Feature History Fall of Yugoslavia Parts 1 and 2

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

NAME: Feature History Fall of Yugoslavia Parts 1 and 2 Quick Write: What do you know about Yugoslavia or the Bosnian War? You may simply list all you know as bullet point items or you may write with complete sentences. The Balkans is a peninsula and cultural area in eastern and southeastern Europe. It is an ethnically diverse region and is considered a crossroad of east and west. Yugoslavia, as a country, was a federation of six republics. It was established in 1918 and formerly dissolved in 1992. 1. In the late 1930s, which pressured Yugoslavia and what was Croatia being offered by those countries? 2. What significant event occurred in Yugoslavia in 1941? 3. Who was instrumental in defeating the invaders and later became president of Yugoslavia? 4. What was Yugoslavia's leader's main ideology regarding the country? 5. When did Yugoslavia's dictatorial leader die? 6. How long did the country try to function as though their leader had not died? 7. What significant world events led the Yugoslavians to finally accept their country was no longer under their former leader's influence? 8. Whom did Serbia blame when conditions became tough and how did those people react to the accusations? 9. Who were the first to break away from Yugoslavia? 10. Explain what happened in January 1990. Use the following information from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4997380.stm to supplement your notes: Timeline: Break-up of Yugoslavia Yugoslavia was first formed as a kingdom in 1918 and then recreated as a Socialist state in 1945 after the Axis powers were defeated in World War II. The constitution established six constituent republics in the federation: Bosnia-Hercegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Slovenia. Serbia also had two autonomous provinces: Kosovo and Vojvodina. By 1992 the Yugoslav Federation was falling apart. Nationalism had once again replaced communism as the dominant force in the Balkans. Slovenia and then Croatia were the first to break away, but only at the cost of renewed conflict with Serbia. The war in Croatia led to hundreds of thousands of refugees and reawakened memories of the brutality of the 1940s. By 1992 a further conflict had broken out in Bosnia, which had also declared independence. The Serbs who lived there were determined to remain within Yugoslavia and to help build a greater Serbia. They received strong backing from extremist groups in Belgrade. Muslims were driven from their homes in carefully planned operations that become known as "ethnic cleansing". By 1993 the Bosnian Muslim government was besieged in the capital Sarajevo, surrounded by Bosnian Serb forces who controlled around 70% of Bosnia. In Central Bosnia, the mainly Muslim army was fighting a separate war against Bosnian Croats who wished to be part of a greater Croatia. The presence of UN peacekeepers to contain the 2 situation proved ineffective. Use the following graphic organizer to take notes on the review lecture and slide presentation: Key People Key Places Key Dates Key Concepts 3 .

Copy Link

Recommended publications

Worlds Apart: Bosnian Lessons for Global Security
Worlds Apart Swanee Hunt Worlds Apart Bosnian Lessons for GLoBaL security Duke university Press Durham anD LonDon 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. To my partners c harLes ansBacher: “Of course you can.” and VaLerie GiLLen: “Of course we can.” and Mirsad JaceVic: “Of course you must.” Contents Author’s Note xi Map of Yugoslavia xii Prologue xiii Acknowledgments xix Context xxi Part i: War Section 1: Officialdom 3 1. insiDe: “Esteemed Mr. Carrington” 3 2. outsiDe: A Convenient Euphemism 4 3. insiDe: Angels and Animals 8 4. outsiDe: Carter and Conscience 10 5. insiDe: “If I Left, Everyone Would Flee” 12 6. outsiDe: None of Our Business 15 7. insiDe: Silajdžić 17 8. outsiDe: Unintended Consequences 18 9. insiDe: The Bread Factory 19 10. outsiDe: Elegant Tables 21 Section 2: Victims or Agents? 24 11. insiDe: The Unspeakable 24 12. outsiDe: The Politics of Rape 26 13. insiDe: An Unlikely Soldier 28 14. outsiDe: Happy Fourth of July 30 15. insiDe: Women on the Side 33 16. outsiDe: Contact Sport 35 Section 3: Deadly Stereotypes 37 17. insiDe: An Artificial War 37 18. outsiDe: Clashes 38 19. insiDe: Crossing the Fault Line 39 20. outsiDe: “The Truth about Goražde” 41 21. insiDe: Loyal 43 22. outsiDe: Pentagon Sympathies 46 23. insiDe: Family Friends 48 24. outsiDe: Extremists 50 Section 4: Fissures and Connections 55 25.
[Show full text]
UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11.
[Show full text]
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation Svetozar Rajak Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science University of London February 2004 UMI Number: U615474 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615474 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ” OF POUTICAL «, AN0 pi Th ^ s^ s £ £2^>3 ^7&2io 2 ABSTRACT The thesis chronologically presents the slow improvement of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, starting with Stalin’s death on 5 March 1953, through their full normalization in 1955 and 1956, to the renewed ideological confrontation at the end of 1956. The normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations brought to an end a conflict between Yugoslavia and the Eastern Bloc, in existence since 1948, which threatened the status quo in Europe. The thesis represents the first effort at comprehensively presenting the reconciliation between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, between 1953 and 1957. It will also explain the motives that guided the leaderships of the two countries, in particular the two main protagonists, Josip Broz Tito and Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, throughout this process.
[Show full text]
From the Tito-Stalin Split to Yugoslavia's Finnish Connection: Neutralism Before Non-Alignment, 1948-1958
ABSTRACT Title of Document: FROM THE TITO-STALIN SPLIT TO YUGOSLAVIA'S FINNISH CONNECTION: NEUTRALISM BEFORE NON-ALIGNMENT, 1948-1958. Rinna Elina Kullaa, Doctor of Philosophy 2008 Directed By: Professor John R. Lampe Department of History After the Second World War the European continent stood divided between two clearly defined and competing systems of government, economic and social progress. Historians have repeatedly analyzed the formation of the Soviet bloc in the east, the subsequent superpower confrontation, and the resulting rise of Euro-Atlantic interconnection in the west. This dissertation provides a new view of how two borderlands steered clear of absorption into the Soviet bloc. It addresses the foreign relations of Yugoslavia and Finland with the Soviet Union and with each other between 1948 and 1958. Narrated here are their separate yet comparable and, to some extent, coordinated contests with the Soviet Union. Ending the presumed partnership with the Soviet Union, the Tito-Stalin split of 1948 launched Yugoslavia on a search for an alternative foreign policy, one that previously began before the split and helped to provoke it. After the split that search turned to avoiding violent conflict with the Soviet Union while creating alternative international partnerships to help the Communist state to survive in difficult postwar conditions. Finnish-Soviet relations between 1944 and 1948 showed the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry that in order to avoid invasion, it would have to demonstrate a commitment to minimizing security risks to the Soviet Union along its European political border and to not interfering in the Soviet domination of domestic politics elsewhere in Eastern Europe.
[Show full text]
Civil Wars in Yugoslavia: Explaining the Bargaining Process Toma Sokolikj
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2012 Civil Wars in Yugoslavia: Explaining the Bargaining Process Toma Sokolikj Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND PUBLIC POLICY CIVIL WARS IN YUGOSLAVIA: EXPLAINING THE BARGAINING PROCESS By TOMA SOKOLIKJ A Thesis submitted to the International Affairs Program in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Science Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2012 Toma Sokolikj defended this thesis on November 6, 2012. The members of the supervisory committee were: Mark Souva Professor Directing Thesis Will H. Moore Committee Member Megan Shannon Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the thesis has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii I dedicate this to Maca and Late Sokolikj for their unconditional support during my entire educational career. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to acknowledge the above-mentioned faculty members for their help and guidance, as well my sister Iva and my brother Zlatko for always being there for me. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ vi Abstract ........................................................................................................................................
[Show full text]
LARSON-DISSERTATION-2020.Pdf
THE NEW “OLD COUNTRY” THE KINGDOM OF YUGOSLAVIA AND THE CREATION OF A YUGOSLAV DIASPORA 1914-1951 BY ETHAN LARSON DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2020 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Maria Todorova, Chair Professor Peter Fritzsche Professor Diane Koenker Professor Ulf Brunnbauer, University of Regensburg ABSTRACT This dissertation reviews the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s attempt to instill “Yugoslav” national consciousness in its overseas population of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, as well as resistance to that same project, collectively referred to as a “Yugoslav diaspora.” Diaspora is treated as constructed phenomenon based on a transnational network between individuals and organizations, both emigrant and otherwise. In examining Yugoslav overseas nation-building, this dissertation is interested in the mechanics of diasporic networks—what catalyzes their formation, what are the roles of international organizations, and how are they influenced by the political context in the host country. The life of Louis Adamic, who was a central figure within this emerging network, provides a framework for this monograph, which begins with his arrival in the United States in 1914 and ends with his death in 1951. Each chapter spans roughly five to ten years. Chapter One (1914-1924) deals with the initial encounter between Yugoslav diplomats and emigrants. Chapter Two (1924-1929) covers the beginnings of Yugoslav overseas nation-building. Chapter Three (1929-1934) covers Yugoslavia’s shift into a royal dictatorship and the corresponding effect on its emigration policy.
[Show full text]
Downloaded from Manchesterhive.Com at 10/03/2021 06:43:37AM Via Free Access
4 Contemporary accounts of Croatian national identity According to Benedict Anderson , ‘communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined’.1 This chapter investigates how the Croatian nation was imagined in the 1990s. It focuses on four sets of accounts that attempted to provide contemporary resonance to the abstract frames of national identity discussed in the previous chapter. These accounts attempted to either interpret what it meant to be Croatian in order to secure support for a political programme, or – as in the case of the dissident intellectuals – to challenge such accounts. However, they all attempted to give resonance to abstract ideas in the contemporary context. After a discussion of the so-called ‘Franjoist’ narrative offered by President Franjo Tuœman and his party, I will discuss alternative conceptions of identity that were articulated by opposition parties, dissident intellectuals and the Croatian diaspora. I argue that each of these ‘political entrepreneurs’ drew upon, and offered interpretations of, the historical statehood thesis in order to legitimise their programmes or to challenge the manifestos of others. The abstract frames discussed in the previous chapter therefore presented common frames of reference with which to seek legitimacy for political practices or to use to question that legitimacy. One of the central themes of this chapter is that different accounts of national identity (which draw upon a common stock of narrative or makes use of similar ‘frames’) inform political discourse and compete with each other. As Michael Billig argued: Different factions, whether classes, religions, genders or ethnicities, always struggle for the power to speak for the nation, and to present their particular voice as the voice of the national whole, defining the history of other sub-sections accordingly.
[Show full text]
Hans Asperger, National Socialism, and “Race Hygiene” in Nazi-Era Vienna Herwig Czech
Czech Molecular Autism _#####################_ https://doi.org/10.1186/s13229-018-0208-6 RESEARCH Open Access Hans Asperger, National Socialism, and “race hygiene” in Nazi-era Vienna Herwig Czech Abstract Background: Hans Asperger (1906–1980) first designated a group of children with distinct psychological characteristics as ‘autistic psychopaths’ in 1938, several years before Leo Kanner’s famous 1943 paper on autism. In 1944, Asperger published a comprehensive study on the topic (submitted to Vienna University in 1942 as his postdoctoral thesis), which would only find international acknowledgement in the 1980s. From then on, the eponym ‘Asperger’s syndrome’ increasingly gained currency in recognition of his outstanding contribution to the conceptualization of the condition. At the time, the fact that Asperger had spent pivotal years of his career in Nazi Vienna caused some controversy regarding his potential ties to National Socialism and its race hygiene policies. Documentary evidence was scarce, however, and over time a narrative of Asperger as an active opponent of National Socialism took hold. The main goal of this paper is to re-evaluate this narrative, which is based to a large extent on statements made by Asperger himself and on a small segment of his published work. Methods: Drawing on a vast array of contemporary publications and previously unexplored archival documents (including Asperger’s personnel files and the clinical assessments he wrote on his patients), this paper offers a critical examination of Asperger’s life, politics, and career before and during the Nazi period in Austria. Results: Asperger managed to accommodate himself to the Nazi regime and was rewarded for his affirmations of loyalty with career opportunities.
[Show full text]
The Role of Presidents in Croatia and Serbia, 1990-2015
The Role of Presidents in Croatia and Serbia, 1990-2015 By: Mislav Ilija Vulić Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Zsolt Enyedi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary (2015) Abstract Both Croatia and Serbia introduced a semi-presidential system of government in 1990. In Croatia this choice was motivated by a need to have a decisive and efficient decision- making institution in light of the upcoming instability and war. In Serbia introduction of semi- presidentialism was motivated primarily by the need of Slobodan Milošević to be legitimized as a national leader. Croatian semi-presidentialism in 1990s was of a presidential- parliamentary subtype because the President had autonomous power to appoint and dismiss the Government. Serbian semi-presidentialism was of a premier-presidential subtype because the Government was accountable solely to the Assembly. In both countries tendencies towards authoritarianism emerged. The death of Franjo Tuđman and the resignation of Slobodan Milošević ended the authoritarian rule but the two countries diverged in how they dealt with the institutional framework of semi-presidentialism. In Croatia the Constitution was amended immediately after the change of government. In Serbia it remains the same even today with only minor alterations. The present system of government in Croatia can be characterized as parliamentary while system of government in Serbia can be characterized as semi-presidential. The key difference does not emerge from constitutional powers but from the fact that Croatian President is forbidden to be a member of the political party or its president, while in Serbia this possibility exists, and can be used to position the President as a central figure in the political system.
[Show full text]
A History of Yugoslavia Marie-Janine Calic
Purdue University Purdue e-Pubs Purdue University Press Book Previews Purdue University Press 2-2019 A History of Yugoslavia Marie-Janine Calic Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/purduepress_previews Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Calic, Marie-Janine, "A History of Yugoslavia" (2019). Purdue University Press Book Previews. 24. https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/purduepress_previews/24 This document has been made available through Purdue e-Pubs, a service of the Purdue University Libraries. Please contact [email protected] for additional information. A History of Yugoslavia Central European Studies Charles W. Ingrao, founding editor Paul Hanebrink, editor Maureen Healy, editor Howard Louthan, editor Dominique Reill, editor Daniel L. Unowsky, editor A History of Yugoslavia Marie-Janine Calic Translated by Dona Geyer Purdue University Press ♦ West Lafayette, Indiana Copyright 2019 by Purdue University. Printed in the United States of America. Cataloging-in-Publication data is on file at the Library of Congress. Paperback ISBN: 978-1-55753-838-3 ePub: ISBN 978-1-61249-564-4 ePDF ISBN: 978-1-61249-563-7 An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high-quality books Open Access for the public good. The Open Access ISBN for this book is 978-1-55753-849-9. Originally published in German as Geschichte Jugoslawiens im 20. Jahrhundert by Marie-Janine Calic. © Verlag C.H.Beck oHG, München 2014. The translation of this work was funded by Geisteswissenschaften International–Translation Funding for Humanities and Social Sciences from Germany, a joint initiative of the Fritz Thyssen Foundation, the German Federal Foreign Office, the collecting society VG WORT and the Börsenverein des Deutschen Buchhandels (German Publishers & Booksellers Association).
[Show full text]
Yugoslavia After Milosevic: Tentative Hope
Yugoslavia After Milosevic: Tentative Hope Introduction Contents October 5, 2000, was a day of reckoning for the people of Yugoslavia and their long-serving president, Slobodan Milosevic. Only two weeks before, Milosevic had Introduction suffered a humiliating defeat in the country's presidential elections. In power since 1987, Milosevic was the leader of one of the last continuous communist states in A Democratic Revolution Eastern Europe, having survived the waves of popular revolt that had driven other leaders out of office over the past decade. The winner in the election was a relative unknown, Vojislav Kostunica, who led his hastily organized Democratic Opposition The "Last Revolution" of Serbia (DOS) to victory. But when the results were announced, Milosevic's election commission refused to acknowledge that Kostunica had won a majority of A New Era in the Balkans? the votes and insisted that a run-off election be held in two weeks. Milosevic's high- handed attempt to retain power after he had been decisively defeated was too A Comprehensive much for the people of Yugoslavia, who immediately began a campaign of non- Bibliography violent civil disobedience designed to force him to resign. Students and middle- class citizens took to the streets in Belgrade, while the miners at the country's Kolubara coal mines paralyzed the country's electric power system with a mass Discussion, Research and strike. On October 5, as huge crowds gathered outside the parliament buildings in Essay Questions Belgrade, it was evident that the people's demands were finally going to be met. During his years in power, Milosevic was no stranger to conflict or opposition, whether inside or outside Serbia.
[Show full text]
When Peace Means War
The partition that dare not speak its name. WHEN PEACE MEANS WAR By John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen Van Evera he Dayton settlement on Bosnia is an tinfin- effect, that each regional government can defy' the cen- ished peace, hence a flawed peace. Major issues tral government's wishes at will. Most important, either retnain unsettled. The U.S. must send its can at any time declare and enforce its velvet divorce promised peacekeeping contingent to Bosnia, from the other and its sitiiultaneous remarriage to a T neighboring state. The Dayton accord even legitimates but, tinless it also moves to repair the Dayton accord, these defects will lead to new war, this time with Ameri- the first steps of this divorce-and-remarriage by allowing can troops caught in the middle. each entity to establish a "special relationship" with a Two types of Bosnia peace-schemes—one infeasible, neighboring state. one workable—have long contended. One type offered Dayton is the fourth Bosnia peace plan produced unitary federal solutions that wotild maintain Bosnia as since 1992 and the cttlmination of a glacial process of a single state where Serbs, Croats and Muslims wotild U.S. acclimation to partition. The first was a prewar learn to live together. However, the triangle ot deep scheme agreed to in European Community-sponsored hatreds ttnleashed since Yugoslavia's breakup has long talks at Lisbon (February-March 1992). Although the made this solution implausible. Another type of plan plan spoke of national cantons within a Bosnian state, proposed partitions dividing Bosnia into several states the federal structure was so weak that the propos- (usually three), each free to go its own way.
[Show full text]