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This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. DEBATING WITHIN LIBERAL NATIONALISM: THE LINGUISTIC DISPUTES IN CATALONIA AND FLANDERS DANIEL CETRÀ DOCTORATE IN SOCIOLOGY THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH 2016 This is to certify that the work contained within is entirely my own work. No part of this thesis has been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification Daniel Cetrà Abstract This thesis addresses the following question: do proponents and opponents in the linguistic disputes in Catalonia and Flanders prioritise individual or group-oriented rights? The dispute in Catalonia is about the use of languages in the Catalan education system, while the dispute in Flanders is about the linguistic regime in certain municipalities around Brussels. Crucially, both are made of competing normative-laden political arguments. Drawing on interviews and document analysis, the thesis situates the conflicting political arguments within the scholarship on the compatibility between liberalism and nationalism. The central argument of the thesis is that the Catalan and Flemish linguistic disputes occur within liberal nationalism. Proponents in Catalonia and Flanders argue in a form of liberal nationalism that is more nationalist than liberal, although the nationalist dimension is more explicit in Catalonia; opponents in Flanders combine liberal nationalism with classical liberalism; and opponents in Catalonia argue in a form of classical liberalism that relies on liberal nationalist elements. In short, the four positions in the two debates participate in different forms and to different degrees in liberal nationalism. The findings suggest that nationalism is an important factor in making sense of the paradox that the normative consensus on political liberalism does not translate into political consensus in these specific cases. It is hoped that the findings of this thesis will make two main contributions. The first is an explanatory contribution to improve the understanding of the Catalan and Flemish linguistic disputes: the disputes are not between liberals and nationalists, but between liberal nationalists. The second is a theory-building contribution to refine the theoretical debate about individual and group-specific rights: liberal nationalist scholars run the risk of being unable to account for the national attachments many people experience in ‘the real world’ if, in their efforts to build acceptable liberal theories, they circumscribe their defence of national membership to its instrumental role for individual autonomy. In addition, their conceptualisation of nations as bounded and homogeneous seems to be built upon flimsy empirical grounds. Acknowledgements I am very grateful for the support I received throughout this undertaking. My supervisors, Jonathan Hearn and Wilfried Swenden, simultaneously provided invaluable intellectual guidance and the freedom necessary to explore the topic of this thesis in my own terms. They encouraged me to reflect carefully about the opportunities and challenges of combining normative and empirical research, they provided countless insights that contributed to sharpen my arguments, and they helped me navigate through the complex and often surreal world of Belgian politics. Above all, I am very grateful for their enormous generosity and support. I am also very grateful to Michael Keating and the team at the ESRC Centre on Constitutional Change. Michael gave me the unique opportunity to work in a multidisciplinary environment in a very exciting moment, when Scotland debated whether or not to become independent. Our conversations about minority nationalism in Europe and the relevance of context and history have made this thesis richer. Robert Liñeira and Bettina Petersohn listened patiently to my ideas and provided valuable feedback, pushing me to reflect on my social science perspective. Nicola McEwen has always been an immense source of support and kindness. I wish to thank the Université de Liège for funding my fieldwork research in Belgium. The team at the Spiral Research Centre and the staff in the Department of Politics introduced me to the idiosyncrasies of the Belgian case and provided a highly congenial environment. I would like to thank in particular Hugues Renard, whose support and hospitality was invaluable. I am grateful to Esma Baycan, Sergi Morales, and Marc Sanjaume for providing valuable comments on previous drafts of some chapters of the thesis. I thank the Research Group in Political Philosophy (RIPPLE) at KU Leuven for providing valuable feedback on my research project and strategy. Academic and administrative staff at the University of Edinburgh have been hugely supportive. I am very grateful to David McCrone for encouraging me to stay in Edinburgh after the master’s programme and for our enriching conversations about Catalonia and Scotland. II Writing a dissertation is a solitary adventure that is relieved by the company of friends. In Edinburgh, I enjoyed the good friendship of David Martí, Ceren Şengül, Eirik ‘The Viking’ Fuglestad, Shruti Chaudhry, Erin Hughes, Gëzim Krasniqi, Marie-Eve Hamel, Nonna Gorilovskaya, Neşe Karahasan and Lisa Kalayji. I am greatly indebted to Mariola for her love and caring in the final stages of this thesis. Our intellectually stimulating conversations about politics, media, and nationalism in Catalonia, Scotland, and Valencia have taught me a great deal and have helped me think across fields and cases. I would like to dedicate this thesis to my parents Montse and Xavier, who have been an infinite source of encouragement and support. This marvellous intellectual and vital experience would have never happened had it not been for their determination to help me come to Scotland in the far summer of 2010. Together with my aunt Chus and my brother Gerard, their sustained encouragement has made this thesis possible. Gràcies. III Table of Contents Abstract I Acknowledgements II Table of Contents IV List of Tables VII List of Figures VII Introduction 1 Main Argument 4 Structure of the Thesis 5 Chapter 1. Research Design 8 1.1 The Coming Together of Normative and Empirical Work 8 1.2 Research Design 11 1.2.1 Research Question, Expectations, and Research Strategy 11 1.2.2 Case Selection and Comparative Method 15 1.2.3 Research Sources and Research Methods 17 1.2.3.1 Research Sources 17 1.2.3.2 Research Methods 18 1.3. Conclusion 22 Chapter 2. The Compatibility between Individual and Group-Specific Rights 23 2.1 Classical Liberalism 25 2.1.1 Equal Individuals 26 2.1.2 Individual Liberty 29 2.1.3 Limited and Neutral State 30 2.1.4 Egalitarian Liberalism 32 2.2 The Communitarian Critique 35 2.2.1 Ontological issues 37 2.2.2 Advocacy issues 40 2.3 Liberal Nationalism 44 2.3.1 The Autonomy Argument 47 2.4 Concluding Remarks 53 IV Chapter 3. Nationalism and Linguistic Justice 56 3.1 Language in Nationalism Studies 57 3.1.1 Benedict Anderson 61 3.1.2 Ernest Gellner 64 3.2 Language in the Field of Linguistic Justice 66 3.2.1 The Territoriality vs. Personality Debate 72 3.3 Conclusion 76 Chapter 4. Language and Nationalism in Catalonia and Flanders in Historical Perspective 79 4.1 Miroslav Hroch’s Three Phases in the Development of Nations 80 4.2 Phase A: The Emergence of Cultural Movements 81 4.3 Phase B: The Increasing Importance of Politics 87 4.4 Phase C: The Diverging Paths of the two Movements 96 4.5 The Set-up of the Linguistic Facilities and the Immersion System 101 4.6 Conclusion 106 Chapter 5. The Competing Political Arguments in Catalonia 109 5.1 The Catalan Conjunction Model 110 5.2 Three Recent Linguistic Controversies 112 5.3 ‘Liberalism vs. Nationalism’: The Mobilisation against the System 115 5.4 The Political Arguments for the Catalan Conjunction Model 122 5.4.1 Core Concept 1: Social Cohesion 124 5.4.2 Core Concept 2: Catalonia’s own language or common language 128 5.5 The Political Arguments against the Catalan Conjunction Model 131 5.5.1 Core Concept 1: Constitutional Rights 134 5.5.2 Core Concept 2: Indoctrination 134 5.5.3 Core Concept 3: Discrimination 137 5.6 Concluding Remarks 138 Chapter 6. The Competing Political Arguments in Flanders 141 6.1 The Flemish Periphery and the System of Linguistic Facilities 142 6.1.1 The Flemish Periphery 142 6.1.2 The Six Municipalities with Linguistic Facilities 147 6.2 Three Recent Linguistic Controversies 150 V 6.2.1 The Split-up of the Electoral District of Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde (BHV) 151 6.2.2 The Non-appointment of the Mayors of Kraainem, Linkebeek, and Wezembeek- Oppem by the Flemish Government 155 6.2.3 The Non-ratification of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM) by the Belgian state 157 6.3 The Political Mobilisation in Defence of French-speakers in Brussels