Sarah Howell Crater School of Business, Innovation, and Science May 9, 2014 Sarah Howell [Peru]

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Sarah Howell Crater School of Business, Innovation, and Science May 9, 2014 Sarah Howell [Peru] International Marketing Project: Peru Sarah Howell Crater School of Business, Innovation, and Science May 9, 2014 Sarah Howell [Peru] Table of Contents Introduction………………………………………………………………………. page 3 Issue………………………………………………………………………………….. pages 4 to 5 Non-Profit…………………………………………………………………..…….. pages 5 to 7 Geographical Area Analysis………………………………………………… pages 8 to 9 Economic Analysis…………………………………………………………..…. pages 9 to 17 Political System………………………………………………………………….. pages 18 to 22 Trade Laws and Legal Analysis……………………………………………. Page 23 Population…………………………………………………………………………. Pages 24 to 29 Diet and Nutrition……………………………………………………………… pages 29 to 31 Housing……………………………………………………………………………... pages 31 to 33 Transportation…………………………………………………………………… pages 34 to 36 Labor…………………………………………………………………………………. pages 36 to 38 Education…………………………………………………………………………... pages 39 to 41 Clothing……………………………………………………………………………... pages 41 to 42 Recreation and Leisure……………………………………………………….. pages 42 to 44 Language……………………………………………………………………………. Pages 44 to 49 Religion………………………………………………………………………………. pages 49 to 50 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………….. pages 51 to 53 Appendix……………………………………………………………………………. Page 54-63 Non-Profit Print Ad………………………………………………. page 54 Issue Brochure…………………………………………………….. page 55 Recipes………………………………………………………………… pages 56 to 61 Etiquette Information………………………………………….. pages 61 to 62 Country Selection Letter………………………………………. Page 63 Page 2 Sarah Howell [Peru] Introduction Working hard to become more modern and clean Peru is moving forward in leaps and bounds. In the early 2000’s almost half of the population lived below the national poverty line, but through a focus and effort less than a third of the Peruvian population now live below the line. (ruralpovertyportal.org). Although such an improvement can be seen, there is still a concern for the rural areas, in which over 50 percent of those who live in rural areas live below the poverty line. (ruralpovertyportal.org). It can be seen that the lack of a good education has been a cause of the continuation of the rural poverty. Education in Peru has been improving in the last decade, and continues to work on problems in the system. It has been moving forward in the city, but there is still a worry about the adjustment needed in rural education. The Peru Education policy decrees that school is compulsory for the youth of seven to sixteen years old, and in addition that education is free of cost. (mapsofworld.com) Throughout this, the education has increased in number, although the quality of education has not reached that of the United States. There is also the worry that those who live rurally do not have as much access to the schools. Peru is moving forward in education, which will continue to increase the amount of knowledgeable citizens in the future. As was mentioned before, there is a large problem of the poverty seen with Peruvians living in the rural areas. In Peru 8 million people are under poverty conditions, but only a third of the population lives below the poverty line. The issue is problem of the urban versus rural development. The rural poverty rate still sits at over 50 percent and this because of the focus of growth in urban areas. The government focuses on bettering the areas of Peru that are seen as having the opportunity to advance, and at the same time leaving villages behind that are full of villagers barely able to survive. While the urban areas of Peru advance, the rural areas fall farther behind and experience problems of poverty. Our focus is on this issue of rural poverty, and how we can better the education that is being provided at this point. We believe that education is the key to success, and the future of Peru. By allowing students the opportunity to attend schools with the supplies and tools they need, we believe that these educated students can go back into their villages and make the difference needed to improve their environment. When children attend school, they are encouraged to learn creativity, problem solving, and life skills. With more students entering into the rural areas who have knowledge and understanding, we believe that it is possible to stop the constant cycle of uneducated people birthing uneducated children. With more innovative minds, these children will be the future of the rural Peru. With more education and opportunities, we can renew rural Peru. Page 3 Sarah Howell [Peru] Issue In Peru 8 million people are under poverty conditions, but only a third of the population lives below the poverty line. Peru is considered to be a country that is rising in the world rankings, and last year it was ranked 77th out of 187 countries on the United Nations Development Programmes’s Human Development Index. (ruralpovertyportal.org) The issue is not the lack of forward movement in the country but the urban versus rural development. The rural poverty rate still sits at over 50 percent and this because of the focus of growth in urban areas. This poverty is the overlying name for many smaller problems such as; illiteracy, lack of essential services, inadequate research and training, and poor infrastructure. (ruralpovertyportal.org) While the urban areas of Peru advance, the rural areas fall farther behind and experience problems of poverty. Poverty, defined as the deficiency of the necessary or the state of having little or no money and goods, is prominent in the rural areas. (dictionary.reference.com) In rural areas there are problems of lack or little education, electricity, and the rights to water or land are not secure; with a deficiency in these areas it creates an environment of hungry children and hard-working parents that make enough only to survive. This than causes a large rate of poverty in the rural areas of Peru, and creates a large separation between those who live in the cities and those who dwell in rural villages. 100.00% 90.00% 80.00% 70.00% 60.00% 50.00% 40.00% 30.00% Drinking Water Source 20.00% Sanitiation Facility Access 10.00% 0.00% (CIA Factbook) Page 4 Sarah Howell [Peru] Those born in Lima can expect to live almost 20 years longer than those in rural areas. (ruralpovertyportal.org). With the situations of survival that must be endured in rural areas, the life span of those indigenous to rural areas are endangered. A lack of education for the youth in these areas, the children are bringing brought up to live lives of the same poverty of their parents seeing as they aren’t being given the tools to make the change. The above chart compares the drinking water sources and sanitation facility access improvement. It can be seen that the improvement of the urban area is always higher, and the rural areas are seemingly unimproved. This proves that there is a large movement to advance in the urban areas, but the rural areas are continually non-changing. Therefore, with no growth in the rural areas of Peru the poverty levels will also continue as they are. Being 4,130 miles apart, Southern Oregon and Peru do not have a strong connection, but though this is true, making a difference in Peru poverty means making the difference in people’s lives. Without our help, there are many Peruvian children who might never reach their full potential of becoming a research doctor, physicist, or a spacecraft engineer. With the help of a non-profit, it can be made sure that there are no lives wasted in rural Peru. In addition, crime develops in desperate situations. People living in poverty can feel pressed to do things they wouldn’t otherwise. We can help lower the world crime rate by putting these people in better situations. While the urban areas of Peru advance, the rural areas fall farther behind and experience problems of poverty. This is something that should be seen as a large problem, as it is hindering the even larger growth of the country. With the help of our non-profit, we can help to supply the basic needs and educate better the rural citizens. Our main purpose will be to solely create a better life for those in poverty situations. Non-Profit Non-Profit name Renew Peru Mission Statement Our mission is to renew rural Peru through funding student’s school fees, paying for the necessary tools, and ensuring the possibility of education for these children. Page 5 Sarah Howell [Peru] What We Do Our focus is on youth living in rural areas, and education. We believe that education is the key to success, and the future of Peru. By allowing students the opportunity to attend schools with the supplies and tools they need, we believe that these educated students can go back into their villages and make the difference needed to improve their environment. When children attend school, they are encouraged to learn creativity, problem solving, and life skills. With more students entering into the rural areas who have knowledge and understanding, we believe that it is possible to stop the constant cycle of uneducated people birthing uneducated children. With more innovative minds, these children will be the future of the rural Peru. With more education and opportunities, we can renew rural Peru. Our Plan as Renew Peru is to fight the education problem by picking children through an application process. After the children have been chosen, we will fund them to have all the clothes, book, and supplies they need to be successful students. In addition, we will have monthly check-ins to ensure that the students are successful. We will continue to choose more students, and hope to educate and stop the current cycle. Ways You Can Help Donate Money Renew Peru will create a special program to encourage donors to participate in which participants can choose a child to sponsor through their education, and provide for. We will make this a personal experience so that the donors can receive updates on their “children” if they are interested.
Recommended publications
  • Appendix to “Social Inequalities, Identity
    World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2021/11 Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019 Appendix Oscar Barrera Ana Leiva Clara Martínez-Toledano Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero March 2021 Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019 Oscar Barrera Ana Leiva Clara Martínez-Toledano Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero† Appendix This document supplements our working paper “Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019”. It contains all appendix tables and figures. † Oscar Barrera (World Inequality Lab): [email protected]; Ana Leiva (University of Oslo, UiO): [email protected]; Clara Martínez-Toledano (Imperial College London, World Inequality Lab): [email protected]; Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero (Paris School of Economics, World Inequality Lab): [email protected]. We are grateful to Lavih Abraham, Ronald Alfaro- Redondo, María Julia Blanco, Francesco Bogliacino, Nicolás DvosKin, Ignacio Flores, Gustavo García, Amory Gethin, Kyong Mazaro and Thomas PiKetty for their useful advice. Figure AA1 - Vote for Peronists by income decile in Argentina 100% 90% D1 D2 D3 D4 D5 D6 D7 D8 D9 D10 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1995-99 2007-11 2015-19 Source: authors' computations using Argentinian post-electoral and political attitudes surveys. Note: the figure shows the share of votes received by the Peronist party by income decile. Figure AA2 - Vote for Peronists by income group in Argentina 90% 80% Bottom 50% Middle 40% Top 10% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1995-99 2007-11 2015-19 Source: authors' computations using Argentinian post-electoral and political attitudes surveys.
    [Show full text]
  • Types of Semi-Presidentialism and Party Competition Structures in Democracies: the Cases of Portugal and Peru Gerson Francisco J
    TYPES OF SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND PARTY COMPETITION STRUCTURES IN DEMOCRACIES: THE CASES OF PORTUGAL AND PERU GERSON FRANCISCO JULCARIMA ALVAREZ Licentiate in Sociology, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (Peru), 2005. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in POLITICAL SCIENCE Department of Political Science University of Lethbridge LETHBRIDGE, ALBERTA, CANADA © Gerson F. Julcarima Alvarez, 2020 TYPES OF SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND PARTY COMPETITION STRUCTURES IN DEMOCRACIES: THE CASES OF PORTUGAL AND PERU GERSON FRANCISCO JULCARIMA ALVAREZ Date of Defence: November 16, 2020 Dr. A. Siaroff Professor Ph.D. Thesis Supervisor Dr. H. Jansen Professor Ph.D. Thesis Examination Committee Member Dr. J. von Heyking Professor Ph.D. Thesis Examination Committee Member Dr. Y. Belanger Professor Ph.D. Chair, Thesis Examination Committee ABSTRACT This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier- presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar.
    [Show full text]
  • Election Results in Argentina, 1995-2019 100
    Figure 15.1 - Election results in Argentina, 1995-2019 100 90 Peronists Non-Peronists 80 70 60 50 40 Share of votes (%) votes of Share 30 20 10 0 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 Source: authors' computations using official election results (see wpid.world). Note: the figure shows the share of votes received by selected groups of Argentinian political parties in general elections between 1995 and 2019. Peronist parties received 48% of votes in the 2019 election. Anti-peronist parties are the Radical Civic Union (UCR), the Front for a Country in Solidarity (FREPASO), Acción por la Republica, Coalición Cívica ARI, Cambiemos, Frente de Izquierda, and Recrear. Figure 15.2 - The Peronist vote by income and education in Argentina, 1995-2019 20 Difference between (% of top 10% educated) and (% of bottom 90% educated) voting Peronist 15 10 Difference between (% of top 10% earners) and (% of bottom 90% earners) voting Peronist 5 0 -5 -10 -15 -20 -25 1995-99 2007-11 2015-19 Source: authors' computations using Argentinian post-electoral and political attitudes surveys (see wpid.world). Note: the figure shows the relative support of highest-educated and top-income voters for Peronists, after controlling for age, gender, religious affiliation, religiosity, employment status, marital status, occupation, rural-urban location, region, ethnicity, and perceived social class. In 2015-2019, top 10% income earners were 8 percentage points less likely to vote for Peronists. Table 15.1 - The structure of political cleavages in Argentina, 2015-2019 Share of votes received (%) Peronists Non-Peronists Education Primary 55% 45% Secondary 51% 49% Tertiary 38% 62% Income Bottom 50% 55% 45% Middle 40% 44% 56% Top 10% 34% 66% Occupation Public worker 39% 61% Private worker 34% 66% Entrepreneur 27% 73% Self-employed 38% 62% Subjective social class Working class 57% 43% Upper/Middle class 32% 68% Location Urban area 47% 53% Rural area 40% 60% Source: authors' computations using Argentinian political attitudes surveys (see wpid.world).
    [Show full text]
  • Sintesis Informativa De La Csj Ica Del 11 De Julio Del 2014
    08 DE JULIO: JACQUELINE RIEGA RONDON 08 DE JULIO: CARLOS VALDEZ MOSCOSO 08 DE JULIO: JUAN FRANCISCO VILA CHAMAN 10 DE JULIO: JUDITH EDITH YARMA MENDOZA 10 DE JULIO: JUAN SERAPIO LOPEZ ROJAS 10 DE JULIO: JORGE JULIO MUÑANTE HERNADEZ 11 DE JULIO: IVAN ISMAEL RAMOS QUIROZ 12 DE JULIO: JORGE MIGUEL PEÑA HUARCAYA 14 DE JULIO: JAQUELINE ROSAURA ESCUDERO ROJAS 14 DE JULIO: JORGE ARMANDO QUISPE BAUTISTA ACTUALIDAD ACADEMICA Empezó pugna en Gana Perú por la presidencia del Congreso Hay 22 parlamentarios oficialistas que respaldan a Marisol Espinoza. Palacio de Gobierno promueve a Ana María Solórzano Esta noche en Palacio de Gobierno se está llevando a cabo una cita crucial. El presidente Ollanta Humala convocó a la bancada de Gana Perú para empezar a definir quien será el candidato del oficialismo a la presidencia del Congreso a partir del próximo 27 de julio. Pero antes, a eso de las 2 de la tarde, circuló en el Parlamento un documento suscrito por 22 legisladores de la bancada oficialista que respaldan la postulación de la representante piurana Marisol Espinoza, quien actualmente ejerce la vicepresidencia de la República. El Comercio supo que la promotora de esta singular misiva de respaldo fue la legisladora Esther Saavedra, quien conversó con la propia Espinoza antes de las tres de la tarde de hoy para comunicarle el respaldo de este grupo de congresistas. Sería la primera vez que al interior de la bancada de gobierno surja una propuesta para acceder a la presidencia del Congreso. Las tres últimas veces (Daniel Abugattás, Víctor Isla y Fredy Otárola) esta candidatura fue directamente propuesta desde Palacio de Gobierno.
    [Show full text]
  • How Could the Covid-19 Crisis Impact the Future of Natural Resource Development in Latin America? – Strictly Confidential | 2
    How could the Covid- 19 crisis impact the future of natural resource development in Latin America? NEW RISKS AND OPPORTUNITIES IN AN EVOLVING POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL LANDSCAPE MAY 2020 How could political, economic and social fallout from the Covid-19 crisis impact natural resource development in Latin America? This is one of a series of Critical Resource thought pieces exploring the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic on the natural resource sector. This piece was informed by conversations with Critical Resource’s senior advisory network, which includes the foremost regional experts. Please get in touch if you would like to discuss how these issues affect your business. Summary of key findings Latin America is expected to be among the hardest hit of emerging markets and developing economies by the macroeconomic impact of the Covid-19 crisis. An April 2020 report published by the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) estimated that regional GDP will contract by over 5% in 2020. By comparison, GDP in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East and Central Asia region is forecast to contract by 1.6% and 2.8% respectively, while emerging and developing Asia will see 1% growth according to International Monetary Fund (IMF) projections. This will push an additional 30 million people across the ECLAC region into poverty and another 16 million into extreme poverty. The regional unemployment rate will likely hit 12%. The responses of governments to the socio-economic ramifications of the pandemic have been varied. Mexico’s President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), an ostensible leftist, has embraced Thatcher- style austerity, eschewing new debt and stimulus spending.
    [Show full text]
  • The Effects of CAFTA on Democratic Institutions in Central America" (2010)
    Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2010 Free Trade and Free Societies: The ffecE ts of CAFTA on Democratic Institutions in Central America David Nahmias Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Nahmias, David, "Free Trade and Free Societies: The Effects of CAFTA on Democratic Institutions in Central America" (2010). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 229. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/229 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CLAREMONT McKENNA COLLEGE FREE TRADE AND FREE SOCIETIES: THE EFFECTS OF CAFTA ON DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN CENTRAL AMERICA SUBMITTED TO PROFESSOR RODERIC AI CAMP AND DEAN GREGORY HESS BY DAVID SIDNEY SHAFFER NAHMIAS FOR SENIOR THESIS FALL 2009/SPRING 2010 APRIL 26, 2010 CONTENTS CHAPTER 1. Introduction 1 CHAPTER 2. Theory and Methodology 30 CHAPTER 3. Mexico and NAFTA: A Test of the Democratic Audit 59 CHAPTER 4. El Salvador 91 CHAPTER 5. Costa Rica 138 CHAPTER 6. Conclusions 184 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 191 ABSTRACT During the debate over the ratification of the United States-Central America-Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), the Bush Administration argued that implementation of a free trade agreement would help strengthen the nascent democracies in Central America. As a bilateral agreement, CAFTA would not only foment greater trade liberalization by expanding market access and eliminating trade barriers, but also help transform the entire commercial frameworks in Central America and promote economic development. These implications are not just economic – in particular, its provisions on intellectual property and investment rights, government procurement and labor standards affect the political institutions underpinning democracy and rule of law.
    [Show full text]
  • Party Organizational Strength in New and Old Democracies
    Revista do CESOP http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912019251199 e-ISSN 1807-0191 Time after time: party organizational strength in new and old democracies Pedro Floriano Ribeiro1 Luis Locatelli2 The ‘time factor’ has not been systematically considered in cross-national studies on party organizations. Relying on the largest dataset to date on party organizations, namely the Political Party Database Project (PPDB), the article tests the impact of time as a two-level variable (duration of democracy and age of parties) on parties’ organizational strength in new and established democracies. We add original data from three Latin American countries to the nineteen countries covered by the first PPDB database (132 parties overall). The results suggest that parties in established democracies have less members and more money than those of newer democracies. Among the latter, the greater capacity for mass mobilization produces stronger parties—as in Latin America—compared to the Eastern European countries. The findings challenge the traditional view of the exceptional weakness of Latin American parties and point to the importance of time as a multilevel variable: besides the national context, the “ancestral” party origin in previous regimes have a large impact on organizational strength. Keywords: party organizations; political parties; party membership; party finance; Latin America Introduction3 Many studies in political science consider time as a relevant factor in the explanation of political processes, implicitly or explicitly, when adopting historical approaches. However, a few authors have systematically placed “politics in time” (Pierson, 2004). In this sense, the influence of time as a multilevel variable—duration of democracy and age of parties—on party membership, party funding, and organizational strength has not been systematically tested until today in cross-national comparative studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction Challenges of Party- Building in Latin America
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-14594-8 — Challenges of Party-Building in Latin America Edited by Steven Levitsky , James Loxton , Brandon Van Dyck , Jorge I. Domínguez Excerpt More Information 1 1 Introduction Challenges of Party- Building in Latin America Steven Levitsky, James Loxton, and Brandon Van Dyck Political parties are the basic building blocks of representative democracy. Political scientists have long argued that democracy is “unworkable” (Aldrich 1995: 3) or even “unthinkable” (Schattschneider 1942: 1) with- out them. Yet four decades into the third wave of democratization, parties remain weak in much of Latin America. Since 1990, major parties have weakened dramatically or collapsed altogether in Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Peru, and Venezuela.1 At the same time, most efforts to build new parties have failed. The regional landscape is littered with the corpses of new parties that either failed to take off or experienced brief electoral success but then izzled out or col- lapsed.2 Consequently, most Latin American party systems are more luid today than they were two decades ago. Of the six party systems scored as “institutionalized” in Mainwaring and Scully’s (1995) seminal work, one (Venezuela) has collapsed fully, three (Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica) have collapsed partially, and a ifth (Chile) has arguably been “uprooted” (Luna and Altman 2011).3 Of the four party systems that Mainwaring and Scully (1995) classiied as “inchoate,” only Brazil’s has strengthened 1 On party weakness and party system collapse in Latin America, see Roberts and Wibbels (1999), Sánchez (2009), Morgan (2011), Seawright (2012), and Lupu (2014, 2016).
    [Show full text]
  • Country Briefing 2011
    DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES OF THE UNION POLICY DEPARTMENT Chile COUNTRY BRIEFING 2011 Abstract Sebastián Piñera took office on 11 March 2010 as the first President from the centre-right Coalition for Change (Coalición por el Cambio), ending 20 of years of government by the centre-left Concertación. His government enjoyed considerable popularity during its first months in office, but has since been met by large scale protests, particularly against its education policies, and approval ratings for the President have declined significantly. The protests point to an underlying frustration with fundamental aspects of the political system and the model of society which has characterised Chile since the transition to democracy. The coming months are likely to be decisive for the Government's chances of overcoming the current challenges and re-gain the political initiative. The economy has registered more than 25 years of almost uninterrupted, high growth rates and is expected to grow above the regional average also in 2011. While Chile has become a model for economic and social development, the country still faces challenges in reaching developed country status. Following a strategy of "open regionalism", Chile has developed an extensive network of free trade and other economic agreements with partners in Latin America, North America, Asia and Europe. Under the Association Agreement signed in 2002, Chile's relations with the EU have strengthened on many fronts in recent years. Chile will host next year's EU-Latin America and the Caribbean Summit. FOR EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT INTERNAL USE ONLY! DG EXPO/B/PolDep/Note/2011_241 October/2011 EN Policy Department DG External Policies This Country Briefing was requested by the European Parliament's Delegation to the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly.
    [Show full text]
  • Sistema Peruano De Información Jurídica
    Sistema Peruano de Información Jurídica Martes, 24 de julio de 2012 PRESIDENCIA DEL CONSEJO DE MINISTROS Aceptan renuncia de Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores RESOLUCION SUPREMA Nº 213-2012-PCM Lima, 23 de julio de 2012 Vista la renuncia que, al cargo de Ministro de Estado en el Despacho de Relaciones Exteriores, formula el señor Fortunato Rafael Roncagliolo Orbegoso; y, Estando a lo acordado; SE RESUELVE: Aceptar la renuncia que, al cargo de Ministro de Estado en el Despacho de Relaciones Exteriores, formula el señor Fortunato Rafael Roncagliolo Orbegoso, dándosele las gracias por los importantes servicios prestados a la Nación. Regístrese, comuníquese y publíquese. OLLANTA HUMALA TASSO Presidente Constitucional de la República ÓSCAR VALDÉS DANCUART Presidente del Consejo de Ministros Aceptan renuncia de Ministro de Defensa RESOLUCION SUPREMA Nº 214-2012-PCM Lima, 23 de julio de 2012 Vista la renuncia que, al cargo de Ministro de Estado en el Despacho de Defensa, formula el señor José Antonio Urquizo Maggia; y, Estando a lo acordado; SE RESUELVE: Aceptar la renuncia que, al cargo de Ministro de Estado en el Despacho de Defensa, formula el señor José Antonio Urquizo Maggia, dándosele las gracias por los importantes servicios prestados a la Nación. Regístrese, comuníquese y publíquese. OLLANTA HUMALA TASSO Presidente Constitucional de la República ÓSCAR VALDÉS DANCUART Presidente del Consejo de Ministros Aceptan renuncia de Ministro de Economía y Finanzas Página 1 Sistema Peruano de Información Jurídica RESOLUCION SUPREMA Nº 215-2012-PCM Lima, 23 de julio de 2012 Vista la renuncia que, al cargo de Ministro de Estado en el Despacho de Economía y Finanzas, formula el señor Luis Miguel Castilla Rubio; y, Estando a lo acordado; SE RESUELVE: Aceptar la renuncia que, al cargo de Ministro de Estado en el Despacho de Economía y Finanzas, formula el señor Luis Miguel Castilla Rubio, dándosele las gracias por los importantes servicios prestados a la Nación.
    [Show full text]
  • Electoral System Design: the New International IDEA Handbook
    Electoral System Design: The New International IDEA Handbook Electoral System Design: The New International IDEA Handbook Andrew Reynolds Ben Reilly and Andrew Ellis With José Antonio Cheibub Karen Cox Dong Lisheng Jørgen Elklit Michael Gallagher Allen Hicken Carlos Huneeus Eugene Huskey Stina Larserud Vijay Patidar Nigel S. Roberts Richard Vengroff Jeffrey A. Weldon Handbook Series The International IDEA Handbook Series seeks to present comparative analysis, information and insights on a range of democratic institutions and processes. Handbooks are aimed primarily at policy makers, politicians, civil society actors and practitioners in the field. They are also of interest to academia, the democracy assistance community and other bodies. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The map presented in this publication does not imply on the part of the Institute any judgement on the legal status of any territory or the endorsement of such boundaries, nor does the placement or size of any country or territory reflect the political view of the Institute. The map is created for this publication in order to add clarity to the text. © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2005 Reprinted 2008 Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: Information Unit International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications. Graphic design by: Magnus Alkmar Cover photos: © Pressens Bild Printed by: Trydells Tryckeri AB, Sweden ISBN: 91-85391-18-2 Foreword The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ‘everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives’.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019
    World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2021/11 Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019 Oscar Barrera Ana Leiva Clara Martínez-Toledano Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero March 2021 Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019 Oscar Barrera, Ana Leiva, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero * March 21, 2021 Abstract This paper combines electoral surveys to analyze the transformation of the struc- ture of political cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico and Peru over the last decades. We document that Latin American countries are characterized by personalist leaderships (e.g., Fujimori in Peru, Uribe in Colombia) and important historical cleavages (e.g., anti vs. pro-PLN in Costa Rica) that blur class-based vot- ing patterns and have led in some cases to the emergence of competing pro-poor and ethnic-based competing coalitions (e.g., PRN-PLN in Costa Rica, Fujimori-Humala in Peru) over the last decades. The party systems of Costa Rica, Colombia and Peru have thus generated volatile political socio-economic cleavages, while in the more institu- tionalized party systems of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico they have been less volatile. *Oscar Barrera (World Inequality Lab): [email protected]; Ana Leiva (University of Oslo, UiO): [email protected]; Clara Martínez-Toledano (Imperial College London, World Inequality Lab): [email protected]; Álvaro Zúñiga-Cordero (Paris School of Economics, World Inequality Lab): [email protected].
    [Show full text]