The Policy of Combating Trafficking in Human Beings
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Ukraine Media Assessment and Program Recommendations
UKRAINE MEDIA ASSESSMENT AND PROGRAM RECOMMENDATIONS VOLUME I FINAL REPORT June 2001 USAID Contract: AEP –I-00-00-00-00018-00 Management Systems International (MSI) Programme in Comparative Media Law & Policy, Oxford University Consultants: Dennis M. Chandler Daniel De Luce Elizabeth Tucker MANAGEMENT SYSTEMS INTERNATIONAL 600 Water Street, S.W. 202/484-7170 Washington, D.C. 20024 Fax: 202/488-0754 USA TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME I Acronyms and Glossary.................................................................................................................iii I. Executive Summary............................................................................................................... 1 II. Approach and Methodology .................................................................................................. 6 III. Findings.................................................................................................................................. 7 A. Overall Media Environment............................................................................................7 B. Print Media....................................................................................................................11 C. Broadcast Media............................................................................................................17 D. Internet...........................................................................................................................25 E. Business Practices .........................................................................................................26 -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition
Helmut Kurth/Iris Kempe (Ed.) PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION KIEV – 2004 The following texts are preliminary versions. Necessary corrections and updates will be undertaken once the results of the election process are final. These preliminary versions are not for quotation or citation, and may only be used with the express written consent of the authors. CONTENTS Preface ................................................................................. 5 Timm Beichelt/Rostyslav Pavlenko Presidential Election and Constitutional Reforms in Ukraine ............................................................................ 7 Olaf Hillenbrand Consensus-Building and Good Governance – a Framework for Democratic Transition ........................... 44 Oleksandr Dergachov Formation of Democratic Consensus and Good Governance ....................................................... 71 Oleksandr Sushko/Oles Lisnychuk The 2004 Presidential Campaign as a Sign of Political Evolution in Ukraine....................................... 87 Iris Kempe/Iryna Solonenko International Orientation and Foreign Support of the Presidential Elections ............................................ 107 5 Preface Long before Kiev’s Independence Square became a sea of orange, it was clear to close observers that the presidential election in 2004 would not only be extremely close and hard fought, but also decisive for the country’s future development. Discussions -
Ukraine's Rich Get Richer
INSIDE: • Taras Hunczak on Ukraine and Russia — page 6. • “The Red Prince,” Ivan Vyshyvanyi — page 8. • “Generation Uke”: music and film — page 11. HE KRAINIAN EEKLY T PublishedU by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profitW association Vol. LXXVI No. 27 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 6, 2008 $1/$2 in Ukraine Ukraine’s rich get richer Ukraine’s Internal Affairs Ministry Country now has 23 billionaires issues report on bribes in 2008 by Zenon Zawada by Danylo Peleschuk aide, Channel 24 reported. The single Special to The Ukrainian Weekly Special to The Ukrainian Weekly highest bribe – in the sum of $5.2 million (U.S.) – went to a township council mem- KYIV – Ukraine’s rich are getting even KIYV – Nearly 17 years into its inde- ber in Crimea. richer as there are now 23 billionaires in the pendence, Ukraine is still experiencing “The overall sum of bribes is increas- country, compared to nine billionaires just widespread corruption, particularly in the ing dramatically,” said Leonid Skalozub, two years ago, according to an annual sur- public service and real estate sectors. head of the economic crime unit of the vey of the 50 wealthiest Ukrainians con- According to a report released last Internal Affairs Ministry, said during a ducted by Kyiv’s Russian-language week by the Ministry of Internal Affairs, press conference in June. “But [the min- Korrespondent magazine. the Dnipropetrovsk Oblast ranks first the istry] is the single driving force behind Rinat Akhmetov’s wealth has swelled to country’s regions in terms of the amount stopping bribery and economic crime, and $31 billion, making the 41-year-old Donbas of bribes accepted this year. -
ONE STEP FORWARD, ONE STEP BACK an Assessment of Freedom of Expression in Ukraine During Its OSCE Chairmanship
ONE STEP FORWARD, ONE STEP BACK An Assessment of Freedom of Expression in Ukraine during its OSCE Chairmanship December 2013 Table of Contents I. Summary & Recommendations 1 II. OSCE and the Domestic Legal Framework 3 III. Freedom of Expression: Broadcast & Print Media 6 IV. Ethics of the Media 11 V. Violation of Journalists’ Rights 12 VI. Access to Public Information 15 VII. Conclusion 16 About Freedom House and the Institute of Mass Information 17 Background Information: Freedom House has been engaged on the ground with the Institute of Mass Information and others on the interrelated issues of freedom of expression and corruption. Together with the Institute of Mass Information, we have a unique vantage point into the challenges and opportunities for the freedom of expression in Ukraine, especially as they pertain to journalists and activists, gained through our support for training journalists and the establishment of an independent platform (Nikorupciji.org) to investigate and cover instances of corruption at the local level. Freedom House has consulted with the government of Ukraine to share our concerns about how gaps between laws and practice in protecting the freedom of expression have a corrosive effect on the prospects for democratic advancement. We look forward to continuing this engagement. Given the importance of this year for Ukraine we commissioned a special report to assess Ukraine’s progress on freedom of expression commitments in the human dimension. 1 I. Summary & Recommendations: Ukraine, its Chairmanship of the OSCE, and Freedom of Expression 2013 is the first year Ukraine has held the Chairmanship in Office (CIO) of the OSCE since it became a participating state in the organization in 1992. -
The Ukraine Crisis in the Northeast-Asian Comparative Perspective (Report Under the Taiwan Fellowship-2019 for Scholars)
Dr. Igor PILIAIEV (Kyiv, Ukraine) The Ukraine Crisis in the Northeast-Asian Comparative Perspective (Report under the Taiwan Fellowship-2019 for Scholars) There is no East, and there is no West. There is no end to the sky. There is no East, and there is no West, Father has two sons. There is no East, and there is no West, There are sunrise and sunset, There is a big word — EARTH! Olzhaz Suleymenov1 From “The Sunny Nights” collection (1962)2 INTRODUCTION In one of his latest appearances in media in the early 2017 one of America's main foreign policy strategists, Zbigniew Brzezinski, pointed out with much anxiety that "strategic insecurity is now a fact of life on a scale heretofore not experienced by the now increasingly vulnerable humanity"3. Structural shocks in the geopolitical, institutional, socio-cultural and security architectonics of the Eastern European and post-Soviet space which have occurred with epicenter in Ukraine, have sharply delimited and polarized the regional transformation and integration processes. The extreme aggravation of the Ukraine- Russia relations as a result of Euromaidan’s victory in Kyiv, followed by Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the hybrid armed conflict in Donbas4, has exposed deep 1 Olzhaz Suleymenov is National Writer of Kazakhstan, Permanent Representative of Kazakhstan to UNESCO in 2002-2018. 2 English translation made by Igor Piliaiev from the Russian original. 3 Brzezinski, Z. How To Address Strategic Insecurity In A Turbulent Age. HuffPost. January 3, 2017. Retrieved from: https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/us-china-russia- relations_us_586955dbe4b0de3a08f8e3e0?section=us_world (Last accessed: 10.10.2018). -
Turkey-Ukraine Relations: High Potential, Low Voltage
TURKEY-UKRAINE RELATIONS: HIGH POTENTIAL, LOW VOLTAGE INTERNATIONAL STRATEGIC RESEARCH ORGANIZATION Habibe Özdal Center for Eurasian Studies Viktoriia Demydova USAK Policy Brief No: 03 December 2011 TURKEY-UKRAINE RELATIONS: HIGH POTENTIAL, LOW VOLTAGE Center for Eurasian Studies Habibe Özdal Viktoriia Demydova USAK Policy Brief No: 03 December 2011 INTERNATIONAL STRATEGIC RESEARCH ORGANIZATION Uluslararası Stratejik Araştırmalar Kurumu CENTER FOR EURASIAN STUDIES Eurasia covers a wide area ranging from the Baltic to the Pacific. The region, with its natural resources and sources of energy, has seen waves of dramatic political change over the centuries. The changing political structure of the region, the presence of never-ending conflicts, and international actors’ interest in the region are aspects of Eurasia’s complexity and dynamism. The Center for Eurasian Studies contributes to area studies conducted within USAK under the assumption that social reality is a very complex phenomenon and can only be dealt with through the use of different methods and disciplines. The main goal of the Center is to carry out a vigorous analysis of Eurasia and offer policy recommendations. To this end, the Center prepares reports and studies on the region as well as risk analyses. By organizing roundtable meetings and conferences, the Center also functions as a platform where different ideas and opinions can be expressed. The Center contributes to academic literature in the field by carrying out studies and publishing the refereedJournal of Central Asian and Caucasian Studies (JCACS) twice a year. The Center’s wide-ranging research benefits from sources written not only in English but also in regional languages. -
Media Ownership Structure in Ukraine: Political Aspect Diana Dutsyk
Media Ownership Structure in Ukraine: Political Aspect Diana Dutsyk, lecturer at the Kyiv Mohyla school of jounalism, chief‐editor of news website Glavred and news magazine Glavred The formation of the media ownership structure in independent Ukraine is diffucult and longlasting process which has not finished yet. This process can be split into several stages that to some extent overlap with presidencies of Leonid Kravchuk, Leonid Kuchma, and Viktor Yushchenko. First, national social and political media will be mentioned. Since that media are the main actors in the mass media sphere during the periods of political activity through their influence on public opinion.The analisys of the media ownership structire in Ukraine is based on the information from open sources. So, the first stage – early 90s of 20th century, the period of Leonid Kravchuk presidency In Soviet times, all Ukrainian (as well as generally Soviet) media were under the control of the state and the Communist Party: the actual founders of print media were different structures of the Communist Party and the Komsomol. And media’s funding went through these structures. Radio and television were fully owned by the state and financed from the state budget (Kulyk, 180). Apart from that, quantity of print media and broadcasters was limited. Therefore, in Soviet Ukraine there were only two TV channels and three radio stations. Quantity of central national newspapers also was insignificant. Some media democratization took place during the Mikhail Gorbachev’s Perestoika. In 1990 there was adopted the law "On press and other media” which proclaimed freedom of speech, prohibited censorship and allowed founding of media not only by the party structures, but also by other organisations, public and private enterprises, and even by separate individuals (Kulyk, 185). -
UKRAINE AFTER the TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS POLICY MEMO UKRAINE AFTER THE TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson Summary The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko in October 2011 generated many bad headlines. It also placed in doubt the two key agreements with the European Union that Ukraine has been negotiating since 2008: the Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). This memo argues that the EU-Ukraine summit on 19 December should initiate a twin-track approach. The agreements cannot be formally signed, but should be kept alive until Ukraine is ready to implement the conditionality laid out in resolutions by the European Parliament and other bodies. But lecturing Ukraine on human rights at the summit will have little effect. The EU should also move towards sanctions that show its red lines have not been dropped; targeting the individuals most responsible for democratic backsliding and signalling more general vigilance against the Ukrainian elite’s free-flowing travel and financial privileges in the EU. The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko presents a double challenge for the European Union. Its credibility is on the line after the Ukrainian authorities first ignored clear warnings from Brussels and key member states and then failed to deliver on promises of compromise. But the impasse is also testing the EU’s soft power and transformative capacity. Even Ukraine’s friends, who have long recognised its difficulties in transforming itself, would claim that this is at least in part due to the absence of any reform incentive comparable to the membership perspective enjoyed by the accession states of the 1990s. -
Ukraine Moves to State Capitalism and “Militocracy”
Ukraine Moves to State Capitalism and “Militocracy” Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 8 Issue: 219 December 2, 2011 03:13 PM Age: 9 days By: Taras Kuzio Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych (Source: news.kievukraine.info) On November 8, Segodnya ran the headline: “Within the authorities there is a ‘silent coup’ taking place.” Segodnya was referring to the consolidation of “The Family” loyal to President Viktor Yanukovych. The capital assets of “The Family” are estimated to be $130 million, and 64th in Ukraine’s 100 wealthiest (Korrespondent, November 11). In 2011, Oleksandr Yanukovych, the president’s eldest son, entered for the first time the top 100 wealthiest Ukrainians. He recently purchased the All-Ukrainian Bank for Development and increased its capital from 270 million hryvnia ($33.69 million) to 349 million hryvnia ($43.54 million). Yanukovych has become independent of the Donetsk oligarch allies whose patron he had been while serving as Donetsk governor from 1997 to 2002. The first stage took place as opposition leader, when he aligned himself with the “gas lobby” (see EDM, March 18, 2010). The “gas lobby” ran Eural-Trans Gas (2002-2004) RosUkrEnergo ([RUE] 2004-2008) gas intermediaries. The then Prime Minister, Yulia Tymoshenko, lobbied to remove RUE in the January 2009 Russian- Ukrainian gas contract. On August 25, The Economist suggested Dmitry Firtash, who owned a 45 percent stake in RUE, may be “one of Mr. Yanukovych’s wealthy backers insisting on Ms. Tymoshenko’s punishment.” Firtash had warm relations with Viktor Yushchenko and supported his national projects, for which he was awarded a state medal in January 2009. -
UKRAINE's GAS SECTOR June 2007
UKRAINE’S GAS SECTOR Simon Pirani June 2007 [email protected] The contents of this paper are the author’s sole responsibility. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies or any of its Members. Copyright © 2007 Oxford Institute for Energy Studies (Registered Charity, No. 286084) This publication may be reproduced in part for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder, provided acknowledgement of the source is made. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. ISBN 1-901795-63-2 978-1-901795-63-9 ii CONTENTS Foreword vii Acknowledgements viii 1. Introduction......................................................................................................................................1 2. The wider context.............................................................................................................................3 2.1 Independence and slump (1991–1994) 4 2.2 Early attempts at reform (1994–1999) 6 2.3 The economic recovery under Kuchma (1999–2004) 7 2.4 The Orange revolution and its results (2004–2006) 8 2.5 Ukraine’s energy balance and energy strategy 11 2.6 Energy saving issues 15 3. Gas in Ukraine ...............................................................................................................................17 3.1 Gas in Soviet Ukraine 17 3.2 Cheap gas, expensive debts (1991–1994) -
Searching for New Momentum in Eu-Russia Relations
SEARCHING FOR NEW MOMENTUM IN EU-RUSSIA RELATIONS Vladimír Benč Vladimír Bilčík Alexander Duleba Elena Klitsounova Zuzana Lisoňová Lucia Najšlová Iryna Solonenko Andrei Zagorski Agenda, Tools and Institutions Bratislava 2009 Table of Contents Edited by Alexander Duleba Foreword ..........................................................................................................7 Authors: 1. EU-R R: h S f Aff ...................................9 Vladimír Benč, Vladimír Bilčík, Alexander Duleba, Elena Klitsunova, (Alexander Duleba) Zuzana Lisoňová, Lucia Najšlová, Iryna Solonenko, Andrei Zagorski 2. L L f h Ep f C Sp ....27 Proofread by John Conolly 2.1. Common Economic Space & EU Financial Tools for Russia .....27 (Vladimír Benč) Printed and designed by Devin Printing House, s. r. o. 2.2. Common Space on Freedom, Security and Justice ....................48 (Vladimír Bilčík) Bratislava 2009 2.3. The Not-so-Common Space of External Security: Interests, © Research Center of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association Fears and the Way Out ..................................................................68 (Lucia Najšlová) Hviezdoslavovo nám. 14 2.4. Common Space on Research, Education, and Culture ............97 811 02 Bratislava (Zuzana Lisoňová) Slovak Republic Tel: + 421 2 5443 3151 3. R’ Pp C .............................................115 Fax: + 421 2 5443 3161 3.1. A Strategic Partnership Lacking a Strategic Vision .................115 www.sfpa.sk (Andrei Zagorski) 3.2. EU-Russia Relations through the Prism of Four Common Spaces:How