DOCSLIB.ORG

Electoral System Design: the New International IDEA Handbook

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Electoral System Design: the New International IDEA Handbook Electoral System Design: The New International IDEA Handbook Electoral System Design: The New International IDEA Handbook Andrew Reynolds Ben Reilly and Andrew Ellis With José Antonio Cheibub Karen Cox Dong Lisheng Jørgen Elklit Michael Gallagher Allen Hicken Carlos Huneeus Eugene Huskey Stina Larserud Vijay Patidar Nigel S. Roberts Richard Vengroff Jeffrey A. Weldon Handbook Series The International IDEA Handbook Series seeks to present comparative analysis, information and insights on a range of democratic institutions and processes. Handbooks are aimed primarily at policy makers, politicians, civil society actors and practitioners in the field. They are also of interest to academia, the democracy assistance community and other bodies. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The map presented in this publication does not imply on the part of the Institute any judgement on the legal status of any territory or the endorsement of such boundaries, nor does the placement or size of any country or territory reflect the political view of the Institute. The map is created for this publication in order to add clarity to the text. © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2005 Reprinted 2008 Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: Information Unit International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications. Graphic design by: Magnus Alkmar Cover photos: © Pressens Bild Printed by: Trydells Tryckeri AB, Sweden ISBN: 91-85391-18-2 Foreword The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ‘everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives’. The United Nations has thus been involved in the field of electoral assistance since its founding in 1945, working to establish and advance the principles of democracy and political rights. The work of the UN in elections is most often most associated with comprehensive modern peacekeeping and peace-building operations, for example, in Cambodia, El Salvador and Mozambique, and more recently in Afghanistan and Iraq. These efforts are, however, only the most visible part of UN electoral assistance activities that currently support democratic election processes in over 50 countries. The design of electoral systems is a vital component of these processes. It cannot be considered in isolation from the wider context of constitutional and institutional design, and it can be critical for areas as diverse as conflict management, gender representation and the development of political party systems. Done well, electoral system design can add to the momentum of political change, encourage popular participation, and enable the emergence of legitimate representatives who are capable of handling a wide range of needs and expectations, immediately and in the future. Done badly, it can derail progress towards democracy or even political stability. To be successful, electoral system design processes must build understanding and trust–not just among politicians and election administrators, but among civil society organizations, among commentators, and above all among the citizens of a country undergoing democratic reform. Electoral systems must be designed not only to work under current situations but also to accommodate future changes in attitudes and behaviour as electoral incentives change. They can contribute to the development of stable democracy or they can be a major stumbling block to it. I am delighted therefore to welcome the publication of this new Handbook by International IDEA. It lays out essential knowledge about electoral systems and their consequences, presenting complex ideas with accessible clarity. It addresses key issues in the process of democratic transition and reform in a practical way. It is clear, simple and global in its approach, and will be a vital tool for those involved in the development of stable democracies. It should be made widely available and be widely read by electoral practitioners worldwide. Carina Perelli Director, United Nations Electoral Assistance Division I II Preface It is now 50 years since Maurice Duverger’s work initiated the widespread study of electoral systems and their effects. For many years, however, the impact of this study on the real political world was limited. The worlds of political scientists and of electoral framework designers did not often connect, and the scope for institutional change was itself limited in many parts of the world of the Cold War. The 1990s saw an explosion of innovation and reform in electoral systems, especially as the new democracies in Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe, Latin America and the former Soviet Union began actively reforming their political and electoral systems and looking for options and experiences from elsewhere. Responding to this need for comparative information and guidance, IDEA, as a newly established international organization specifically mandated to promote democracy and electoral assistance, drew upon these many and varied experiences to create its first published Handbook, the International IDEA Handbook of Electoral System Design, in 1997. Since then, this resource has been widely used and has received much positive feedback. It has been made available on IDEA’s web site, distributed by CD ROM, and produced in French, Spanish, Arabic and Burmese editions. Notwithstanding its continuing success, there have, in the period since the first edition was published, been many more innovations and developments in electoral system design. Several countries have changed their systems, and lessons have been learnt in the process. There is much more understanding about the relationship between electoral systems and party systems and the broader democratic institutional framework, especially in the newer democracies. There is clearer acknowledgement that electoral system change is not simply a technical matter, but a political process requiring public debate and careful consensus building. In this context, electoral system design can be a crucial tool in conflict management strategies, helping to lay firm foundations for sustainable democracy. IDEA is publishing this new edition —Electoral System Design: The New International IDEA Handbook—as part of its tenth anniversary celebrations. While staying faithful to the original edition, the new Handbook features an updated core text, fresh material on the process of electoral system reform, new case studies, and several additional sections on particular issues such as the quality of representation, the challenge of post-conflict situations, and the use of direct democracy options. There is also a revised listing of the electoral systems of the world through the maps, annexes and tables. We hope the result is an accessible and useful volume which will assist those actively engaged in the process of democracy building. We would welcome your comments, suggestions and ideas on any aspect of this Handbook. Karen Fogg Secretary-General, International IDEA III IV Contents Foreword .................................................................................................................................................................. I Preface ................................................................................................................................................................III Acronyms and Abbreviations .............................................................................................................................IX 1. OVERVIEW......................................................................................................................................................1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................................................1 How to Use this Handbook ..................................................................................................................................3 What Electoral Systems Are.................................................................................................................................5 The Importance of Electoral Systems .................................................................................................................5 Electoral Systems and Party Systems ...............................................................................................6 Electoral Systems and Conflict Management ..................................................................................6 Psychological and Mechanical Effects .............................................................................................6 The Importance of Context ..................................................................................................................7 The Broader Democratic Framework ................................................................................................7 Criteria for Design ..................................................................................................................................................9 Providing Representation ....................................................................................................................9
Load more

Recommended publications
  • THE ELECTORAL PROCESS and DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE in LESOTHO Lessons for the Democratic Republic of the Congo
    VOLUME 2 NO 1 77 THE ELECTORAL PROCESS AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN LESOTHO Lessons for the Democratic Republic of the Congo By Khabele Matlosa Dr Khabele Matlosa is Director of the Research and Policy Studies Programme of the Southern African Political Economy Series (SAPES) Trust, 4 Deary Avenue, Belgravia, Harare, Zimbabwe Tel: +263 4252962; Fax: +263 4252964; e-mail: [email protected] INTRODUCTION After long years of authoritarian rule, marked, in the main, by either civilian or military dictatorship, all the member states of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) have embraced multi-party democratic governance. Although much progress has been made in a majority of the regional states towards nurturing and consolidating democratic governance, fairly slow progress is still manifest in the case of three SADC member-states, namely Angola, The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Swaziland. It is not difficult to understand and explain the rather disappointing record of democratisation in these three states. The main problem in both Angola and the DRC is largely the protracted violent conflict that has characterised them, although it appears now that the prospect of successfully settling these intra-state disputes is fairly bright. Swaziland is steeped in a traditionalism that has entrenched a dynastic form of governance in which the King, as an executive monarch, is central to the running of national affairs. This constitutes a critical democratic deficit for the country. One important ingredient of democratic consolidation in the SADC region is the holding of regular multi-party elections. It should, however, be noted right from the start that an election does not amount to democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • A Generalization of the Minisum and Minimax Voting Methods
    A Generalization of the Minisum and Minimax Voting Methods Shankar N. Sivarajan Undergraduate, Department of Physics Indian Institute of Science Bangalore 560 012, India [email protected] Faculty Advisor: Prof. Y. Narahari Deparment of Computer Science and Automation Revised Version: December 4, 2017 Abstract In this paper, we propose a family of approval voting-schemes for electing committees based on the preferences of voters. In our schemes, we calcu- late the vector of distances of the possible committees from each of the ballots and, for a given p-norm, choose the one that minimizes the magni- tude of the distance vector under that norm. The minisum and minimax methods suggested by previous authors and analyzed extensively in the literature naturally appear as special cases corresponding to p = 1 and p = 1; respectively. Supported by examples, we suggest that using a small value of p; such as 2 or 3, provides a good compromise between the minisum and minimax voting methods with regard to the weightage given to approvals and disapprovals. For large but finite p; our method reduces to finding the committee that covers the maximum number of voters, and this is far superior to the minimax method which is prone to ties. We also discuss extensions of our methods to ternary voting. 1 Introduction In this paper, we consider the problem of selecting a committee of k members out of n candidates based on preferences expressed by m voters. The most common way of conducting this election is to allow each voter to select his favorite candidate and vote for him/her, and we select the k candidates with the most number of votes.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Federalism on National Party Cohesion in Brazil
    National Party Cohesion in Brazil 259 SCOTT W. DESPOSATO University of Arizona The Impact of Federalism on National Party Cohesion in Brazil This article explores the impact of federalism on national party cohesion. Although credited with increasing economic growth and managing conflict in countries with diverse electorates, federal forms of government have also been blamed for weak party systems because national coalitions may be divided by interstate conflicts. This latter notion has been widely asserted, but there is virtually no empirical evidence of the relationship or even an effort to isolate and identify the specific features of federal systems that might weaken parties. In this article, I build and test a model of federal effects in national legislatures. I apply my framework to Brazil, whose weak party system is attributed, in part, to that country’s federal form of government. I find that federalism does significantly reduce party cohesion and that this effect can be tied to multiple state-level interests but that state-level actors’ impact on national party cohesion is surprisingly small. Introduction Federalism is one of the most widely studied of political institutions. Scholars have shown how federalism’s effects span a wide range of economic, policy, and political dimensions (see Chandler 1987; Davoodi and Zou 1998; Dyck 1997; Manor 1998; Riker 1964; Rodden 2002; Ross 2000; Stansel 2002; Stein 1999; Stepan 1999; Suberu 2001; Weingast 1995). In economic spheres, federalism has been lauded for improving market competitiveness and increasing growth; in politics, for successfully managing diverse and divided countries. But one potential cost of federalism is that excessive political decentralization could weaken polities’ ability to forge broad coalitions to tackle national issues.1 Federalism, the argument goes, weakens national parties because subnational conflicts are common in federal systems and national politicians are tied to subnational interests.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Voting Systems
    SUBMISSION 103 Strengthening our democracy through voters understanding what influence they can wield. Submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters Inquiry into civics and electoral education Proportional Representation Society of Australia http://www.prsa.org.au July 2006 p. 1 Introduction p. 2 Elements of a strategy to improve voting awareness p. 3 The Society's interest p. 5 A proud tradition of electoral innovation in earlier years p. 6 Promotion of vigorous discussion about electoral systems p. 7 How an Australian Democracy Web site might work p. 8 Specific matters to be covered p. 9 Recent unfortunate consequences of failure to make voters’ wishes central in Commonwealth elections p.10 House of Representatives votes needlessly rendered informal at the start of the scrutiny p.11 Six Senate vacancies ordinarily in each State a backward step p.12 The Senate party-box short-cut regularly backfires p.15 Senate transfer values definition untenable in computer age p.16 Party box methods in the States have also had major problems p.19 Electoral outcomes of the last twenty-five years regularly unfair despite equalised enrolments p.20 Minority-support and lopsided outcomes where enrolments equalised p.23 Removing enrolment imbalances in recent years hasn’t ended unsatisfactory outcomes p.25 Lop-sided outcomes lead to challenges to the legitimacy of first-past-the-post methods overseas p.28 Hare-Clark system at forefront of emphasising voter influence p.32 Setting of some basic national civics and related information goals
    [Show full text]
  • The Sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit Era
    Island Studies Journal, 15(1), 2020, 151-168 The sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit era Maria Mut Bosque School of Law, Universitat Internacional de Catalunya, Spain MINECO DER 2017-86138, Ministry of Economic Affairs & Digital Transformation, Spain Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, UK [email protected] (corresponding author) Abstract: This paper focuses on an analysis of the sovereignty of two territorial entities that have unique relations with the United Kingdom: the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories (BOTs). Each of these entities includes very different territories, with different legal statuses and varying forms of self-administration and constitutional linkages with the UK. However, they also share similarities and challenges that enable an analysis of these territories as a complete set. The incomplete sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and BOTs has entailed that all these territories (except Gibraltar) have not been allowed to participate in the 2016 Brexit referendum or in the withdrawal negotiations with the EU. Moreover, it is reasonable to assume that Brexit is not an exceptional situation. In the future there will be more and more relevant international issues for these territories which will remain outside of their direct control, but will have a direct impact on them. Thus, if no adjustments are made to their statuses, these territories will have to keep trusting that the UK will be able to represent their interests at the same level as its own interests. Keywords: Brexit, British Overseas Territories (BOTs), constitutional status, Crown Dependencies, sovereignty https://doi.org/10.24043/isj.114 • Received June 2019, accepted March 2020 © 2020—Institute of Island Studies, University of Prince Edward Island, Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Political Parties and Party Politics On
    EXPLORING THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND PARTY SYSTEMS ON DEMOCRACY IN LESOTHO by MPHO RAKHARE Student number: 2009083300 Submitted in the fulfilment of the requirements for the Magister Degree in Governance and Political Transformation in the Programme of Governance and Political Transformation at the University of Free State Bloemfontein February 2019 Supervisor: Dr Tania Coetzee TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages DECLARATION .................................................................................................................................... 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...................................................................................................................... 5 List of abbreviations and acronyms ................................................................................................... 6 LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................................. 8 Chapter 1 ............................................................................................................................................... 9 Introduction to research ....................................................................................................................... 9 1.1 Motivation ........................................................................................................................................ 9 1.2 Problem statement .....................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Three Policy Priorities for Greater Manchester January 2017
    Three policy priorities for Greater Manchester January 2017 Introduction The first metro mayor of Greater Manchester will be elected with a vision for the city and clear strategic, deliverable policies to meet it. The challenge and workload will be considerable, with powers and expectations ranging from delivering policy, to establishing the institutions and capacity for effective city-region governance. This briefing offers three priorities that address the biggest issues facing Greater Manchester. A ‘quick win’ will help the mayor to set the tone for delivery right from the start. Delivering results quickly will build trust, and show what the metro mayor is able to do for the city-region. The best ‘quick wins’ in these circumstances are high profile and of value to citizens. Strategic decisions form the framework for delivering the metro mayor’s vision. As such, the mayor will have the power to take the decisions that will make the most of the new geography of governance. While the mayor will be keen to show progress towards their vision, strategic decisions will often take longer to show outcomes, therefore careful evaluation is needed to allow for flexibility and to demonstrate the effects. A long term vision for the city will be the key election platform – it is what the mayor is working towards while in office. This should be ambitious, but reflect the real needs and potential of the city. Some aspects of the vision will be achievable within the mayor’s term in office, while others will build momentum or signal a change in direction. It is important to be clear and strike the balance of where each policy lies on this spectrum.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Redistricting: an Overview
    Congressional Redistricting: An Overview Royce Crocker Specialist in American National Government November 21, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42831 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Congressional Redistricting: An Overview Summary The decennial apportionment process determines the number of seats in the House of Representatives for which each state qualifies, based on population counts (for more on the apportionment process, see CRS Report R41357, The U.S. House of Representatives Apportionment Formula in Theory and Practice, by Royce Crocker). The redistricting process determines where those seats are geographically located within each state. Apportionment allocates the seats by state, while redistricting draws the maps. Redistricting is a state process governed by federal law. Much of this law is judicially imposed because, in 1929, Congress let lapse its standards requiring districts to be made up of “contiguous and compact territory and containing as nearly as practicable an equal number of inhabitants.” If Congress chooses to legislate again in this area, its authority will come from Article I, Section 4 of the Constitution, granting the authority to Congress to change state laws pertaining to congressional elections. The goal of redistricting is to draw boundaries around geographic areas such that each district results in “fair” representation. An effort to favor one group of interests over another by using the redistricting process to distort this fairness is often referred to as gerrymandering. Aside from distorting representation, it is believed by some that such gerrymandering diminishes electoral responsiveness by minimizing political competition among the parties. Many of the “rules” or criteria for drawing congressional boundaries are meant to enhance fairness and minimize the impact of gerrymandering.
    [Show full text]
  • A Canadian Model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A
    Proportional-first-past-the-post: A Canadian model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Memorial University St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador May 2014 ii Abstract For more than a decade a majority of Canadians have consistently supported the idea of proportional representation when asked, yet all attempts at electoral reform thus far have failed. Even though a majority of Canadians support proportional representation, a majority also report they are satisfied with the current electoral system (even indicating support for both in the same survey). The author seeks to reconcile these potentially conflicting desires by designing a uniquely Canadian electoral system that keeps the positive and familiar features of first-past-the- post while creating a proportional election result. The author touches on the theory of representative democracy and its relationship with proportional representation before delving into the mechanics of electoral systems. He surveys some of the major electoral system proposals and options for Canada before finally presenting his made-in-Canada solution that he believes stands a better chance at gaining approval from Canadians than past proposals. iii Acknowledgements First of foremost, I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my brilliant supervisor, Dr. Amanda Bittner, whose continuous guidance, support, and advice over the past few years has been invaluable. I am especially grateful to you for encouraging me to pursue my Master’s and write about my electoral system idea.
    [Show full text]
  • Electoral Reform in Canada: the Shape of Things to Come an Executive Summary March 2016
    Electoral Reform in Canada: The Shape of Things to Come An Executive Summary March 2016 We are committed to ensuring that 2015 will be the last federal election conducted under the first- past- the- post voting system. As part of a national engagement process, we will ensure that electoral reform measures—such as ranked ballots, proportional representation, mandatory voting, and online voting—are fully and fairly studied and considered .... Within 18 months of forming government, we will bring forward legislation to enact electoral reform. —Justin Trudeau, Real Change: A Fair and Open Government ABOUT THIS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Public Services Foundation of Canada and the National Union of Public and General Employees have prepared a comprehensive discussion paper based on a survey of the literature and polling and focus group results, which will be published at a later date. This executive summary provides an overview of the main points without the inclusion of the research, position paper, or polling results. Electoral Reform in Canada: The Shape of Things to Come Executive Summary The Canadian Debate Justin Trudeau promised during the election that this would be the last federal election to use the unfair first-past-the-post (FPTP) system. Although he has indicated that other voting systems would be considered, Trudeau has indicated that his preferred proposal is a version of the single transferable vote (STV) that uses a ranked ballot. His critics say that when STV is used in single member ridings, it is really just an alternative vote (AV) system, also known as an instant run-off system, and the result would be even more unfair in its outcome than FPTP.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Electoral Reform “Regardless of Electoral System, There Will Always
    Electoral Reform “Regardless of electoral system, there will always be opposing views as to advantages and disadvantages of each” Submitted by SR-F 06 September 2016 Because elections and referenda require a high level of voter awareness and responsibility, civic participation in governance must be encouraged in order that Canada’s Democracy becomes one that protects liberties, particularly communal liberties, rather than simply emphasizing individual Rights. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hMIbH5D0waA Direct Democracy would be the ideal voting system because it allows citizens to participate in most every aspect of governance through initiatives/voting/referenda... laws and changes to the national constitution being voted on by the citizenry affording them a much greater measure of control over political minutiae. Switzerland is the most prominent modern democracy to use elements of Direct Democracy https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_in_Switzerland with versions of it at State and local levels in the USA. As opposed to direct democracy, some version of Representative Democracy , founded on the principle of elected officials representing a group of people (includes Referendum/Initiatives/Recall that provide limited Direct Democracy), would appear to be more practical for Canada at this point in time. Present System : FPTP - Plurality In “winner-take-all" electoral systems, generally just two parties end up competing in national elections, forcing political discussions into a narrow two-party frame where loyalty and party line assertions can distort political debate, voters left undecided as to where to place their vote. When FPTP Voters realise that their preferred candidate cannot win, knowing that their vote won’t count or will be wasted, they have little incentive to vote.
    [Show full text]