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No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................... -
An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and Its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Commons Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville International Studies Capstone Research Papers Senior Capstone Papers 4-24-2015 Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A. Cohrs Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ international_studies_capstones Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cohrs, James A., "Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution" (2015). International Studies Capstone Research Papers. 1. http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/international_studies_capstones/1 This Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Studies Capstone Research Papers by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VENECUBA AN ANALYSIS OF CUBAN INFLUENCE IN VENEZUELA AND ITS SUPPORT FOR THE BOLÍVARIAN REVOLUTION __________________ A Paper Presented to Dr. Jenista Cedarville University __________________ In Fulfillment of the Requirements for INTL 4850-01 __________________ By James Cohrs April 24th, 2015 Cohrs 1 Introduction "I swear before you, I swear by the God of my fathers; by my forefathers themselves, by my honor and my country, that I shall never allow my hands to be idle or my soul to rest until I have broken the shackles which bind us to Spain!" (Roberts, 1949, p. 5). Standing on a hill in Rome, this was the oath pledged by Simón Bolívar, “El Libertador”, as he began his quest to liberate the Spanish-American colonies from Spanish rule. -
The Venezuelan Crisis, Regional Dynamics and the Colombian Peace Process by David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive Summary
Report August 2016 The Venezuelan crisis, regional dynamics and the Colombian peace process By David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive summary Venezuela has entered a crisis of governance that will last for at least another two years. An unsustainable economic model has caused triple-digit inflation, economic contraction, and widespread scarcities of food and medicines. An unpopular government is trying to keep power through increasingly authoritarian measures: restricting the powers of the opposition-controlled National Assembly, avoiding a recall referendum, and restricting civil and political rights. Venezuela’s prestige and influence in the region have clearly suffered. Nevertheless, the general contours of the region’s emphasis on regional autonomy and state sovereignty are intact and suggestions that Venezuela is isolated are premature. Venezuela’s participation in the Colombian peace process since 2012 has allowed it to project an image of a responsible member of the international community and thereby counteract perceptions of it as a “rogue state”. Its growing democratic deficits make this projected image all the more valuable and Venezuela will likely continue with a constructive role both in consolidating peace with the FARC-EP and facilitating negotiations between the Colombian government and the ELN. However, a political breakdown or humanitarian crisis could alter relations with Colombia and change Venezuela’s role in a number of ways. Introduction aimed to maximise profits from the country’s oil production. During his 14 years in office Venezuelan president Hugo Together with Iran and Russia, the Venezuelan government Chávez Frias sought to turn his country into a leading has sought to accomplish this through restricting produc- promotor of the integration of Latin American states and tion and thus maintaining prices. -
Exploring Hugo Chávez's Use of Mimetisation to Build a Populist
Exploring Hugo Chávez’s use of mimetisation to build a populist hegemony in Venezuela Elena Block Rincones MSc, BA A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2013 School of Journalism and Communication Abstract “You too are Chávez”… (Hugo Chávez, 2012i) This thesis examines the political communication style developed by Hugo Chávez in his hegemonic construction of power and collective identity during the 14 years he governed Venezuela. This thesis is located in the field of political communication. A culturalist approach is used for the case, which prioritises issues of culture and power and acknowledges the role of human agency. Thus, it specifically focuses on the way the late President appears to have incrementally built an emotional, mimetic bond with his publics in a process that culminated in the mimetisation of the leader and his followers in a new collective, but top-down, identity called Chávez. This process expresses a hegemonic dynamic that involved the displacement of former dominant groups and rearrangement of power relations in Venezuela. The logic of mimetisation proposes an incremental logic of articulation whereby I tried to make sense of Chávez’s political communication style and success. It involves the study of the thread that joined together key elements in Chávez’s political communication style: hegemony and identity construction, political culture, populism, mediatisation, and communicational government. It is a style that appears to have exceeded classic populist forms of communication based on exerting an appeal to the people, towards more inclusive, participatory, symbolic-pragmatic forms of practising political communication that may have constituted the key to Chávez’s political success for 14 years. -
From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy Romero, Carlos A.; Mijares, Víctor M
www.ssoar.info From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy Romero, Carlos A.; Mijares, Víctor M. Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Romero, C. A., & Mijares, V. M. (2016). From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy. Contexto internacional, 38(1), 165-201. https://doi.org/10.1590/S0102-8529.2016380100005 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-NC Licence Nicht-kommerziell) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NonCommercial). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-56129-5 From Chávez to Maduro: Continuity and Change in Venezuelan Foreign Policy* Carlos A. Romero(1) and Víctor M. Mijares(2)** Abstract This article addresses the transition from the presidency of Hugo Chávez to that of Nicolás Maduro, in the light of the effects of the dynamics in domestic politics and the changing international order on the formulation of Venezuela’s foreign policy. We start from a central question: how does Maduro’s government, amid -
"Arremetida Contra Opositores" Brutalidad, Tortura Y
Arremetida contra opositores Brutalidad, tortura y persecución política en Venezuela Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch Todos los derechos reservados. Impreso en Estados Unidos de América ISBN: 978-1-6231-35492 Diseño de tapa: Rafael Jiménez Human Rights Watch defiende los derechos de personas en todo el mundo. Investigamos exhaustivamente casos de abuso, exponemos ampliamente los hechos y exigimos a quienes están en el poder que respeten los derechos y garanticen medidas de justicia. Human Rights Watch es una organización internacional independiente cuya labor se inscribe en un movimiento dinámico por la dignidad humana y la defensa de los derechos humanos para todos. Human Rights Watch es una organización internacional con representantes en más de 40 países, y oficinas en Ámsterdam, Beirut, Berlín, Bruselas, Chicago, Ginebra, Goma, Johannesburgo, Londres, Los Ángeles, Moscú, Nairobi, Nueva York, París, San Francisco, Sídney, Tokio, Toronto, Túnez, Washington, DC y Zúrich. Para obtener más información, visite: www.hrw.org/es El Foro Penal (FP) es una ONG venezolana que ha trabajado en la defensa de los derechos humanos desde el año 2002, ofreciendo asistencia gratuita a las víctimas de represión del estado, incluyendo aquellas personas detenidas arbitrariamente, torturadas y asesinadas. El Foro Penal posee una red de voluntarios conformada por 200 abogados y más de 4.000 activistas, con representación en cada uno de los estados del país y coordinadores en Argentina, Chile, Noruega, España, Suecia, Uruguay y los Estados Unidos de América. Los voluntarios proveen asistencia legal pro-bono a las víctimas, organizando campañas para la liberación de los presos políticos, poner un freno a la represión del estado y aumentar el costo político y social del gobierno venezolano en el uso de la represión como mecanismo para permanecer en el poder. -
Participatory Democracy in Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution
Who Mobilizes? Participatory Democracy in Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution Kirk A. Hawkins ABSTRACT This article assesses popular mobilization under the Chávez gov- ernment’s participatory initiatives in Venezuela using data from the AmericasBarometer survey of 2007. This is the first study of the so- called Bolivarian initiatives using nationally representative, individ- ual-level data. The results provide a mixed assessment. Most of the government’s programs invite participation from less active seg- ments of society, such as women, the poor, and the less educated, and participation in some programs is quite high. However, much of this participation clusters within a narrow group of activists, and a disproportionate number of participants are Chávez supporters. This partisan bias probably reflects self-screening by Venezuelans who accept Chávez’s radical populist discourse and leftist ideology, rather than vote buying or other forms of open conditionality. Thus, the Venezuelan case suggests some optimism for proponents of par- ticipatory democracy, but also the need to be more attuned to its practical political limits. uring the past decade, leftist governments with participatory dem- Docratic agendas have come to power in many Latin American coun- tries, implementing institutional reforms at the local and, increasingly, the national level. This trend has generated a scholarly literature assess- ing the nature of participation in these initiatives; that is, whether they embody effective attempts at participatory forms of democracy that mobilize and empower inactive segments of society (Goldfrank 2007; Wampler 2007a). This article advances this discussion by studying popular mobiliza- tion under the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, referred to here as the Bolivarian Revolution or Chavismo. -
Paying the Democratic Deficit in Venezuela
From Dialogue to Action: Paying the Democratic Deficit in Venezuela Participatory Democracy at the Local Level Presented to National Conference on Dialogue and Deliberation by Laura Wells and Jay Hartling San Francisco, August 6, 2006 “The only way to end poverty is to give power to the poor” Hugo Chávez Frías President Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela OverviewOverview • What democracy/whose democracy? • Context: Venezuela (1998-2006) • Institutional mechanisms/tools of participation: – Venezuelan constitution (1999) – Participation Laws • Participatory cases: – Communal Councils • Barinas – Barrio Adentro (Inside the Neighbourhood) • Caracas • Enablers/Problems • Dialogue What democracy? Whose democracy? • Interpretations of democratic theory – Dominant model: representative democracy, elitist democracy – Growing alternatives: deliberative democracy, deep democracy, radical democracy, real democracy, strong democracy, participatory democracy • The “democratic deficit” Venezuela Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela • Pop. approx. 25 million (85% urban) • Cultural mix (African, Indigenous, European) • Govt. structure: – federalist republic –Unicameral – 3 designated seats for indigenous reps. • Wealth distribution: – households in poverty: reduced from 55% (1997) to 38% (2006) – Middle to wealthy class: approx. 20% – Social investment: 41% of GDP currently spent on social programs (funded primarily by previously uncollected taxes). • Land distribution: 5% of pop. controls 75% • Economy: – Highest growth in the world – 17% in 2004 – Highest growth in South America – 9.4% in 2005 – petroleum, construction, transportation, communication, mining • Trade alternatives: ALBA, Mercosur, multi-polar Venezuelan Context: • 40 yrs of representative democracy and two-party rule (Punto Fijo Pact) • 1976 oil industry nationalized • “Caracazo” of 1989 • Failed military insurrection in 1992 (led by Hugo Chavez) • Major shift in 1998 (broad left coalition led by Chavez’ Polo Patriotico) • Brief coup d’etat in 2002 (led by a coalition rep. -
The Quality of the Venezuelan Democracy Under Hugo Chávez (1999–2013)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ESE - Salento University Publishing PA rtecipazione e CO nflitto * The Open Journal of Sociopolitical Studies http://siba-ese.unisalento.it/index.php/paco ISSN: 1972-7623 (print version) ISSN: 2035-6609 (electronic version) PACO, Issue 10(1) 2017: 89-118 DOI: 10.1285/i20356609v10i1p89 Published in March 15, 2017 Work licensed under a Creative Commons At- tribution-Non commercial-Share alike 3.0 Italian License RESEARCH ARTICLE THE QUALITY OF THE VENEZUELAN DEMOCRACY UNDER HUGO CHÁVEZ (1999–2013) Javier Corrales Amherst College, Amherst, MA, USA Manuel Hidalgo Carlos III University, Madrid, Spain ABSTRACT: Following the work of Morlino (2012) and Katz and Morlino (2012), we evaluate the quality of democracy in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez. We argue that by the end of this administration, Venezuela became a hybrid regime. In those instances in which operated as a democracy, institutional quality was low; in other instances, the regime exhibited clear autocratic features. KEYWORDS: Venezuela, democracy, hybrid regime, quality, political competition, participation, rule of law, accountability, freedom, equality, responsiveness. CORRESPONDING AUTHORS: Javier Corrales, email: [email protected]; Manuel Hidalgo, email: [email protected] Revised version of the presentation prepared for Meeting of the Network of Studies on the Quality of Democracy in Latin America, Lima, October 17–18, 2012. We would like to thank CENDES and IESA for their assistance in carrying out the field work in Venezuela. Special thanks to Daniel Mogollón, Maurelyn Rangel, Carlos Sabatino and Federico Sucre for the support of the research they provided. -
Venezuela and Cuba: the Ties That Bind
Latin American Program | January 2020 A portrait of the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez in between the Cuban and Venezuelan flags.Credit: Chávez Fusterlandia (On the left) A silhouetted profile of Fidel Castro in his military cap says “the best friend.” Dan Lundberg, March 18, 2016 / Shutterstock Venezuela and Cuba: The Ties that Bind I. Two Nations, One Revolution: The Evolution of Contemporary Cuba-Venezuela Relations By Brian Fonseca and John Polga-Hecimovich CONTENTS “Cuba es el mar de la felicidad. Hacia allá va Venezuela.” I. Two Nations, One (“Cuba is a sea of happiness. That’s where Venezuela is going.”) Revolution: The Evolution —Hugo Chávez Frías, March 8, 2000 of Contemporary Cuba- Venezuela Relations Contemporary Cuban-Venezuelan relations blossomed in the late 1990s, due in large part By Brian Fonseca and John Polga-Hecimovich to the close mentor-pupil relationship between then-presidents Fidel Castro Ruz and Hugo Chávez Frías. Their affinity grew into an ideological and then strategic partnership. Today, these ties that bind are more relevant than ever, as Cuban security officials exercise influ- II. The Geopolitics of Cuba–Venezuela-U.S. ence in Venezuela and help maintain the Nicolás Maduro government in power. Details of the Relations: relationship, however, remain shrouded in secrecy, complicating any assessment of Cuba’s An Informal Note role in Venezuela. The Venezuelan and Cuban governments have not been transparent about By Richard E. Feinberg the size and scope of any contingent of Cuban military and security -
A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela
A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-371-4 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org September 2008 1-56432-371-4 A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela I. Executive Summary .................................................................................................... 1 Political Discrimination ............................................................................................2 The Courts ...............................................................................................................3 -
Analysis of the Parallelism Between Traditional Socialism and Socialism of the 21St Century Under the Figure of Rafael Correa”
FACULTY OF LAW School of International Studies “ANALYSIS OF THE PARALLELISM BETWEEN TRADITIONAL SOCIALISM AND SOCIALISM OF THE 21ST CENTURY UNDER THE FIGURE OF RAFAEL CORREA” GRADUATE THESIS PRIOR TO OBTAINING A BILINGUAL BACHELOR IN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MINOR IN FOREIGN TRADE AUTHOR: GABRIELA CAMPOVERDE DIRECTOR: AB. ANA MARÍA BUSTOS CUENCA - ECUADOR 2017 i Dedication This thesis work is mainly dedicated to my son who has been my main motivation to finish with this goal, as well as my family and my boyfriend who have supported and helped me at all times throughout this journey. ii Acknowledgments I would like to thank my family, my son and above all my parents who, despite the difficulties, have supported me at all times to achieve this goal. I would also like to thank my director, Ana María Bustos, who has guided me, in a timely manner and with a great deal of patience, in the culmination of this work. And a special thanks to my boyfriend Alvaro Abad and my sisters Samantha and Emily who have helped me unconditionally and motivated me to finally reach this goal. iii Table of Contents Dedication ......................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................ iii Table of Contents .............................................................................................................. iv List of Tables and Figures .............................................................................................