Some Myths of World War II* I
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The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project JOHN W. MCDONALD Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: June 5, 1997 Copyright 2 3 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born in Ko lenz, Germany of U.S. military parents Raised in military bases throughout U.S. University of Illinois Berlin, Germany - OMGUS - Intern Program 1,4.-1,50 1a2 Committee of Allied Control Council Morgenthau Plan Court system Environment Currency reform Berlin Document Center Transition to State Department Allied High Commission Bonn, Germany - Allied High Commission - Secretariat 1,50-1,52 The French Office of Special Representative for Europe General 6illiam Draper Paris, France - Office of the Special Representative for Europe - Staff Secretary 1,52-1,54 U.S. Regional Organization 7USRO8 Cohn and Schine McCarthyism State Department - Staff Secretariat - Glo al Briefing Officer 1,54-1,55 Her ert Hoover, 9r. 9ohn Foster Dulles International Cooperation Administration 1,55-1,5, E:ecutive Secretary to the Administration Glo al development Area recipients P1480 Point Four programs Anti-communism Africa e:perts African e:-colonies The French 1and Grant College Program Ankara, Turkey -CENTO - U.S. Economic Coordinator 1,5,-1,63 Cooperation programs National tensions Environment Shah of Iran AID program Micro2ave projects Country mem ers Cairo, Egypt - Economic Officer 1,63-1,66 Nasser AID program Soviets Environment Surveillance P1480 agreement As2an Dam Family planning United Ara ic Repu lic 7UAR8 National -
Newsletter Vanderbilt University Arthur L
AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON THE HISTORY OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR Charles F. Delzell, Chairman Secretariat and Newsletter Vanderbilt University Arthur L. Funk, Secretory Permanent Directors NEWSLETTER Department of History University ofFlorida H. Stuart Hughes Gainesville, Florida32611 Harvard University Book R ct'ieu;s Forrest C. Pogue DwightD. Eisenhower Institute Number 14 October, 1975 Robert Dallek Department of History Tenn.s expiring 1975 UniversitY of California .~ngeles Gen. J. Lawton Collins at Los Washington, D.C. Los Angeles, California 90024 RobertDivine Bibliography University ofTexas Janet Ziegler \Villiam M. Franklin Reference Department Department ofState UCLA Library Los Angeles, California 90024 Robin Higham Meeting of the International Committee, 26-27 August, in Kansas State University conjunction with the International Congress of the Historical American Committee is affiliated with: Col. A. F. Hurley Air Force Academy Sciences, San Francisco. Comite International d'Histoire de laDeuxieme Raymond O'Connor Guerre Mondiale Uuiversit}' of Miami 32, rue de Leningrad Harrison Salisbury Paris VIlle, France NewYork Times About fifty representatives from thirty countries convened Robert Wolfe at San Francisco for the session on "Politics and Strategy in National Ar<;hives the Second World War" and for the business meeting on the day Tenlls expiring 1976 following. Both sessions were presided over by the international Stephen E. Ambrose LSU at NewOrleans president, Henri Michel. R.J.C.Butow University of Washington PRINCIPAL SESSION Robert W. Coakley Centerof ~1ilitary History Hans Gatzke Some 160 persons attended the session on Politics and Yale University Strategy. The morning was taken up by the presentation of seven Stanley Hoffmann Harvard University papers from representatives of the five major wartime powers. -
In a Rather Emotional State?' the Labour Party and British Intervention in Greece, 1944-5
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE 'In a rather emotional state?' The Labour party and British intervention in Greece, 1944-5 AUTHORS Thorpe, Andrew JOURNAL The English Historical Review DEPOSITED IN ORE 12 February 2008 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10036/18097 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication 1 ‘IN A RATHER EMOTIONAL STATE’? THE LABOUR PARTY AND BRITISH INTERVENTION IN GREECE, 1944-45* Professor Andrew Thorpe Department of History University of Exeter Exeter EX4 4RJ Tel: 01392-264396 Fax: 01392-263305 Email: [email protected] 2 ‘IN A RATHER EMOTIONAL STATE’? THE LABOUR PARTY AND BRITISH INTERVENTION IN GREECE, 1944-45 As the Second World War drew towards a close, the leader of the Labour party, Clement Attlee, was well aware of the meagre and mediocre nature of his party’s representation in the House of Lords. With the Labour leader in the Lords, Lord Addison, he hatched a plan whereby a number of worthy Labour veterans from the Commons would be elevated to the upper house in the 1945 New Years Honours List. The plan, however, was derailed at the last moment. On 19 December Attlee wrote to tell Addison that ‘it is wiser to wait a bit. We don’t want by-elections at the present time with our people in a rather emotional state on Greece – the Com[munist]s so active’. -
Drucksache 19/417 19
Deutscher Bundestag Drucksache 19/417 19. Wahlperiode 12.01.2018 Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Brigitte Freihold, Nicole Gohlke, Dr. Petra Sitte, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion DIE LINKE. – Drucksache 19/211 – Bildung und wissenschaftliche Forschung zum Holocaust und dem deutschen Vernichtungskrieg in Osteuropa durch das Zentrum für Militärgeschichte und Sozialwissenschaften der Bundeswehr in Potsdam Vorbemerkung der Fragesteller Das Zentrum für Militärgeschichte und Sozialwissenschaften der Bundeswehr in Potsdam (ZMSBw) vereinigt die geistes- und sozialwissenschaftliche For- schung der Bundeswehr. Interdisziplinär wird dort zu zentralen Problemstellun- gen der heutigen Streitkräfte geforscht, die sich aus Gegenwart und Geschichte ergeben. Die daraus entstehenden Veröffentlichungen richten sich einerseits an ein Fachpublikum und werden andererseits im Rahmen eines breiten Veröffent- lichungs- und Publikationsprogramms an deutsche Soldaten und Offiziere ver- mittelt. Eine kritische Aufarbeitung der NS-Geschichte, des Holocaust und des deutschen Vernichtungskrieges in Osteuropa und der Rolle der Wehrmacht, na- mentlich auch deren Nachwirkungen und Kontinuitäten in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, ist nach Auffassung der Fragesteller auch vor dem Hintergrund der Debatte um Leitbilder und Traditionen der Bundeswehr von enormer Be- deutung. Berichte über rechtsextreme Vorfälle oder die Festnahme eines Ober- leutnants der Bundeswehr aus Offenbach, der im Verdacht stand, einen Terror- anschlag geplant -
The Buildup of the German War Economy: the Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 by Samantha Carl I
The Buildup of the German War Economy: The Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 By Samantha Carl INTRODUCTION German-Soviet relations in the early half of the twentieth century have been marked by periods of rapprochement followed by increasing tensions. After World War I, where the nations fought on opposite sides, Germany and the Soviet Union focused on their respective domestic problems and tensions began to ease. During the 1920s, Germany and the Soviet Union moved toward normal relations with the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo in 1922.(1) Tensions were once again apparent after 1933, when Adolf Hitler gained power in Germany. Using propaganda and anti-Bolshevik rhetoric, Hitler depicted the Soviet Union as Germany's true enemy.(2) Despite the animosity between the two nations, the benefits of trade enabled them to maintain economic relations throughout the inter-war period. It was this very relationship that paved the way for the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of 1939 and the subsequent outbreak of World War II. Nazi-Soviet relations on the eve of the war were vital to the war movement of each respective nation. In essence, the conclusion of the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact on August 23, 1939 allowed Germany to augment its war effort while diminishing the Soviet fear of a German invasion.(3) The betterment of relations was a carefully planned program in which Hitler sought to achieve two important goals. First, he sought to prevent a two-front war from developing upon the invasion of Poland. Second, he sought to gain valuable raw materials that were necessary for the war movement.(4) The only way to meet these goals was to pursue the completion of two pacts with the Soviet Union: an economic agreement as well as a political one. -
Gerhard Weinberg March 13, 2012 RG-50.030*0724 Contact [email protected] for Further Information About This Collection
http://collections.ushmm.org Contact [email protected] for further information about this collection United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Interview with Gerhard Weinberg March 13, 2012 RG-50.030*0724 http://collections.ushmm.org Contact [email protected] for further information about this collection PREFACE The following interview is part of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum's collection of oral testimonies. Rights to the interview are held by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. The reader should bear in mind that this is a verbatim transcript of spoken, rather than written prose. This transcript has been neither checked for spelling nor verified for accuracy, and therefore, it is possible that there are errors. As a result, nothing should be quoted or used from this transcript without first checking it against the taped interview. http://collections.ushmm.org Contact [email protected] for further information about this collection GERHARD WEINBERG March 13, 2012 Question: Hello, we’re here in Chapel Hill to record an interview with Dr. Gerhard Weinberg. The interview has been commissioned by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, and is hosted by the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. The interview will then becar – become part of the Holocaust Museum’s archive, part of a collection of conversations with the first generation of Holocaust scholars in the United States. My name is Astrid M. Eckert. I teach Modern European History at Emory University in Atlanta. Gerhard Weinberg was born in Hannover, Germany in 1928, and spent the first 10 years of his life there. He and his family had to leave Nazi Germany after Kristallnacht. -
Europe's Rebirth After the Second World War
Journal of the British Academy, 3, 167–183. DOI 10.5871/jba/003.167 Posted 5 October 2015. © The British Academy 2015 Out of the ashes: Europe’s rebirth after the Second World War, 1945–1949 Raleigh Lecture on History read 2 July 2015 IAN KERSHAW Fellow of the Academy Abstract: This lecture seeks to explain why the Second World War, the most destruc- tive conflict in history, produced such a contrasting outcome to the First. It suggests that the Second World War’s maelstrom of destruction replaced a catastrophic matrix left by the First — of heightened ethnic, border and class conflict underpinned by a deep and prolonged crisis of capitalism — by a completely different matrix: the end of Germany’s great-power ambitions, the purging of the radical Right and widescale ethnic cleansing, the crystallisation of Europe’s division, unprecedented rates of economic growth and the threat of nuclear war. Together, these self-reinforcing components, all rooted in what soon emerged as the Cold War, conditioned what in 1945 had seemed highly improbable: Europe’s rise out of the ashes of the ruined continent to lasting stability, peace and prosperity. Keywords: Cold War, Germany, ethnic cleansing, economic growth, matrix, Europe’s division, radical Right, nuclear war. It is a great honour to deliver this Raleigh Lecture. When invited to do so, I was asked, in the context of the 70th anniversary of the end of the most terrible war in history, to speak on some topic related to the end of the Second World War. As the war recedes into history the recognition has grown that it was the epicentre and determin- ing episode in the 20th century in Europe. -
Yalta, a Tripartite Negotiation to Form the Post-War World Order: Planning for the Conference, the Big Three’S Strategies
YALTA, A TRIPARTITE NEGOTIATION TO FORM THE POST-WAR WORLD ORDER: PLANNING FOR THE CONFERENCE, THE BIG THREE’S STRATEGIES Matthew M. Grossberg Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in the Department of History, Indiana University August 2015 Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Master’s Thesis Committee ______________________________ Kevin Cramer, Ph. D., Chair ______________________________ Michael Snodgrass, Ph. D. ______________________________ Monroe Little, Ph. D. ii ©2015 Matthew M. Grossberg iii Acknowledgements This work would not have been possible without the participation and assistance of so many of the History Department at Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis. Their contributions are greatly appreciated and sincerely acknowledged. However, I would like to express my deepest appreciation to the following: Dr. Anita Morgan, Dr. Nancy Robertson, and Dr. Eric Lindseth who rekindled my love of history and provided me the push I needed to embark on this project. Dr. Elizabeth Monroe and Dr. Robert Barrows for being confidants I could always turn to when this project became overwhelming. Special recognition goes to my committee Dr. Monroe Little and Dr. Michael Snodgrass. Both men provided me assistance upon and beyond the call of duty. Dr. Snodgrass patiently worked with me throughout my time at IUPUI, helping my writing progress immensely. Dr. Little came in at the last minute, saving me from a fate worse than death, another six months of grad school. Most importantly, all credit is due Dr. -
Planning the Peace and Enforcing the Surrender: Deterrence in the Allied Occupations of Germany
Journal of Interdisciplinary History, xl:1 (Summer, 2009), 33–56. PLANNING THE PEACE Melissa Willard-Foster Planning the Peace and Enforcing the Surrender: Deterrence in the Allied Occupations of Germany and Japan “A well behaved occupied country,” writes Schelling in Arms and Inºuence, “is not one in which violence plays no part; it may be one in which latent violence is used so skillfully that it need not be spent in punishment.” If violence does not en- sue after a war, Schelling explains, it is because in the course of surrender negotiations, “the capacity to inºict pain and damage was successfully used in the bargaining process.” Schelling cites examples of Genghis Khan marching hostages ahead of his troops to deter resistance, the ancient Persians burning neighboring vil- lages of clans that they sought to control, and the British conduct- ing air raids in an attempt to pacify rebellious Arabian tribes. Bombings, hostage takings, publicized executions, forced evacua- tions, and compulsory labor are just a few among the many deter- rent strategies that occupiers have used for centuries to prevent re- sistance and keep defeated populations quiescent.1 Much in contrast to this traditional notion of ruthless con- quest is the conventional wisdom surrounding the reasons for suc- cess in the post-World War II (wwii) occupations of Germany and Japan. The perception that these occupations were largely peaceful enterprises, with respect to both the policies used and the re- sponses attained, supported early arguments from the administra- tion of President George W. Bush that similar results could obtain in Iraq. -
DIE MITARBEITER DES BANDES Dr. Roger Chickering
DIE MITARBEITER DES BANDES Dr. Roger Chickering, Associate Professor of History, Dept. of History, University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon, 97403, USA Marshall M. Lee, PhD, Assistant Professor, Dept. of History, Pacific University, Forest Grove, Oregon 97116, USA Dr. Jürgen Förster, Wiss. Oberrat, Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt Dr. Norbert Wiggershaus, Oberstlt., Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt Dr. Bernd F. Schulte, Beim Jacobistift 7, 2000 Hamburg 60 Prof. Dr. Gerhard Wirth, Seminar für Alte Geschichte der Universität Bonn, Am Hof le, 5300 Bonn Dr. Hans-Christoph Junge, Studienreferendar, Hölderlinstr. 3, 7830 Emmendingen Dr. Norbert Ohler, Akad. Oberrat, Ringstr. 2a, 7800 Freiburg-Hochdorf Jürgen Kloosterhuis, StARef, Gutenbergstr. 9, 3550 Marburg a. d.Lahn Dr. Wolfram Wette, Wiss. Oberrat, Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt Dr. Gerhard Schreiber, Korv.-Kpt., Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt Dr. Jost Dülffer, Hist. Seminar der Universität zu Köln, Albertus-Magnus-Platz, 5000 Köln 41 Michael Underdown, Dozent, Dept. of History, University of Melbourne, Parkville, Vic. 3052, Australia Dr. Heinz-Ludger Borgert, Archivrat ζ. Α., Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Wiesentalstr. 10, 7800 Freiburg i.Br. Dr. Gerd R. Ueberschär, Wiss. Rat, Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt Reinhard Starck, Wörrstädter Str. 76, 6505 Nierstein 1 Dr. Leon Papeleux, Rue Belle Jardiniere 421, B-4900 Angleur Dr. Bernd Stegemann, Wiss. Oberrat, Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt Hellmut Dittrich, Oberst a.D., Tennenbacher Str. 6, 7809 Denzlingen Dr. Klaus A. Maier, Oberstlt., Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt Dr. Horst Boog, Wiss. Oberrat, Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt Rolf-Dieter Müller, Hist. Seminar der Technischen Universität Braunschweig, Reitlingstr. 19, 3301 Erke- rode Dr. Gunther Mai, Wiss. Angestellter, Seminar für Neuere Geschichte der Philipps-Universität Mar- burg/Lahn, Krummbogen 28 C, 3550 Marburg a.d. Lahn Albrecht Götz v. Olenhusen, Rechtsanwalt, Lessingstr. -
Open A. Niebauer Master S Thesis
The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School Communication Arts and Science CONSTRUCTIONS OF GUILT AND LOGICS OF PUNISHMENT: AMERICAN NARRATIVES OF GERMAN GUILT AFTER WORLD WAR II A Thesis in Communication Arts and Sciences by Allison Morris Niebauer © 2016 Allison Morris Niebauer Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts August 2016 The thesis of Allison Morris Niebauer was reviewed and approved* by the following: Stephen Howard Browne Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences Thesis Advisor Thomas W. Benson Edwin Erle Sparks Professor Emeritus of Rhetoric Michele Kennerly Assistant Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences John Gastil Department Head and Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School iii ABSTRACT This thesis investigates how American war crime planners conceived of German guilt after World War II, and how it influenced their prescriptions for punishment. I examine three separate proposals for the punishment of German war criminals and the rhetorical, philosophical, and material ramifications of each. Using different aspects of narrative theory, I explore how each construction of guilt created a different propulsive logic for punishment. Recognizing that narratives have consequences both within and outside the story, I argue that each plan highlights a different conception of the relationship between guilt and punishment. The logics promoted by each plan have been carried into different aspects of transitional justice -
Hitler and Mussolini: a Comparative Analysis of the Rome-Berlin Axis 1936-1940 Written by Stephanie Hodgson
Hitler and Mussolini: A comparative analysis of the Rome-Berlin Axis 1936-1940 Written by Stephanie Hodgson This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Hitler and Mussolini: A comparative analysis of the Rome-Berlin Axis 1936-1940 https://www.e-ir.info/2011/07/29/hitler-and-mussolini-a-comparative-analysis-of-the-rome-berlin-axis-1936-1940/ STEPHANIE HODGSON, JUL 29 2011 Nazi Germany and fascist Italy have often been depicted as congruent cases[1] during the period in discussion in which their supposed inherent links formed the basis of their relationship. These inherent links include their common ideology, albeit there are minor differences,[2] their similar foreign policy, expansionist aims and finally common enemies – Britain, France and communist Russia. Furthermore, they shared parallel leadership principles and referred to as Duce and Führer (both mean leader), and additionally both held great hostility towards parliamentary democracy.[3] Although these factors hold a great deal of truth and certainly some weight, it is difficult to argue that the Rome-Berlin axis was established purely on this basis. This paper will predominately argue that Germany and Italy had little in common but common enemies and more significantly the shared aim of both wanting to assert themselves as revisionist powers of the interwar period. Thus, their alliance was one of more convenience than anything else in that both powers were aware that they needed an ally within Europe as a means of achieving their ambitious and aggressive foreign policies.