Metoo, Discrimination & Backlash
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Digital Feminism in the Arab Gulf
MIT Center for Intnl Studies | Starr Forum: Digital Feminism in the Arab Gulf MICHELLE I'm Michelle English, and on behalf of the MIT Center for International Studies, welcome you to ENGLISH: today's Starr Forum. Before we get started, I'd like to mention that this is our last planned event for the fall. However, we do have many, many events planned for the spring. So if you haven't already, please take time to sign up to get our event notices. Today's talk on digital feminism in the Arab Gulf states is co-sponsored by the MIT Women's and Gender Studies program, the MIT History department, and the MIT Press bookstore. In typical fashion, our talk will conclude with Q&A with the audience. And for those asking questions, please line up behind the microphones. We ask that you to be considerate of time and others who want to ask questions. And please also identify yourself and your affiliation before asking your question. Our featured speaker is Mona Eltahawy, an award winning columnist and international public speaker on Arab and Muslim issues and global feminism. She is based in Cairo and New York City. Her commentaries have appeared in multiple publications and she is a regular guest analyst on television and radio shows. During the Egypt Revolution in 2011, she appeared on most major media outlets, leading the feminist website Jezebel to describe her as the woman explaining Egypt to the West. In November 2011, Egyptian riot police beat her, breaking her left arm and right hand, and sexually assaulted her, and she was detained for 12 hours by the Interior Ministry and Military Intelligence. -
Libertarian Marxism Mao-Spontex Open Marxism Popular Assembly Sovereign Citizen Movement Spontaneism Sui Iuris
Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis Brian Marks1 University of Arizona School of Geography and Development [email protected] Abstract Autonomist Marxism is a political tendency premised on the autonomy of the proletariat. Working class autonomy is manifested in the self-activity of the working class independent of formal organizations and representations, the multiplicity of forms that struggles take, and the role of class composition in shaping the overall balance of power in capitalist societies, not least in the relationship of class struggles to the character of capitalist crises. Class composition analysis is applied here to narrate the recent history of capitalism leading up to the current crisis, giving particular attention to China and the United States. A global wave of struggles in the mid-2000s was constituitive of the kinds of working class responses to the crisis that unfolded in 2008-10. The circulation of those struggles and resultant trends of recomposition and/or decomposition are argued to be important factors in the balance of political forces across the varied geography of the present crisis. The whirlwind of crises and the autonomist perspective The whirlwind of crises (Marks, 2010) that swept the world in 2008, financial panic upon food crisis upon energy shock upon inflationary spiral, receded temporarily only to surge forward again, leaving us in a turbulent world, full of possibility and peril. Is this the end of Neoliberalism or its retrenchment? A new 1 Published under the Creative Commons licence: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis 468 New Deal or a new Great Depression? The end of American hegemony or the rise of an “imperialism with Chinese characteristics?” Or all of those at once? This paper brings the political tendency known as autonomist Marxism (H. -
The Rules of #Metoo
University of Chicago Legal Forum Volume 2019 Article 3 2019 The Rules of #MeToo Jessica A. Clarke Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Clarke, Jessica A. (2019) "The Rules of #MeToo," University of Chicago Legal Forum: Vol. 2019 , Article 3. Available at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf/vol2019/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Chicago Legal Forum by an authorized editor of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rules of #MeToo Jessica A. Clarke† ABSTRACT Two revelations are central to the meaning of the #MeToo movement. First, sexual harassment and assault are ubiquitous. And second, traditional legal procedures have failed to redress these problems. In the absence of effective formal legal pro- cedures, a set of ad hoc processes have emerged for managing claims of sexual har- assment and assault against persons in high-level positions in business, media, and government. This Article sketches out the features of this informal process, in which journalists expose misconduct and employers, voters, audiences, consumers, or professional organizations are called upon to remove the accused from a position of power. Although this process exists largely in the shadow of the law, it has at- tracted criticisms in a legal register. President Trump tapped into a vein of popular backlash against the #MeToo movement in arguing that it is “a very scary time for young men in America” because “somebody could accuse you of something and you’re automatically guilty.” Yet this is not an apt characterization of #MeToo’s paradigm cases. -
MENA Women News Briefdownload
May 29: Afghan women denied justice over violence, United Nations says “A law meant to protect Afghan women from violence is being undermined by authorities who routinely refer even serious criminal cases to traditional mediation councils that fail to protect victims, the United Nations said on Tuesday. The Elimination of Violence against Women (EVAW) law, passed in 2009, was a centerpiece of efforts to improve protection for Afghan women, who suffer widespread violence in one of the worst countries in the world to be born female.” (Reuters) May 31: Female Genital Mutilation is Declared Religiously Forbidden in Islam “Egyptian Dar Al-Iftaa declared that female genital mutilation (FGM) is religiously forbidden on May 30, 2018, adding that banning FGM should be a religious duty due to its harmful effects on the body. Dar Al- Iftaa also explained that FGM is not mentioned in Islamic laws and that it only still occurs because it’s considered to be a social norm in the rural areas and some poor parts of Egypt. FGM is considered as an attack on religion through damaging the most sensitive organ in the female body. In Islam, protecting the body from any harm is a must and mutilation violates this rule.” (Egypt Today) June 4: Government proposes new draft law to ban early marriage “Egypt's government has proposed a new draft law that includes amendments to the child law article 12 of 1996, which states cases in which parents could be deprived from the authority of guardianship over the girl or her property…Hawary told Egypt Today that this bill stipulates that a father who forces his daughter to get married before reaching the age of marriage will be deprived from the authority of guardianship over the girl or her property.” (Egypt Today) June 4: Youth, women, and minorities have valid concerns “Iranian President Hassan Rouhani admitted on Friday that the youth, women and minorities have legitimate grievances, Anadolu Agency reported, citing the Iranian presidency’s official website. -
Immigrant Women in the Shadow of #Metoo
University of Baltimore Law Review Volume 49 Issue 1 Article 3 2019 Immigrant Women in the Shadow of #MeToo Nicole Hallett University of Buffalo School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ublr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hallett, Nicole (2019) "Immigrant Women in the Shadow of #MeToo," University of Baltimore Law Review: Vol. 49 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ublr/vol49/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Baltimore Law Review by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. IMMIGRANT WOMEN IN THE SHADOW OF #METOO Nicole Hallett* I. INTRODUCTION We hear Daniela Contreras’s voice, but we do not see her face in the video in which she recounts being raped by an employer at the age of sixteen.1 In the video, one of four released by a #MeToo advocacy group, Daniela speaks in Spanish about the power dynamic that led her to remain silent about her rape: I couldn’t believe that a man would go after a little girl. That a man would take advantage because he knew I wouldn’t say a word because I couldn’t speak the language. Because he knew I needed the money. Because he felt like he had the power. And that is why I kept quiet.2 Daniela’s story is unusual, not because she is an undocumented immigrant who was victimized -
Christina Hoff Sommers
A Conversation with CHRISTINA HOFF SOMMERS A resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and former philosophy professor, Christina Hoff Sommers is a thoughtful analyst and trenchant critic of radical feminism. In this conversation, Sommers and Kristol discuss how American feminism, once focused on practical questions such as equal opportunity in employment for women, instead became a radical ideology that questioned the reality of sex differences. Narrating her own experiences as a speaker on college campuses, Sommers explains how the radical feminism of today's universities stifles debate. Finally, Sommers explains a recent controversy in the video game community, which she defends from charges of sexism in a widely-publicized episode known as "GamerGate." On claims of a “rape epidemic” on campus, Sommers says: It’s the result of advocacy research. You can get very alarming findings if you’re willing to interview a non-representative sample of people and if you’re willing to include a lot of behavior most of us don’t think of as assault. If you just play with those, you can get an epidemic. Rape, like all crimes, is way down. It’s at I think a 41- year low. [Rape on campus] is not 1 in 4, or 1 in 5 women, but something like 1 in 50. Still too much. But not [an epidemic]. On the feminist denial of sex differences, Sommers says: Femininity and masculinity are real. Women tend to be more nurturing and risk-averse and have usually a richer emotional vocabulary. Men tend to be a little less explicit about their emotions. -
Academic Freedom and Controversial Speech About Campus Governance — Rogers Brubaker
Academic Freedom and Controversial Speech about Campus Governance — Rogers Brubaker — Rogers Brubaker is Professor of Sociology, University of California, Los Angeles and UCLA Foundation Chair; Visiting Professor, CEU. Classical definitions of academic freedom focused on freedom of re- search and teaching. In the American context, the right of professors to speak freely as citizens outside the university has also been emphasized. But many recent controversies over academic freedom in the US—and I limit my comments to the US—have turned on speech inside the univer- sity yet outside the traditional domains of research and teaching. Research and teaching continue of course to be central to the defense of academic freedom in the face of external pressures, notably from private and public funders, government regulators, and the populist right. But I have been asked to address internal threats to academic freedom. And while some internal controversies have focused on the freedom of research and teaching, many have focused on other issues. The most widely discussed of these controversies have concerned invita- tions to controversial outside speakers. Public attention has focused on efforts by the campus left to “disinvite” or “de-platform” speakers such as Charles Murray at Middlebury and Milo Yiannopoulos and Ann Coulter 93 i6 AF - 00 Book.indb 93 2017.11.22. 9:01 at Berkeley. These widely publicized incidents have already generat- ed a substantial backlash: several conservative state legislatures have passed campus speech bills.1 The campus right has also sought to pre- vent or disrupt events involving controversial (especially pro-Palestinian) outside speakers. But there is another kind of internal academic freedom controversy that I would like to highlight. -
Ideological Diversity Course UNDERGRAD
Free Speech, Viewpoint Diversity, and Higher Education or Bigots and Snowflakes: Living in a World Where Everyone Else Is Wrong COURSE DESCRIPTION In this course, we will address questions surrounding viewpoint diversity. There are two foundational premises for the course. The first is that there is a lack of diversity along this dimension, particularly within the domain of higher education; recent survey data confirm this trend (goo.gl/ddnGEG). The second assertion is that this lack of diversity damages the mission of higher education (we will talk more about this in the first class). Inherent in the definition of viewpoint diversity is the principle that there is a spectrum of perspectives ranging, politically speaking, from staunchly conservative on one end to radically progressive on the other – and that the voicing of perspectives falling along that spectrum should be without social penalty. *Because the tilt in our current context on campus leans left and the material in the course will often refer to the absence and dismissal of opinions that deviate from an orthodoxy, omitted viewpoints often — though not without exception — coincide with non-left views or leftist views that simply ask uncomfortable questions. Using our two assertions as a starting point, we examine issues that students may consider relevant for their academic studies in the social sciences and on campus more broadly. The overarching goal of the course is to introduce students to concepts that will teach them the importance of examining multiple perspectives dispassionately and to think critically in all aspects of their education. Invariably, it is the case that, to cover this material, we will delve into topics and listen to speakers that some will find distasteful or even abhorrent, particularly — although not exclusively — in the fourth section (described below). -
A Content Analysis of the Women Against Feminism Tumblr Page Lyndsey S
Lehigh University Lehigh Preserve Theses and Dissertations 2015 A Content Analysis of the Women Against Feminism Tumblr Page Lyndsey S . Collins Lehigh University Follow this and additional works at: http://preserve.lehigh.edu/etd Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Collins, Lyndsey S ., "A Content Analysis of the Women Against Feminism Tumblr Page" (2015). Theses and Dissertations. 2559. http://preserve.lehigh.edu/etd/2559 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Lehigh Preserve. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Lehigh Preserve. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Content Analysis of the Women Against Feminism Tumblr by Lyndsey S. Collins A Thesis Presented to the Graduate and Research Committee of Lehigh University in Candidacy for the Degree of Master of Arts in Sociology Lehigh University May 18, 2015 © 2015 Copyright (Lyndsey S. Collins) ii Thesis is accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Sociology. A Content Analysis of the Women Against Feminism Tumblr Page Lyndsey Collins ____________________ Date Approved Dr. Jacqueline Krasas Dr. Yuping Zhang Dr. Nicola Tannenbaum iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my thesis advisor, Dr. Jacqueline Krasas, who has provided me with invaluable insights, support, and encouragement throughout the entirety of this process. In addition, I would like to thank my committee members, Dr. Nicola Tannenbaum -
Presentations Introduction Recent Feminist De
Beyond the Generational Line: An Exploration of Feminist Online Sites and Self-(Re)presentations Yi-lin Yu National Ilan University, Taiwan Abstract This article deals with the feminist generation issue by tracing the transition from generational to non-generational thinking in recent feminist discourse on third-wave feminism. Informed by certain feminist recommendations of affording alternative paradigms in place of the oceanic wave metaphor to describe the rela- tionships between different feminists, this study offers the insights gained from an investigation with three feminist online sites, The F Word, Eminism, and Guerrilla Girls, in which these online feminists have participated in building up a third wave consciousness or a third space site through their engagement in (re)presenting their feminist selves and identities. In developing a both/and third wave con- sciousness, these online feminists have bypassed the dualistic understanding of sec- ond and third wave feminism and reached a cross-generational commonality of adhering to feminist ideology and coalition in cyberspace as a third space. Through a content analysis of their online feminist self-(re)presentations, this pa- per concludes by arguing that they have not only reformulated the concept of third wave feminism but also worked toward a new configuration of third space narratives and subjectivities that sheds light on contemporary feminist thinking about feminist genealogy and history. Key words third-wave feminism, feminist generation, feminist online sites, self-(re)presentation Introduction Recent feminist development of third-wave discourses has been bom- barded with a conundrum regarding generational debates. Although 54 ❙ Yi-lin Yu some feminist scholars are preoccupied with using familial metaphors to depict different feminist generations, others have called forth a rethink- ing of the topic in non-generational terms. -
Mainstream Feminism
Feminist movements and ideologies This collection of feminist buttons from a women's museum shows some messages from feminist movements. A variety of movements of feminist ideology have developed over the years. They vary in goals, strategies, and affiliations. They often overlap, and some feminists identify themselves with several branches of feminist thought. Groupings Judith Lorber distinguishes between three broad kinds of feminist discourses: gender reform feminisms, gender resistant feminisms, and gender revolution feminisms. In her typology, gender reform feminisms are rooted in the political philosophy of liberalism with its emphasis on individual rights. Gender resistant feminisms focus on specific behaviors and group dynamics through which women are kept in a subordinate position, even in subcultures which claim to support gender equality. Gender revolution feminisms seek to disrupt the social order through deconstructing its concepts and categories and analyzing the cultural reproduction of inequalities.[1] Movements and ideologies Mainstream feminism … "Mainstream feminism" as a general term identifies feminist ideologies and movements which do not fall into either the socialist or radical feminist camps. The mainstream feminist movement traditionally focused on political and legal reform, and has its roots in first- wave feminism and in the historical liberal feminism of the 19th and early- 20th centuries. In 2017, Angela Davis referred to mainstream feminism as "bourgeois feminism".[2] The term is today often used by essayists[3] and cultural analysts[4] in reference to a movement made palatable to a general audience by celebrity supporters like Taylor Swift.[5] Mainstream feminism is often derisively referred to as "white feminism,"[6] a term implying that mainstream feminists don't fight for intersectionality with race, class, and sexuality. -
2254 Last December, While the National Organization for Women
SAUDI COURTS — WOMEN’S RIGHTS — GENERAL COURT OF QATIF SENTENCES GANG-RAPE VICTIM TO PRISON AND LASH- INGS FOR VIOLATING “ILLEGAL MINGLING” LAW. Last December, while the National Organization for Women (NOW) celebrated the success of its campaign for “non-sexist car in- surance,”1 a young woman already brutalized by her neighbors awaited further violence from her state. The previous month, Saudi Arabia’s General Court of Qatif had sentenced her to six months in prison and two hundred lashes for riding in a car with an unrelated male acquaintance, after which she was gang-raped by seven men.2 Her subsequent pardon by King Abdullah3 indicates the power of in- ternational outrage and pressure, but the lack of energy with which Western women’s rights groups participated in that outrage and pres- sure is indicative of a larger and troubling trend. Feminist groups too often do not help women abroad, but they can help, and they should help, because the need for their support is far greater overseas than at home.4 Although the reasons for their choice to prioritize sometimes relatively trivial matters in America over life-threatening issues facing women across the ocean may not be known, its effect is all too appar- ent: less pressure on foreign governments to end the suffering of mil- lions of subjugated Islamic women. With a legal system based on a strict interpretation of Islam,5 Saudi Arabia is a state of gender apartheid. For women permitted to work — they comprise 5.4% of the workforce6 — office buildings are segre- gated.7 For women taught to read — the illiteracy rate for women is ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 1 Nat’l Org.