate, identify and r the principal one are most important. In this case, the peripheral rich omic units to the appr, mining areas, poor in subsistence resources and general commodities, cultural units act would exchange their products with their near richer neighbour, which, space ••• . at the same time, controlled the coastal access to the hinterland. The power of Tartessos, developed and established since the Bronze Age, was certainly considered substantial by the long distance traders sail­ The achievement of this goal ing there (Greeks, Phoenicians, Cypriots) who came in search of metals currently in progress (J6dice Gai and eventually other commodities. It is in those inland areas, situ­ localised archaeological entity ated at a distance of more than 100-150 km from the coast, beyond the Tartessos referred to by Herodotv direct control of Tartessos, that rich graves occur (castulo, Medellin, archaeological entity there seems Al iseda) and where, later, the 'new' states or kingdoms are located. reinforced by linguistic identitii Referred to by the ancient authors, these 'new' states present signs of written documents have survived, very developed craftsmanship. This is exemplified by the locally made accept the name of Tartessos, wi ti ivory combs (Freyer-Schauenburg 1966; Bisi 1971; Aubet Semmler 1982), when referring to Southwest Iberia bronze bowls and jars (Garcia y Bel I ido 1956; Cuadrado 1956; Matthttus between 800/700 to 600/500 BC. 1983), gold jewels (Aubet Semmler 1982) and fine painted pottery (Aubet Semmler 1982), which greatly influenced the Iberian culture from then The other Iberian kingc on . Garpetanians, the Vettones the 1 mentioned from 500 BC onwards in ti These developments are also substantiated by the linguistic charac­ surrounding the former kingdom of t teristics of the several 'Southwest Iberian' inscriptions and other fact that they only rose and wer documents, which are ascribed to the area of former Tartessos (Untermann development they enjoyed as a r, 1984). Herodotus tel Is us: " ... the Ce! tae dwel I beyond the pillars of Tartessos, the consequences of wh Heracles, being neighbours of the Cynesi i, who are the westernmost of culture. These peoples, because oft all nations inhabiting Europe" (Herodotus II, 33). This situation is Rome, became a frequent subject for confirmed by Strabo, Pliny and Avienus. to have some more or less objective and social organisation. The choice of Tartessos for discussion was not only determined by time, and space available for this article, but because I think that the Conclusion definition of the spatial location of a culture is essential and should be the basis of any further steps. (Somewhat related to this Three main difficulties accomp, problem is the recent work of Merriman on the Celts [Merriman n.d.]). 1. the imprecise location of mo Herodotus' information is mainly geographical, but gives some geographical locations they menti detail of the social hierarchisation of Tartessos and its main economic and traders' narratives, not on th, _ activities: trade and mining exploitation. The problem raised by David 2. distortions which arise from th Clarke (1979, 176), of the identity of archaeological and socio­ historical accounts; cultural entities is here crucial. He summarises thus: 95

Mata et al. 1982; Jurado 1984). ... assuming that the context in question is pre­ historic. uggests that the access to these rich Whatever one may think of the adequacy of this 1nd was totally under the control of particular classificatory scheme and its hier- one of the reasons why the Phoenician archical model (f ig. 3), it is clear that ler west than Gades, but chose the more archaeology requires some such means of recon- southern coast of Iberia (Figure 1). structing the range of probable social, linguistic and racial structures that relate to and the histori�al reports suggest the peculiar situations, the archaeological entities -­ probably located at Huelva. At a recent together with the processes appropriate to each Arqueologica 6 [1982)) it was concluded category of entity. In the analysis of particular rsented the principal settlement of situations, the archaeologist needs to be able to r between secondary settlement sites and isolate, identify and relate the operational taxon­ rtant. In this case, the peripheral rich omic units to the appropriate operational socio­ �ce resources and general commodities, cultural units acting within the field �h their near richer neighbour, which, space.. .. (Clarke 1979, 177) the coastal access to the hinterland. ed and established since the Bronze Age, tial by the long distance traders sail­ The ac�ievement of this goal is the aim of a review of the problem Cypriots) who came in search of metals curre�tly 1n progress (J6dice Gami to n.d.). In Southwest Iberia well tes. It is in those inland areas, situ- localised archaeological entity seems to cover the same area as the Tartessos referred to by Herodotus and other ancient authors. To this 100-150 km from the coast, beyond the _ at rich graves occur (Gastulo, Medellin, ar�haeolog1cal entity there seems to correspond a sociocultural unit 'new' states or kingdoms are located. rernforced by linguistic identities, for which quite a large number of ors, these 'new' states present signs of written documents have survived. It seems, therefore, that we can is is exemplified by the locally made accept the �ame of Tartessos, with al I its sociocultural imp! icat ions, 1966; Bisi 1971; Aubet Semmler 1982), when referring to Southwest Iberia and the peoples inhabiting this area Bellido 1956; Cuadrado 1956; Matth!lus between 800/700 to 600/500 BC. r 1982) and fine painted pottery (Aubet fluenced the Iberian culture from then The other Iberian kingdoms, like the Oretanians the Garp�tanians, the Vet tones, the Cempsi and the Koni i or Cynesi i only ment 1one� from 500 BC onwards in the ancient authors' reports, appear as substantiated by the linguistic charac­ surrounding the former kingdom of the Tartessians, certainly due to the west Iberian' inscriptions and other fact that they only rose and were recognised as states after the the area of former Tartessos (Untermann development they enjoyed as a result of the intensive 'trade with he Ce! tae dwel 1 beyond the pi 1 lars of Tartessos, the consequences of which is reflected in their material he Cynesii, who are the westernmost of culture. These peoples, because of their involvement with the history of (Herodotus 11 , 3 3). Th i s s i tua t ion i s Rome, became a frequent subject for ancient historians, thus enabling us to have some more or less objective reports on their behaviour, ideology vienus. _ and social organisation. discussion was not only determined by is article, but because I think that the Conclusion ation of a culture is essential and .her steps. (Somewhat related to this Three main difficulties accompany the ancient authors• reports: •rriman on the Ce! ts [Merriman n.d.]). 1. the imprecise location of most of the towns, place-names and mainly geographical, but gives some geographical locations they mention are frequently based on sailors' tion of Tartessos and its main economic and t�ader�' narratives, not on the actual experience of the author; 2 d1 tort1ons which arise from the authors' motives in writing their loitation. The problem raised by David : � •ntity of archaeological and socio- h1stor1cal accounts; ial. He summarises thus: 96

3. the establishment of a sound correspondence between the archaeo­ Fischer, F. 1972. Die Kel ten logically based sociocultural entities and the areas mentioned by the geographischen und etl ancient authors and the peoples inhabiting them. Mitteilungen 13, 109-124. Frankenstein, S. 1979, The Pt In spite of these difficulties, it is worth using the ancient Neo-Assyrian imperiali authors' reports as a basis for the establishment of models about the Propaganda. Mesopotamiai ideology and socio-economic organisation of the social groups they Copenhagen, Akademisk For! mention. Such accounts should be confronted with the archaeological Freyer-Schauenburg, B. 1966. data. In this way, better progress can be made than by merely imposing Berlin, W. de Gruyter. our own views about the societies of the period and area under study Gabba, E. 1983. Literature. J onto the archaeological data. Distorted as the ancient authors' views _History, Gambridge, Unive were, they were certainly closer to their contemporaries, than we are. Garcia y Bellido, A. 1956. arqueologia 29, 85-104. Acknowledgments Gledhi 11, J. and Larsen, M.T. 1 Analysis of Archaic Stat I must express my gratitude to Jose Morais Arnaud and Nick Merriman Segraves, B,A. (eds) Theo for their comments and suggestions and the Galouste Gulbenkian Found­ York, Academic Press, 197 - ation and the University of Algarve for assistance during my stay at Gould, R.A. 1978. Explorati, the University of Gambridge. University of New Mexico p Healy, J.F. 1978. �� and iv. Note London, Thames and Hu dson Hodder, l. 1982. Toward a conte in all these classical authors is 1. A broader study considering In Erikson, J.E. and Earl preparation. Exchange. New York, Acader Hodder, I. 1984. Ethnoarchaeol, References Perspective on Archaeolog Lund, Inst i lute of Archai Royal Anthropological Institute, Allan, J.C. 1970, Iberian��. 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Pol any i, K. 1975. Traders and Trade. In Sabloff, J.A. and Lamberg Karlovsky, C.C. (eds) Ancient Civilisation and Trade. Albuquerque, University of New .\1exico Press, 133-154. Renfrew, A.C., 1975. Trade as action at a distance: questions of integration and communication. In Sabloff, J.A. and Lamberg GENERAL Karlovsky, C.C. (eds.) Ancient Civilization and Trade. Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press, 3-59. Rothenberg, B. and Blanco Freijeiro, A. 1981 . Ancient Mining and SHIPWIIBO{S AND ANCI :\1etallurgy � South-West Spain. London, Institute of Archaeology. Ruiz Mata, D., Blazquez, J.M. and Martin de la Cruz J. C. 1981. Excavaciones en el Cabezo de San Pedro (Huelva): Campana de 1978. Huelva Arqueologica 5, 149-31 6. Study of the ancient wor Savory, H. 1968. Spain and Portugal. London, Thames and Hudson. recently featured an incr Schubart H. 1975. Die Kultur der Bronzezeit im SUdwesten der iberischen specif ica 1 Iy, trade, A numbe Halbinsel. Madrider Forschungen 9. Berlin, Deutches Archllologisches they include, on the one hand, lnstitut. economic and social (as oppo Schubart, H. 1982, PhOnizische Niederlanungen an der iberischen development (cf. Carandini 196 SOdkllste. In Niemeger, H.G. (ed.) PhOnizier .!.!!! Westen. the increased information whic Madrider Beitrllge 8. Mainz, Philipp von Zabern, 207- 236. quality of archaeological Snodgrass, A.M. 1983, Archaeology. In Crawford, M. (ed.) Sources for Increasing subtlety has, how Ancient History. Cambridge, University Press, 137-184. interpretation and some disap� South, S. 1977. Method and Theory� Historical Archaeology. New York, enable us, in some respects a Academic Press. the past, but of course full-� Untermann, J. 1984. Die Mllnzprllgungen der Keltiberer. In Grasman, G., is physically and economical Janssen, W. and Brandt, M. (eds) ���he Nu���!.!.!!. und increasingly powerful, but t Archaeologie. BAR International Series S200. Oxford, BAR, 431- reliability of sampling cruci 472. match available analysis time Moreover, the limits of infe1 Figure 1: Southwest Iberia. may be so low as to make such site produces some imported mat for vigorous commerce). Proble1 the unequal distribution of res of 'archaeological statistics' i

Insights, or at least kE special contexts, three types ol

1. burials -- drawback: deposition; ...... 2. cataclysms (e.g. Pom1 N (whether contemporary or later sites are very few in number; Exchange areas of 3. wrecked cargoes -- dra1 Tartessos trade etc...... , ,,' ,------',, ,, '' - Adra The na lure and advantages of s , \ \ - Almunecar been reviewed by Muckleroy (197 ,' \ I, \ Algarrobo , - \ and by the author (Parker 1979; \ : 4 - Rio de Vele1 vation of the original deposit, 5 - Guada 1 horce inadequate recording and stud) \ Tart�ssos main 6 - Guada r ranque / territory some of these problems do exist. I 7 - Gades now known is in itself an ad, I shipwrecks (datable to before I I Phoenician trading post Mediterranean and the Black Se1 (after Schubart 1982) , I , , 0 200 , (Archaeological Review from Camb KM