CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

POLLEN FROM RAISED FIELDS OF THE CASMA VALLEY, NORTH COAST OF PERU

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in

Anthropology

by

Jacqueline Zak

May 1984 The Thesis of Jacqueline Zak is approved:

SteriingG. Keele

L' Mark Raab

California State University, Northridge

ii ACKNOWLEDGEHENTS

Hany people deserve credit and thanks for their help and

encouragement with this thesis. Dr. Carol Mackey, as Director of

Projecto Chimu Sur provided the funds and guidance for my field work in

Peru. Dr. Sterling Keeley, Assistant Curator of- Botany, Los Angeles

County Museum of Natural History provided all equipment for extraction

and identification of pollen, and contributed the invaluable help of her

research assistant, Dr. Ken Curry--who himself was unselfishly generous with his time and expertise. Ann Curry and Valerie Anderson also helped

in the lab. Dr. Jamie Webb guided my work in palynology since the

initial stages. Drs. Hichael West and Hark Raab offered useful insights

and commentary.

Other important contributors to this effort include Dr. James Kus,

and in the field, Genaro Barr and Samuel Oliva. Debora Zak Tataranowicz

drew several of the illustrations.

In the workplace, Vivian Arterbery authorized textprocessing time

and Jill Brophy handled administrative details. Barbara Quint provided

access to a microcomputer as well as an objective critique of work in

progress. Roberta Shanman offered editorial help, and Robert Shanman,

of Dames and Moore, helped me with interpretations of soils. Harjorie

Taylor edited the bibliography. Barbara Neff and Donna Kim helped with interlibrary loan materials. Support and encouragement was also

received from Andrea Burkenroad, Ramona Villas~ior, and Gloria Dickey.

Dr. Susan Hector trained me in palynological field techniques

iii through the Pajarito Archaeological Research Project. Other archaeologists who deserve thanks include Marty Rosen, Ruth Breitboard

Piper, and Elizabeth Padon.

Finally, my thanks for the support of my parents, Mr. and Mrs.

James Upham, the foresight of my grandmother, Nrs. Edna Stong, who made this work possible through the establishment of funds in trust, and the endless editorial work, patience, understanding, and encouragement of my husband, Steven.

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii

ABSTRACT ...... - ...... vii

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

II. THE ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING ...... 5 The Coast ...... 5 The Casma Valley ...... 12 Summary ...... 15

III. THE CHIMU ...... 16

Settlement ...... 16 Economy and Subsistence ...... 24 Socio-Political Organization ...... 27 Religion ...... 28 Crafts ...... 28 Summary ...... 29

IV. AGRICULTURAL SYSTEMS ...... 31

Land Use ...... 32 Land Tenure ...... 34 Agricultural Strategies ...... 39 Summary ...... 45

V. THE RAISED FIELDS ...... 46

Other Studies of the Casma Fields ...... 48 Environment ...... 48 The Prehistoric Site of La Muenga ...... 50 Canals ...... • ...... 53 Ridges and Swales ...... 54 Causeways ...... 62 Discussion ...... 62 Summary ...... 70

VI . THEORY AND METHOD ...... 7 2

Pollen Analysis ...... _...... 73 Methodology ...... _...... 77 Summary ...... , ...... 82

VII. THE DATA AND THE INTERPRETATIONS ...... 83

v Pollen ...... 83 Location of Pollen ...... 89 Soils ...... 91 Relationships of the Data to the Hypotheses ...... 93 Summary ...... 94

VIII. CONCLUSION ...... 98

Expansion, Environment, and Ideology ...... 98 Suggestions for Future Research ...... 103

REFERENCES ...... 105

APPEND IX ...... 121

A. LOCATION OF POLLEN BY FIELD PATTERN AND DEPTH ...... 122

TABLES

1. Raised Field Measurements ...... 61 2. Plants Represented by Pollen ...... 84

FIGURES

1. The Chimu Empire ...... 3 2. Location of Peru ...... 6 3. Environmental Zones Described by Lumbreras ...... 10 4. The Casma Valley ...... , ...... 13 5. Chronological Chart of Peruvian Prehistory ...... 16 6. Chium Sites in the Casma Valley ...... 23 7. Location of La Muenga and Salt Pans ...... 52 8. The Raised Fields, Causeways, and Acequia La Muenga ...... 56 9. Field patterns ...... 57

vi ABSTRACT

POLLEN FROM RAISED FIELDS OF THE CASMA VALLEY,

NORTH COAST OF PERU

by

Jacqueline Zak

Master of Arts in Anthropology

From approximately A.D. 1200 to A.D. 1470 the.north coast of Peru was dominated by the Chimu Empire (A.D. 900-1470), an expansionist state which based its economy on the control of land, labor, and production.

The Casma Valley was incorporated during the last Chimu expansion as the empire grew southward. As part of an investigation into the purpose and consequences of this encorporation of the valley, raised fields associated with a Chimu lower-level administrative center were studied.

Raised field farming is found throughout prehistoric Latin America and the modern Old World. In Peru, raised fields have so far only been noted in the highlands near Lake Titicaca and on the coast in the Casma

Valley. Fields in the Casma Valley contain a variety of field patterns.

Five of these patterns were sampled using palynological techniques to determine crops grown and whether a relationship exists between plants grown and field pattern. Data suggest that this agricultural strategy was well suited to problems of fluctuating water availability.

vii CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

During the past 20 years archaeology has become increasingly

concerned with relationships between culture and environment. This

relatively new focus in archaeology, influenced by the ideas of Steward

(1955), White (1959), and Binford (1962), among others, is based on on

the concept of culture as a system of interrelating parts. In this view, the archaeologists role is not only to identify relevant material

remains, but also to examine the context and relationships between this material and the ideas that produced it in an attempt to explain the processes behind culture change.

Within this concept of a cultural system, agriculture is viewed as part of a broader economic sphere, with a variety of strategies for land use and resource exploitation. This variation in strategy occurs both between cultur~s sharing the same environment and within the same

culture as it exploits differing habitats. But what causes this variation? What determines which resource is exploited, what crop is

cultivated, how it is cultivated and where? Clearly, several mechanisms are involved. Societies both react to and are a product of the

environment that surrounds them, yet they have the capacity to make

choices and "every advance in the control of the natural evnironment has enlarged the scope within which this choice could operate" (Clarke

1953:238).

1 2

It is within this context that the research presented here must be considered. This research involves one aspect of the agricultural system of the Chimu (A.D. 900 to A.D. 1470), a prehistoric culture of

Peru which dominated the north coast from approximately A.D. 1200 to A.D.

1470 (Keatinge and Conrad 1973). At the peak of their expansion, Chimu influence extended 1000 kilometers along the coast, reaching as far north as Tumbes an~ south to the Chillon River (Figure 1). According to

Rowe (1948), expansion of the Empire came in two waves and it was during the last period of expansion that the Chimu first came to dominate the

Casma Valley (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1983:42). The importance of this valley to the Chimu is still under investigation. Projecto Chimu Sur, directed by Carol Mackey and Ulana Klymyshyn, was designed to address this question, particularly the function of Chimu political integration

(Mackey and K1ymysyn 1981, 1982, 1983).

The research presented here, as part of Projecto Chimu Sur, was designed to gather preliminary data on raised fields 1 of the Casma

Valley to 1) determine what crops were cultivated, and 2) explain the variablity of field patterns. This was considered a preliminary study with the understanding that more definitive work involving a multidisciplinary approach is necessary to determine field function and how this strategy fit into the Chimu economic network and social scheme.

Before the data recovered from this research can be meaningfully presented, background information relevant to the environment, the

lAlso known in some instances as drained fields and in the early literature as ridged fields (Turner 1984). In later chapters which discuss the fields in detail, raised planting surfaces will be described as ridges (not to be confused with small ridges on hill slopes such as those noted by Bruhns [1981]). 3

/

/

/

/ .... / \ ,

'

FIRST EXPANSION

I "I I 1/tz SECOND EXPANSION ,,,,,,,/.1'1'1,,,,,, r,I

Fig. 1. The Chimu Empire (From Mackey and Klymyshyn [1982] after Rowe [1948]) 4

Chimu, and agricultural strategies is given in Chapters One through

Four. Chapter Five, discusses other studies of raised fields and how they compare to the Casma fields, as well as general observations about the Casma fields including layout and dimensions.

Finally, in Chapters Six and Seven, methodology, data and interpretations are presented. Since pollen analysis is the main tool of investigation, Chapter Six includes background on palynological theory. Chapter Seven discusses types of pollen found, where it was recovered and how it relates to the soil profile. Chapter Eight summarizes the research and research questions, draws conclusions based on the ·relationships of the data to the hypotheses, and presents suggestions for future research. CHAPTER II

THE ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING

Peru is the fourth largest country in Latin America covering an area of 1,285,200 square kilometers (Nyrop 1980:62). It is bordered by

Ecuador and Colombia to the north, Brazil and Bolivia to the east and

Chile to the South (Figure 2). Environments vary from cool dry coast to hot wet tropical lowlands, and from sea level to peaks of 6,000 meters.

Often classed into Coast, Highland and Mont~a, Peru's environmental regions are actually much more complex, not only from sea level to higher elevations within each valley, but also from north to south according to latitude (Netherly 1977:27).

Although confined to the coast, the Chimu Empire encorporated vast territories from north to south and controlled a variety of ecozones within each valley. Study of the Chimu, therefore, offers an excellent opporturnity to examine how one highly structured ancient society developed and integrated vast territories of differing environments.

The Coast

The coast, or costa (littoral zone and foothills below 2,000 meters), is a region of arid plains formed by marine abrasion or fluvial action on old mountain systems and fractured or eroded sedimentary rock

(Pulgar-Vidal 1967). The 2,414 kilometers of coastline are cut by more

5 6

' ...... -.... ,_ ,. .... -. ' ,'' ECUADOR .I /

BRAZIL ' ·~.- , \ ./'.' • --, I

'\ \ \ ' I

I CQ 0 I r- .\ < / ~>

/ /

Fig~ 2. Location of Peru 7

than 54 rivers flowing westward from the Andes. Most are 360 kilometers or less in length and are seasonal streams which become swollen and turbulent with the summer rains (Nyrop 1980:65). The coastal valleys cut by these rivers, incorporate diverse habitats. Based on the works of Tosi (1960) and others (ONERN 1973), Pozorski (1976:3-9) describes the varying ecozones of the Meche Valley. Although these zones vary in specific location and vegetation from valley to valley, this description is a good example of the diverse environmen~s within one valley.

Pozorski describes three major zones in the coastal environment: 1)

Premountainous Desert Thicket or Subtropical Desert Thicket, 2) Pre­ mountainous Desert or Subtropical Desert, and 3) Pacific Littoral. Each major zone is further divided.

Premountainous Desert Thicket or

Subtropical Desert Thicket

This area begins about 30 kilometers inland at an elevation of 1600 meters above sea level and extends west 20 kilometers. It can be further subdivided into hillj4uebrada and river subzones.

Hill/quebrada subzone

This consists of barren irregular terrain receiving 50-200mm of rain annually. Occasional cacti and hardwoods (algorroba) grow in this area.

River subzone

Short canals can make level land arable here in narrow strips along the river bank. Climate and rainfall are similar to that in the hill/quebrada, subzone however, more water allows a greater variety of vegetation to flourish (canes, reeds, willow, oleander). 8

Premountainous Desert or Subtropical Desert

Most of this area lies between 20 kilometers inland and the coast.

Rainfall is limited to 7-SOmm per year. Subzones include desert, river flood plain and river delta.

Desert

This is the largest subzone. It is barren except for some epiphytic plants (Tillansia sp.) which can live on fog moisture.

Near the river there are scrub bushes (sapote) which can be used for fuel. Large areas of sandy soil adjacent to the river make it a good area for irrigated agriculture.

Flood plain

Here, near the river mouth, plant cultivation is possible when the area is innundated during the sierra rainy season: Plants similar to those found in the Premountanous Desert Thicket (cane, reeds, willow, brush, grasses) are located here with the addition of some hardwoods

(algorroba).

Delta

Located immediately adjacent to the river mouth and along the coast, the Delta is a low marshy environment supporting plants adapted to salty soil (i.e. sedges or salt grass). In prehistoric times, these areas were modified for agriculture by lowering the planting surface to the water table (Moseley 1969, Parsons 1968, Parsons and Psuty, 1975,

Rowe 1969, West 1979).

Pacific Littoral

This incorporates the river mouth and the entire valley where the desert meets the Pacific Ocean. The region is arid, but rich in marine 9

life. Subdivisions are the rocky littoral, sandy littoral, mixed rock and sand littoral, and offshore subzones.

Rocky littoral

This rich biomass includes several marine resources which are easily exploitable (sea birds, mammals, invertebrates, fish, marine plants).

Sandy littoral

The river mouth is home for sea mammals and foraging birds, shallow water fish, sand dwelling mollusks and intertidal crustaceans.

Mixed rock and sandy littoral

Large boulders on a sand and gravel substrate comprise this subzone.

Neritic

This offshore, deeper water environment supports many types of fish.

A variety of environments exist not only on the coast within each valley but also along the coast from north to south. Lumbreras (1974:4) describes three sectors, semitropical, misty subtropical, and dry subtropical desert (Figure 3).

Climate on the coast results largely from the effects of the

Humbolt (or Peruvian) current. This current is composed of a large warmer current almost devoid of marine life, and a small cooler coastal current approximately 160 kilometers wide supporting an abundance of marine organisms (Pozner 1954:67). Although the orgin of the current is controversial, most researchers believe the low temperatures of this 10

SIMnaOPICAL

MISTT suaraoPICAL

DRT SUUIIOPICAL DISIRT

_,_,..1 Fig. 3. Environmeu .... a. zones rl<=>scrl._e_-- .h d by Lumbreras 11

coastal current are caused by prevailing winds that drive surface water away from the coast, forcing cold water to rise. This cold water is low in dissolved oxygen and high in nutrients, phytoplankton and algae (Cane

1983:1190, Pozner 1954:68).

Periodically, a combination of changes in the ocean and atmopshere create a warming of the equatorial Pacific known as an ENSO or El Ni~o- Southern Oscillation event. (El Nino- refers to the fact that this often ...... occurs around Christmas, hense El N1no, or The Child). On the average this occurs about once every four years. Occasionally intervals between events are as short as two or as long as 10 years (Cane 1983:1189).

Although enough similarities exist, "no two events are precisely alike with regard to amplitude, time of onset, spatial characteristics, or biological consequences" (ibid.). The effects of this phenomenon can be disasterous. Surface water temperatures rise rapidly, fish and birds migrate or die, and torrential rains occur on land (Barber and Chavez

1983:1203). _Peru is currently attempting a recovery from the 1982-83 El

Nino, which was perhaps the strongest event of the century (Cane

1983: 1189)...... Causes of El Nino are still not clearly understood (Cane 1983,

Caviedes 1975, Firing 1983, Luther and Harrison 1983, Rasmusson and

Wallace 1983, Smith 1983), however studies indicate that

the onset of El Ni~ is a result of the reaction of the equatorial Pacific Ocean to the relaxation of the Southeast trades after a prolonged period of excessively strong winds, leading to an accumulation of water off Ecuador and Peru (Wyrtki et al.,1976:343). 12

Climate on the coast is caused not only by the cool ocean current,

but by prevailing winds from the Southwest (Nyrop 1980:66). These winds

blow cold and moist across warmer land. The air heats, rises and loses humidity. At approximately 760 meters, a temperature inversion holds a

cloud layer in place. From June to October this results in a fine mist or garua which provides moisture for vegetation where it touches

the earth (ibid.) In the Subtropical zone this area is known as the

lomas. It occurs between 250-800 meters and from 1 to 20 kilometers inland supporting a special type of vegetation including

cacti, herbs, shrubs and grasses (Weberbauer 1936). This zone was

exploited extensively by the earliest hunters and gatherers (Kautz 1976,

Lanning 1963, Patterson 1966, Parsons 1970).

During his 1931 survey of the Casma Valley, Weberbauer (1945:267) noted lomas vegetation from 230 to 500 meters consisting of

Tetragonia sp., Palaua malvifolia, Evening Primrose

(Oenothera sp.), Ipomoea oligantha, Plantain,

(Plantago sp.), Cyclanthera sp., Spurge (Euphorbia

sp.), Solanum senecoides, S. tuberiferum, Oxalis sp., Atriplex

rotundifolia, Goosefoot, (Chenopodium sp.), Verbena sp.,

andNolana sp.

The Casma Valley

The Casma Valley is located 360 kilometers north of Lima on Peru's

coast (Figure 4). It is a small valley, only 5 kilometers across at its widest point near the river mouth. Five kilometers inland the valley "8 . ~)/~~ "--~~~ \, (i(/'1,~~5 ~ . li VISTA ( cflf\ ~ ~ () 8 .... n 0 () m )>. z t

Fig. 4. The Casma Valley (From Mackey and Klymyshyn [1983])

...... w 14

begins to narrow and ''varies between 3/4 of a kilometer to 3 kilometers wide on both its branches" (Thompson 1961:10). Two river branches, the

Casma and Sechin, flow through the valley from the first ranges of the

Andes, the Cordillera Negra. The Sechin empties into the Casma River above the modern town of Casma. Most arable land is found at this junction. Of the two branches, more land for cultivation is available on the Sechin, however, the Casma is a more reliable source of water

(Kosok 1965:211, ONERN 1972).

A sheltered bay and beach break the rocky coastline near the river, also the site of the modern village of Puerto Casma. This is the only part of the valley mentioned by any of the early Spanish chroniclers.

Cieza de Leon described it as a "snug anchorage" where his ship stopped for supplies (Harkham 1864:26).

Two small islands lie off the coast between Puerto Casma and

Tortugas Bay to the north. Islands like these have been a source of guano for centuries (Hurra 1956, Netherly 1977). Other coastal resources include salt from the salt pans near the shore (Pozorski et al. 1983:408). One salt pan lies approximately 2 kilometers inland from

Puerto Casma and adjacent to the raised fields studied in this thesis.

Farther inland, irrigated land near the river provides an oasis in an otherwise barren landscape. It is an area of rocky hillsides and gullies between rolling and flat sandy desert (Thompson 1961:11).

As in most coastal valleys, rain is rare. During the winter (June to October), heavy fogs may appear. Summer lasts from approximately

November to Hay. Cool temperatures increase with distance inland

(ibid.) 15

The town of Casma is the largest population center in the valley.

Smaller communities include Puerto Casma on the coast, and Buena

Vista farther up the Sechin branch of the valley.

Corn, cotton, and rice are th.e valley's commercial crops. Unlike many other coastal valleys, sugar cane is not an important crop in the

Casma (Thompson 1961).

Summary

The environment of Peru is a series of contrasts from cool dry coast to hot wet tropical lowlands, sea level to peaks of 6,000 meters.

Often classified into Coast, Highland and Montana, Peru engulfs a much more complex combination of environments. Pozorski's (1976) description of the Meche Valley provides a good example of the diverse environments on the North Coast. Each region and subzone provides a variety of options for exploitation, but also a variety of problems to overcome for maximum use of the environment. How these diverse areas were integrated into the Chimu Empire is examined in the following chapter. CHAPTER III

THE CHHIU

Using ceramic and architectural evidence, Pozorski et al. (1983) have dated the Casma Valley raised fields to post A.D. 1300 (Figure 5).

Through most of this period the valley was under the subjugation of the

Chimu Empire (A.D. 900-1470), which dominated the north coast of Peru

from approximately A.D. 1200 to A.D. 1470 when it was conquered by the

Inca Empire. At its climax, Chimu authority stretched for 1000 kilometers along the coast--from Ecuador to central Peru. Examination of Chimu settlement patterns, economy, social orgc;tnization, religion and

art provides evidence of a highly structured socio-political system

involving the control of land, water and labor over vast territories.

Settlement

Administration of the Chimu Empire was handled through a hierarchy of Chimu centers which served to regulate the social, economic, politcal

and religious life of the population (Keatinge and Conrad 1983). On the

first level of this hierarchy is the Chimu capital of Chan Chan; or regional centers are second level, and local centers represent the

lower-levels (ibid.).

Chan Chan

The Empire of Chimu was centered in the Moche Valley and the

16 16a

Relative chronolo-gy Moche Valley

Colonial Period Colonial Period 15CO Late Horizon Chimu Inca I Late Late Intermediate Period I . M!ddle Chimu 1000 . Early .. Middle Horizon ;, v 500 IV Ill Meche II Early I Intermediate Period .:..0 I - a.c. I Gallinazo .. I • I I Salinar I SOG I I Early Horizon 1000 Cupisnique •

I----> -

~=oo I I I I (Grarnalote) Initial Period

2000

2500 (La Cumbre) Preceramac ~ ::.~oc

Fig. 5. Chronological chart of Peruvian prehistory (From Donnan and Mackey [1978]) D

capital city of Chan Chan. This city grew to cover 20 square kilometers and sustained a population ranging in estimates of 25,000 to 30,000

(Moseley 1975) to 100,000 (West 1970), making it, next to Cuzco, one of the largest cities in pre-Hispanic South America.

Chan Chan is located at the mouth of the Moche Valley near the modern city of Trujillo approximately 530 kilometers north of Lima. It is situated on a flat flood plain surrounded by agricultural land. As observed by Kus (1972:68), this is a unique location for an urban center since most coastal cities do not occupy space that is suitable for agriculture. This location is probably indicative of the city's high status residents.

Not only is the city near prime agricultural land, but it is also accessible to main roads and fresh well water. Since the water table in this portion of the valley is very close to the surface, walk-in wells could be constructed by digging only a short distance (Day 1974). As long as the irrigation network was maintained, these wells were constantly replenished (ibid.).

Several social classes occupied Chan Chan (Day 1972, 1982a,

Keatinge and Conrad 1983, Keatinge and Day 1973, 1974, Klymyshyn 1982,

Moseley 1975, Mackey and Klymyshyn 1981, 1982, 1983, Topic 1982, West

1970). This social stratification is evidenced by the pre~ence of three different types of architecture--monumental compounds (or ciudadelas), elite architecture, and SIAR (small irregular agglutinated rooms).

Ciudadelas

Ciudadelas are large, rectilinear, internally complex 18

structures which served as administrative centers and residences of the kings while alive and as mausoleums after their death (Day 1972). There are ten of these at Chan Chan, each constructed at different periods

(Day 1982:63, Kalata 1978). Although each ciudadela has a unique arrangement of internal features, they share several similarities. All ciudadelas are oriented north to south and characterized by a north, central and south (or Canchone) sector. Shared internal features include pillastered entry ways in the north sector, courtyards, storerooms, burial platforms and corridors (Keatinge and Day 1974,

Moseley 1975, West 1970).

Perhaps the most important features of the ciudadelas are the audiencias. These are niched, u-shaped structures which are often associated with storerooms. According to Keatinge and Day (1974:232),

The relationship of audiencias to storeroom complexes through an integrated system of corridors can be interpreted as the architectural expression of chimu dominance over storage and distribution of goods.

Construction of the ciudadelas differed in use of material and technique (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1981:100). Most walls were made from adobe bricks; however, several are of tapia (a mixture of clay and earth) and cobble construction. Exterior walls are 650 meters long and up to 9 meters high. They are thicker at the base than the top, have boulder foundations, and were built in 4 meter segments. Interior walls are shorter and thinner. They are not tapered, and lack boulder foundations. Like the exterior walls, they were often built in segments.

Wall decoration is common, usually in courtyards and corridors. Most of these are clay friezes of fish, birds, and geometric designs. Paint 19

traces still remain on some walls (ibid.).

Elite Architecture

Elite Architecture (often referred to as intermediate architecture) exibits many of the same characteristics as the ciudadeles but is less elaborate and one quarter to.one third as large. These structures, thirty five of which have been recorded near the central city (Klymyshyn

1982:119, Mackey and Klymyshyn 1981:99), housed the lesser nobility.

They contain courtyards, storerooms, audiencias, and corridors. Entry ways are less elaborately pillasterd than the ciudadelas. There are no burial platforms.

Only adobe brick construction was used. Walls are non-segmented, lower and less massive than in the ciudadelas, and lack boulder foundations. There are fewer, less elaborate friezes in these structures than in the ciudadelas (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1981:100).

SIAR

Located to the south and west of the central core of the city, SIAR

(Small Irregular Aggultinated Rooms) housed most of the city's population--the artisans and commoners who served the needs of the aristocracy (Topic. 1982). These structures are irregularly arranged and constructed of cane supports and mat walls on a cobble foundation.

Internal features include hearths, grinding stones, and bins, pits and large vessels for storage. Not all of the SIAR provide evidence of domestic activity. Some contained artifacts associated with metalurgy, lapidary work, weaving, and woodworking (Topic 1982:161-165).

Regional Centers

Two regional centers have been identified in the Chimu Empire. 20

Farfan, in the Jequetepeque Valley at the northern end of the empire, was founded during the first Chimu expansion (Keatinge and Conrad

1983:271). Manchan, in the Casma Valley at the southern end of the empire, dates to the last Chimu expansion (Mackey and Klymyshyn

1983:42).

Farfan

Farfan is located near the center of the Jequetepeque Valley on an ancient inter-valley highway near its junction with a highland main road. The site covers a total area of approximately one square kilometer and consists of six compounds which lie parallel to the highway. Excavations of one compound revealed a pilastered doorway, open entry court, ramp, audiencia with bins and associated contiugous rooms, and a burial platform. Construction is of adobe brick (Keatinge and Conrad 1983:265).

Man chan

Located southeast of the modern town of Casma and south of the

Casma River, Manchan is immediately adjacent to one of the largest areas of arable land in the Casma Valley (Figure 6). Covering 63 hectares, it is strategically positioned at the mouth of a pass providing southern coastal access and represents the "largest known Chimu center south of the Meche Valley" (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1983:2).

As in Chan Chan, different types of architecture are present in

Manchan; two types of compounds (adminstrative and funerary) and cane­ walled structures which are analogous to SIAR (Mackey and Klymyshyn

1982, 1983). All funerary compounds are separated and contain adobe lined burial chambers. Within the administrative compounds, there are 21

patios, various sized rooms, niches and, in one structure, a columned

court. Some of these compounds are agglutinated; others are separated.

Construction techniques included the use of adobe bricks set in mortar with chinking (the placement of small rocks between bricks). The use of tapia occurs only on the eastern side of the site where the walls

are slightly tapered. No cobbles were used (Mackey and Klymyshyn

1981:101). Stone wall construction was used rarely; only one separated compound contains boulder cornerstones. Unlike Chan Chan, Manchan has no freizes, but traces of paint exist on some walls (Mackey and

Klymyshyn 1981:102).

Cane walled structures contain rooms of various sizes, large hearths lined with adobes, corridors, grinding stones and storage vessels. Artifacts recovered here indicate that, as in the Chan Chan

SIAR, these structures housed craftsmen and laborers (Mackey and

Klymyshyn 1982:9, Moore 1981). At Manchan, copper, textiles, and

chicha, a alcoholic beverage, were produced (ibid.).

Lower Level Centers

Keatinge and Conrad (1983:281) suggest that lower level centers

functioned not only to control resources and products, but to do so more directly and on a smaller scale than the capital and the secondary

centers. Several lower level centers have been indentified in the Moche

and Casma Valleys.

The Meche Valley

Keatinge (1974, 1975) and Keatinge and Day (1973) have studied

lower level centers in the Meche Valley. Three centers described were:

Milagro de San Jose, Quebrada de Oso, and Quebrada Katuay. Although 22

these centers varied in elaborateness and internal contents, all had important similarities.

All three sites center around northerly oriented compounds which are mass labour constructions having high, solid exterior walls of cobble and boulder construction with smaller though still high walls of similar construction on the interior. In addition to construction technique, main or central structures are characterized by pillastered entries, entry courts, semi-symmetrical rooms located off courts or passageways, and flanking parallel walls on either side of the main entry.

Most importantly all three of the main structures have or probably had one or more audiencias as the focal point of the structure ... Audiencias at Chan Chan are most often found at strategic points that control access to storerooms or other restricted areas of ciudadelas. It is therefore assumed that the 9ccurrence of this particular architectural plan in a rural context is symbolic of ... state control (Keatinge 1974:78).

There are other similarities: all three sites are located adjacent to ancient field systems and irrigation canals and isolated from any large contemporary communities. This implies that the people who worked the fields and built and maintained the irrigation network were brought in from elsewhere (Keatinge 1974).

The Casma Valley

Lower level centers in the Casma Valley have recently been discussed by Mackey and Klymysyn (1982, 1983) as part of an ongoing study of Chimu political integration of the valley. Based of the number of compounds, Laguna II and El Purgatorio are tertiary sites during the

Chimu occupation, and seven other sites are considered quaternary. With the exception of El Purgatorio, all centers have a domestic occupation

(Mackey and Klymyshyn 1983:21) {1'--~...... ,._.

~~ ~ ~ 8 n., n 0 n m z> t 0 3Km

Fig. 6. Chimu sites in the Casma Valley: 3 - El Purgatorio, 43 - Pueblo Pobre, 22 - Manchan, 109 - La Muenga, 110 - Laguna II. (From Mackey and Klymyshyn [1983])

N w 24

All centers are located in convenient areas for the control of resources (Figure 6). The most common resource was arable land. Laguna

II, and El Purgatorio are both located in the largest areas of arable land in the valley. Among the quaternary centers, La Muenga and Pueblo

Pobre are located close to the river mouth and ocean. Here crop land, marine resources, salt deposits and guano could be controlled.

Economy and Subsistence

Two essential features of the Chimu economy were the land and water over which the state had strict control. Chimu administrative centers were often located near important resources (Keatinge 1974, 1975,

Keatinge and Conrad 1983, Keatinge and Day 1973, 1974). Chimu settlement in the Casma Valley follows this pattern. Two administrative centers are situated above the confluence of the Casma and Sechin rivers--the largest area of arable land in the valley (Mackey and

Klymyshyn 1983:38).

Other than land and water, labor was also an important resource.

The Chimu built large urban centers, of which the capital of Chan Chan is the most striking example. Construction of these cities could not have been possible without a large labor supply. Like the Inca, the

Chimu probably relied on tribute in the form of labor, or a mit'a system (Day 1982b, Mackey and Klymyshyn 1981:104, Topic 1982).

According to this system, adult males were required to work on state projects for specified periods each year and were moved throughout the empire for this purpose (Cabo 1979:192, Murra 1956:156). Evidence for 25

the presence of this labor force exists in the SIAR and segmented walls of Chan Chan (Topic 1982) and the construction of Manchan (Mackey and

Klymyshyn 1983, Moore 1981).

A large labor force would also have been necessary for construction of the Chimu.irrigation network, which is impressive in proportion and

scope. As descibed by Kus (1972: 80):

The size of Chimu canals was a function of the amount of water being carried by the canal, which was in turn determined by the amount of water needed to irrigate a given area. In engineering terms, the size of a canal was, and is determined by volume of water flow and the slope of the canal. In effect, the Chimu were able to pick and choose the sizes of the canals built, since it seems likely that they had the capability to construct very massive canals. Several.large canals used at the present time were probably constructed during the Chimu or even pre-Chimu periods, and these canals are more than four meters wide and as deep as three meters.

With regard to length ... this was again a function of purpose. Seldom was the canal longer than necessary to transport water from a given source of water to a given agricultural field. In some cases, however, the distances between source and point of discharge was extremely great. At least one canal system was almost one hundred kilometers long.

The discussion above illustrates that subsistence centered on

cultivated plants. These plants included maize (Zea Mays), common

beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), lima beans (f. lunatus), sweet

potato (Ipomoea Batatas), white potato (Solanum spp.),

manioc (Manihot esculenta), peppers (Capsicum annuum),

llacon (Polymnia sonchifolia), achira (Canna edulis, f.

indica), Crookneck squash (Cucurbita moschata), Hubbard squash

(f. maxima), pepino (Solanum muricatum), and gourds

(Lagenaria siceraria). 26

Fruits included cherimoya (Annona cherimolia), guanabana

(Annona Imuricata), pacae (Inga feuillei), granadella

(Passiflora spp.), guava (Psidium Guajava), lucuma

(Lucuma bifera), papaya (Carica papaya), pineapple

(Ananus comosus), and ciruela del fraile (Bunchosia

armeniaca) (Towle 1961, Pozorski 1976, 1982).

Meat, a less important resource, consisted of deer, dog, guinea pig, and llama (Pozorski 1976, 1982).

Marine resources--including mollusks, sea lion, sea birds, and both offshore and pelagic fish--appear to have supplemented the diet at some

sites (Pozorski 1976).

Pozorski's (1976) study of Chimu subsistence in the Meche Valley

indicates that diet varied between sites depending on hierarchical rank

and location. At the capital of Chan Chan, a vegetal diet was dominated by the fruits lucuma and guanabana. The sites Choroval _and

Cerro la Virgen were apparently established for the administration and

development of agricultural land. Choroval is located near coastal

sunken gardens (an agricultural technique practiced in areas of high watertable which lowers the planting surface). Data from this site

"indicate that food plants, especially corn and squash, were the main

crops produced in the sunken gardens" (Pozorski 1979:179). Studies of

Cerro la Virgen (which lies approximately 2 kilometers from the ocean)

revealed that most local fields were planted in cotton. Food plants may have been grown locally, but the data suggest that many were brought in.

Both Choroval and Cerro la Virgen received most animal protein from 27

marine resources (ibid.).

In the Casma Valley at Manchan, Mackey and Klymyshyn (1983:30)

conclude that diet differed from Chan Chan in several ways:

1) Although fruits were consumed, they apparently were not any

more important in the diet than other plants.

2) More algorrobo was found at Manchan, possibly due to

its use in the manufacture of Chicha.

3) Marine resources, especially shellfish, were more important

in the diet at Manchan than at Chan Chan.

Excavation of Chimu sites suggests that an extensive trade network

existed (Lumbreras 1974:182). Evidence for this includes feathers from the Amazon, Spondylus from Ecuador, and root crops and llama from

the highlands. Also, historical accounts have documented alliances between the Chimu and the highland center of Cajamarca (Rowe 1948).

Socio-Political Organization

Several sections of this chapter have illustrated the hierarchical nature of Chimu organization. This hierarchy has been shown in

architecture, city planning, and valley settlement. At the pinnacle of

this hierarchy was the Ci-guic or King. Beneath the king, the 28

local chiefs, or alaecs beneath the alaecs were the pixllca or the urban elite. At the bottom of the social scale were the vassals or domestic servants--the paraeng and yana

(Lumbreraras 1974:187, Netherly 1977). Differences in architecture and material goods indicate a sharp distinction between elite groups and lower classes (Topic 1982).

Religion

Chimu relgion focused on the supernatural. Supreme in the pantheon was Si, goddess of the Moon, weather and agricultural productivity. Of secondary importance was the goddess of the sun. Lesser gods included the constellations of Orion's Belt (Pata, god of justice) and the

Pleiades (Fur, patroness of agriculture) (Rowe 1948:50).

Crafts

Although considered by many scholars to be less impr~ssive than the ceramics of earlier periods, Chimu ceramics exibit a "notable artistic development" (Lumbreras 1974:188). A combination of smoking and burnishing produced ceramics that were black with a metallic sheen.

Ceremonial and domestic pottery were press-molded, with bar relief and three dimensional figures used as decoration (Mackey 1984). Oxydized red pottery was used in some valleys for domestic purposes. Some characteristics of earlier styles continued into the Chimu period: vessel shape, conical spouts connected by a bridge handle, and jars with 29

a face on the neck (ibid.).

Metallurgy, especially in gold, was the most outstanding of the

Chimu crafts. Gold and silver vessels took many forms and depicted a variety of subjects. Items produced included cups, bowls, plates, bangles, pins, animal miniatures, masks, earrings, and lip ornaments.

Goldsmiths enjoyed high status in Chimu society. With Inca conquest, many were moved to the highland Inca capital of Cuzco (Rowe 1948).

As in earlier periods, elaborate textiles were produced using tapestry, gauze and brocade techniques. Painting was the most common form of decoration and was occasionally supplemented by the use of feathers (Lumbreras 1974:190). Motifs included human and animal figures and geometric designs (Rowe 1984).

Artifacts recovered from the SIAR of Chan Chan and Manchan provide evidence for other crafts in~luding copper smelting, and wood and stone working (Moore 1981, Topic 1982).

Summary

Approximately seventy years before the conquest of Peru by the

Spaniards in 1532, the Chimu were subjucated by the Inca (Rowe 1948).

This brought to an end approximately 200 years of Chimu north coast domination. Over these centuries, the Chimu developed a highly structured social and political organization based on irrigated agriculture. Land, water, production, storage, and labor was controlled through a hierarchy of administrative centers. Based in the capital city of Chan Chan, control passed from the ciudadelas of the kings 30

to administrative centers in each valley. These centers directly coordinated the control of resources and production.

Irrigation agriculture was an important aspect of the Chimu social and economic system. Although irrigation was a primary agricultural strategy, it was not the only system used throughout the Empire. Based on archaeological and ethnographical studies, Chapter Four discusses other strategies used in coastal Peru to maximize scarce resources and exploit a variety of ecozones. CHAPTER IV

AGRICULTURAL SYSTEMS

When agriculture is viewed as a subsystem of interrelating parts, examination of this system can add information about the way a past or present society is organized, how it functions, its stability, and development (Harris 1968). Study of Chimu agriculture is in its infancy. Irrigation canals and terraces were noted in historical documents and early studies (Cieza de Leon 1959, Cabo 1979, Garcilaso de la Vega 1961, Ford 1949, Tschudi 1S47, Willey 1953), but it was not until after World War II and the development of aerial photography that a more comprehensive study of prehistoric agriculture in Peru could proceed. Aerial photography has aided agricultural research by enabling the investigator to view the study area in the context of the complete valley or intervalley network. Also, some features, such as raised fields, are only visible from higher altitudes (Kosak 1965).

Several studies involving the irrigation network and agricultural strategies, both past and present, present a more complete picture of agriculture in Peru (Denevan 1963, 1970, 1980, 1982, Hatch 1976, Kosak

1965, Kus 1972, Matheny and Gurr 1983, Moseley 1978, Moseley and Deeds

1982, Ortloff et al. 1982, Pozorski and Pozorski 1982, West 1981). The result of this research on agriculture is briefly reviewed in the following section to illustrate the variety of strategies possible in the coastal environment of Peru.

31 32

Of course, a vital part of any agricultural system is how land and

labor are mananged. Examination of past and present systems of land use and land tenure illustrate how different societies respond to similar problems.

Land Use

Most of what we know about ancient agriculture comes from the accounts of the Spanish chroniclers as they recorded their observations of Inca traditions (Cieza de Leon 1959, Cobo 1979, Garcilasco de la Vega

1961). There are some problems in using these accounts as fact. First, biases are present concerning types of information considered important enough to record. Murra (1960:397), for example, notes that despite the potato's importance as a staple in the traditional diet, there is little· mention of any Inca rites or ritual associated with the plant in Spanish accounts. This is, he believes, because the crop was considered a low status item. Second, it is possible that Spanish world view biased the interpretation of events. Third, these accounts were written after

Spanish conquest. By this time most of the Inca agricultural system had been extremely disrupted if not destroyed. Populations were wiped out by disease or relocation, and the irrigation network may have been deliberately destroyed to bring native populations under control

(Moseley 1978). Despite these drawbacks, Spanish accounts remain an invaluable source of information on traditional and ancient agricultural practices.

Perhaps the most important Inca crops were potatoes and corn. 33

Among other evidence, the presence of hundreds of varieties of potatoes

in highland Peru points toward its probable domestication there (Hawkes

1967). Some varieties are totally dependant on man for propagation.

Because of the cold dry climate in the highlands, most potatoes could be made into chun(u--a freeze dried substance which could be stored

for long periods of time (Murra 1956:16).

Although a crop dependent on warm climate, corn was cultivated both

on the coast and in the highland valleys. Unlike other highland crops which were dependant on rainfall, corn was irrigated (Murra 1956:17).

Additional highland cultivated crops include tubers--oca,

anu, ullucu, and the only grain crop, quinoa.

From archaeological evidence we know that crops cultivated by the

Chimu in the Moche Valley include include Corn (Zea mays), beans

(Phaseolus vulgaris, ~· lunatus), squash (Cucurbita moschata, f. maxima), cotton (Gossypium barbadense), gourds (Lagenaria

siceraria), potato (Solanum spp.), pepper (Capsicum

annuum), sweetpotato (Ipomoea batatas), manioc (Manihot

esculenta), and avocado (Persea americana) (Towle 1961,

Pozorski 1976).

The prehistoric network of canals indicates that more land was in

cultivation during ancient times than today (Kosak 1965). Such

conclusions, however, must consider that modern crops may have different

requirements. Sugar cane, for example, requires more water than corn.

Therefore cropland would need to be concentrated closer to the water

source. Another consideration is that the Chimu may not have used all

of the canals contemporaneously by the Chimu. Canals could have become 34

unsuitable for use due to dune formation, seismic activity, or periodic flooding (Mosley 1978, Moseley and Dee~s 1982, Moseley et al. 1983,

Ortloff et al. 1982). Farrington and Park (1978) believe that sections of one major canal, the La Cumbre or Chicama-Moche Intervalley canal, were not used because of engineering error. Pozorski and Pozorski

(1982) suggest that the same canal was never completed because the Chimu lacked the necessary skills. Kus (1983) theorizes that part of the

Chicama-Moche Intervalley canal was not entended for use, but was a giant make-work project.

Today, 128 million hectares is devoted to agriculture in Peru. The coast is the most productive, modern and commercial sector. With less than 22 percent of the total cropland, it produces 40 percent of all crops"(Nyrop 1980:131). Most cultivation takes place in the river valleys through the use of irrigation, where principal crops include sugar cane, corn and cotton.

Land Tenure

Ancient Systems of Land Tenure

In the Inca Empire, most land belonged to the state. Use of the land was divided into thirds--one third to raise crops to support the

King, one third to raise crops to support the priests and to use in ritual and sacrifice, and one third for local communities to be allocated by individual plots. Within the local community, land was acquired by marriage. Each couple received a tupu or unit of land which size depended on the quality of the soil. The family recieved another tupu for each son and a half tupu for each daughter. 35

All lands were worked by the peasants (Murra 1956:54-55).

Chimu land tenure systems are not as well known as Inca sytems, but

it is inferred from studies of Chimu settlement pattern and social organization that most land belonged to the state, was centrally organized and administered, and that a ---mit'a system provided most agricultural labor (Keatinge 1974, 1975, Keatinge and Day 1973, Moseley

1978, Mackey and Klymyshyn 1982, Topic 1982).

Land Tenure During Postconquest Periods

By the time of the Peruvian conquest in 1532, Spain had several tradtional institutions which served to consolidate conquered territories, endoctrinate people to Catholicism and reward leaders for military service. 'One institution which developed out of the re-

conquest of Catholic Spain was known as encomienda--giving military leaders governorships over conquered territories and conquered people. Another tradition was repartimiendo. This system distributed goods and lands among the loyal military leaders. Both of these institutions were used by Francisco Pizzaro after his conquest of

Peru. All land became property of the Spanish Crown, and was partitioned among Pizzaro and his companions. "In addition, each

Spaniard received a number of Indians in encomienda who would provide personnel to till the lands" (MacDonald 1976:53).

Indians were of course expected to pay taxes. To allow for this, community lands were divided among the local population. Other obligations included working the encomendaro's land and providing him with goods. Goods and services were also to be supplied to local priests. The Inca tradition of ---mit'a, or labor tax, was employed 36-

to get workers for silver, gold and mercury mines. To escape mit'~ service, Indians became yanakona or agricultural

laborers. In return, taxes were paid by the landowner and the Indians were protected from mit'~ service. Eventually, entire villages came under the jurisdiction of individual landowners (Kubler 1963).

Around the middle of the 16th century, a resettlement policy was enforced to aid with endoctrination, administration, and taxation of the population. Settlements which were not under the protection of a

landowner, were forced into reducciones, or towns designed to concentrate the population. These were administered by elected local officials.

From the middle of the 16th century until the end of the colonial period, Indians payed taxes, performed mit'~ services, and as yankona, worked the land.

After independence from Spain, collective ownership of land in traditional Indian villages was abolished by Simon Bolivar and was partioned among individuals. This had disastrous consquences for the

Indians.

Unaccustomed to living in an individualised society, lacking the basis for participation in a monetary economy, and without the minimum protection of legal institutions, Indians found themselves at the mercy of landowners. Bolivar's attempt to do away with tribute failed and so the Indian population did not escape even this burden until 1854 ... (MacDonald 1976:59).

As a consequence of these conditions, several uprisings took place which only served to give landowners more land as riots were suppressed.

Finally, in 1920, and due to interest in Indian welfare by newly founded political parties, a constitution was written which gave Indian land and 37

community property legal recognition. Landowners, however, still exerted much control over political and administrative authorities

(McClintock 1981).

Not until after World War II did rural populations begin to take a more active role to improve conditions by forming labor unions and reclaiming land that had been usurped by landowners (Cotler and

Portocarrero 1969, Craig 1969, MacDonald 1976).

Modern Land Tenure

Since colonization, most land in Peru has been owned by a few families. With the beginnings of peasant organizations in the 1950's, land reform became an increasingly important political issue.

In 1964 a major land reform bill was passed by the Belaunde administration. This bill mandated the expropriation of 600,000 to

700,000 hectares of land. More than 2 million hectares of idle land reverted to the state, but only about 300,000 hectares of this was distributed to 11,000 to 14,000 families-~most of these where people who had already siezed land. Some areas, such as the sugar plantations on the coast, were completely exempted from expropriation (McClintock

1981).

In June 1969, the Velasco military government began to establish more radical reform policies. These policies included 1) fixation of individual holdings of 150 hectares on the coast, 15-55 hectares of irrigated -land in the sierra (30-110 hectares of unirrigated land); 2) abolition of absentee ownership of land; 3) establishment of profits with workers; 4) prohibition of farm rentals or exchange of personal services for use of land; 5) creation of special courts for handling 38

land reform cases; 6) reorganization of land into co-ops (ibid.).

The most successful co-ops were those that were run by wage laborers and formed from centrally managed estates (McClintock 1981).

Most of these were coastal sugar plantations. Ownership was collective, members were paid a salary and profits were shared. Co-op conversion was harder in areas where management was not centralized--where farmers were former tenants. Under the new law the former tenant farmed the land, but didn't pay rent in cash, crops or labor. He was still indebted for the land, however (Nyrop 1980).

Another form of co-op consisted of poor peasant communities composed of workers and tenants who farmed and raised animals for fixed salaries. Profits, management and ownership was to be shared with nearby communitiies providing day or seasonal laborers. Disadvantages of this system were that there was usually no profit to share and conflicts of interest often arose between the salaried and the day laborers (ibid.). By 1980, 40 percent of all agricultural land was redistributed affecting one out of four rural farms (ibid.). Most redistribution involved Sierra pasturage. Many large private estates where abolished, reducing the political and economic power of former estate owners (McClintock 1981).

Today small farmers control approximately half of the land, mostly in the Sierra. For the most part, conditions are little changed from the past. Land reform resulted in only a 5 percent increase of new landowners; a distribution of less than 10 percent of agricultural income was affected (Nyrop 1981). Few jobs were created, and it is probable that some were lost. 39"

Agricultural Strategies

From the relative wealth of information on irrigated agriculture, one could conclude that this is the only important strategy. However, what becomes clear from recent research is that a variety of strategies exist today which are probably based on long standing tradition. In his study of prehistoric agriculture and the development of nuclear areas in

Oaxaca, Mexico, Flannery et al. (1971) found that areas where a variety of agricultural techniques were used, maintained stable population centers over the longest periods of time. Modern theories of agricultural decision-making and risk may explain why this was the case.

In general, spatial diversity (raising the same crop in different regions) as practiced by industrial farms in the U.S. and Australia is a safer strategy than enterprise diversification (raising many crops in the same environment) (Loomis 1976:71-72).

The assessment of risk and return ... has a gre~t deal to do with the behavior of agricultural systems. The problems are simplified when the farmer centers his operation around a proved low-risk system. Frequently the task requires minimizing diversity. With only a few crops the farmer can acquire through experience and education a great deal of competence for dealing with the ordinary adversities of the weather, pests and the market. A farmer who attempts to average his risks from weather over a large number of crops invariable encounters only bad weather; some part of the system is now vulnerable no matter what the sequence of weather is, and the farmer's ability to deal with even ordinary adversities is reduced (ibid.).

Risk theory may explain one reason for exploiting a variety of environments, but choice of strategy may depend on other considerations: the nature of the soil, availability of water, investment of labor, potential production, or type of crop cultivated. 40

By far the most common technique used in Peru today is irrigation.

West (1981) has recorded several other practices in the Viru Valley on

the north coast including flood water farming, water table farming,

bucket irrigation and farming of drained fields. Many of these

strategies were used on the coast during ancient times.

Irrigation

Perhaps the most information we have about ancient Peruvian

agriculture is on the irrigation network. Several studies have

concentrated on this subject (Kosak 1965, Kus 1972, Moseley 1978, 1983,

Moseley and Deeds 1982, l'toseley et al. 1983, Ortloff et al. 1982,

Pozorski and Pozorski 1982). Moseley (1978:18) believes that this technique developed out of the practice of flood water farming.

At the peak of the Chimu Empire, coastal irrigation had become a network of inter-and intra-valley systems. One outstanding example of this network is the La Cumbre or Chicama-Moche Intervalley canal which was greater than 80 kilometers long and passed through "extremely broken

terrain with frequent bedrock declivities and slopes in excess of 60 degrees" (Moseley 1978:33). Some researchers doubt that Chimu

engineering skills could have accomplished such a project (Farrington

1980, Farrington and Park 1978, Pozorski and Poz~rski 1982). Others

believe that the Chimu clearly understood the relationship between maximum efficiency of water movement and slope, resistance to canal side walls, depth of the canal, and other factors (Moseley 1978, Moseley and

Deeds 1982, Moseley et al 1983, Ortloff et at. 1982). As observed by

Ortloff et al. (1982), concepts were employed by the Chimu that were not understood by western science until the late 1900's. 41

Today, irrigation is the most important agricultural strategy in

Peru, and is most often used as the solution to problems concerning increased crop production. An example of this is the Majes project, which uses a chain of six canals and gravity and pressure tunnels to bring water from the Colca River high in the Andes to water 140,000

I acres of the Majes and Siquas plains on the south coast near Arequipa

(Engineering News-Record, 1981:28-29). From the beginning the project has been beseiged by funding and construction problems.

Most coastal irrigation systems operate on a smaller scale. West's

(1981) study of the Viru Valley illustrates how this system is used.

Here land is irrigated mostly during the summer season with river water.

In the winter it is supplemented by pumped groundwater, when necessary.

River derived irrigation water is purchased from and allocated by the government according to the time of season (and therefore volume of river water) and location of fields. There is unlimited access when river water is at its highest volume, but as the water volume decreases it is distributed in preset time allotments. With a further reduction in volume later in the season, allotments are made based on the amount of land under cultivation. At its lowest volume, river water is distributed to areas closest to intakes that still have crops remaining.

Elsewhere on the north coast, Motupe corn farmers irrigate their fields at least three times per crop cycle (Hatch 1976). In general, when and how often to irrigate is dependant on soil, crop grown, and location of the water table (West 1981:62).

Irrigation has several drawbacks. The most obvious is that it is dependant on availability of water. As indicated in the Viru Valley, 42

water must also be purchased. Canals need constant maintanence; they must be cleaned of accumulated silt an~ vegetation which may slow down water flow and cause water loss due to evaporation. Repairwork must be continuous since problems in one section of the canal can disrupt the entire network.

Flood Water Farming

This strategy may have laid the foundation for intensive irrigated farming (Moseley 1978). Here seasonally flooding river water is allowed to inundate and soak the adjacent plain or delta. After the soil dries, plants are sown and no futher watering is necessary (Bryan 1929). Knapp

(1983) has recently interpreted fields near Chilca to represent the remains of this type of strategy. At Chilca, embankments were used to create interconnected basins. Otherwise, most labor involves clearing away the natural vegetation near the river bank (West 1981:65).

In the Viru Valley, maize and sweet potatoes were _grown in this environment with productivity equaling that from the irrigated plain

(ibid.).

Limitations of this technique include the threat of excessive flooding or drought and a lack of suitable land. Advantages not only include the periodic deposition of fertile soils, but also the leaching away of accumulated salts that are damaging to plants.

Water Table Farming

Known as mahames (Parsons 1968), sunken gardens (Rowe 1969), or sunken fields (Parsons and Psudy 1975), these are agricultural plots

located at the end of irrigation networks (Rowe 1969) or where ground water occurs near enough to the surface that digging only short distance 4'3

creates a suitable planting environment.

At Medanos la Joyada in the Meche Valley, Kautz and Keatinge (1977) sampled ridges between sunken fields which they have interpreted as the the remains of crop debris and built-up soil from the periodic cleaning of plots. These samples revealed that a wide range of subsistence crops were grown. Kautz and Keatinge found evidence of such industrial crops

as cotton, gourd, and chilca (for dyes); fruits such as guanabana (Anona muricata), cansaboca (Bunchosia

Armeniaca), pacae (Inga feuillei), and lucuma; and the staples corn, beans, and squash. As stated by Kautz, "clearly the

site participated in a broadly based subsistence economy ... " (1976: 171).

In the modern Viru Valley fields, West noted squash and broom corn (West

1981:68).

As with flood water farming, one of the main limitations to water table farming is lack of suitable land. Today, there is almost no risk of water scarcity although some farmers contend that use of pumped water

from tubular wells to supplement irrigation has lowered the water table

(Kosak 1965) .

Bucket Irrigation

Another technique noted by West in the Viru valley was watering of

individual plants in small wells (West 1981:65). These were usually

subsistence foods such as fruit, onions, chili peppers and tomatoes.

Watering in this fashion may only be an emergency measure since it

requires so much labor. As West states, a farmer must determine "at precisely what stage a crop becomes worth saving, how much land is

involved, the labor costs involved in digging a well(s) and distributing 44

water, and the level of efficiency of water use in this fashion" (West

1981:66).

Drained Fields

In poorly drained areas, land may be reclaimed by digging ditches or "sangrias" to drain off excess water. This water may be channeled to fields with insufficient water, to trunk canals or into the ocean.

Labor expended is high at first (West 1981:69). Marshy areas must be cleared of vegetation, ditches must be dug and accumulated salts may need to be flushed from the soil. Drains in Tlaxcala Mexico, which are periodically flooded, need cleaning at least twice a year due to accumulation of soils and aquatic plants which slow the flow of water

(Wilken 1969). Fields in the Viru Valley were located on a swampy river terrace and marsh. Maize and sweet potatoes were grown there (West

1981:69).

Prehistorically, this is a wide spread technique practiced in a variety of environments--highland basins, tropical savannahs, and temperate flood plains (Denevan 1970). Sites range from seasonally waterlogged or flooded to permanent lakes (Plafker 1963, Parsons 1969,

Denevan 1963, Denevan and Zucchi 1978). Besides ditching, ridging and mounding have been employed.

Raised fields are considered an elaboration of drained field farming (Denevan 1970). In Peru, raised fields have only been recorded near Lake Titcaca in the southern highlands (Lennon 1982, Smith et al.

1968), and in the Casma Valley (Pozorski et al. 1983). This strategy will be described in detail in the following chapter. 45

Summary

Land and labor in Peru have been carefully parceled commondities for centuries. Both before and immediately after Spanish contact land was owned by the state and a form of labor tax was used to farm it.

There was an important difference, however. As MacDonald states, "under

Inca rule the mit'~ was used to provide for the common good of the empire as a whole, but after the conquest it benefited the Spanish Crown and individual persons, especially Spanish citizens" (1976:54).

Historical accounts of early Spanish chroniclers and archaeological excavation give evidence for the use of a wide variety of plants and agricultural techniques in prehistory. Irrigation was practiced more extensively on the coast ~han the highlands. In fact, Murra (1956) states that highland irriga~ion was probably used only for the cultivation of corn. Other ancient strategies include flood water farming, water table farming, and farming of drained fields.

The Casma Valley raised fields represent one of several possible strategies used by the Chimu. Why this type of system was used at this location and how the Casma fields compare to raised fields elsewhere is explored in Chapter Five. CHAPTER V

THE RAISED FIELDS

As the last chapter illustrated, prehistoric societies employed a wide variety of agricultural strategies, many of which are still used

today. Some of these strategies addressed the problem of water

shortage, others served, among other purposes, to reclaim land that was waterlogged or seasonally or permanently inundated with water. These

techniques involved drained or raised field systems.

Drains or ditches are often used with raised fields, but may also

be found where raising the planting surface is not necessary for

cultivation. Ditching can be a comp.licated process, depending upon such

factors as topography, size of the area to be drained, location of

outflow, soil characteristics, how much land is cultivated, kind of

crops, and number, extent and size of natural waterways (Ayers and

Scoates 1956). Drained fields have been described in the lowland.

savannas of Bolivia (Denevan 1963, 1982), the floodplains of Tlaxcala,

Mexico (Wilken 1969), low lying c9astal margins of Quintana Roo in the

Yucatan Penninsula (Turner and Harrison 1981, the tropical forested

lowlands and swamps of Northern Belize (Siemens 1977, 1982), and the

broad mountain basin of the Sabana de Bogota in Colombia (Denevan 1970,

1982). In Peru, drained fields were noted in waterlogged and marshy

coastal areas of the Viru Valley (West 1981), and in poorly drained

highland basins in the Pampa de Anta area near Cuzco and the Taraco and

46 47

Pomata areas of Lake Titicaca (Denevan 1970, Lennon 1982).

Raised fields have been defined by Devenvan (1974:24) as "any prepared land involving the transfer and elevation of soil above the natural surface of the earth in order to improve cultivating condtions", and can include mounds or ridges. Raised fields have a widespread distribution both in prehistory and in the modern world. Perhaps the most famous of these are the "floating gardens", or Chinampas, in the

Valley of Mexico (Armillas 1971, Coe 1964, Grove 1965,). In the Old

World, raised fields are still an important agricultural strategy in the tropics, especially Subsaharan Africa and the Soutwestern Pacific

(Denevan and Turner 1974). Modern raised fields have also been noted in

New Guinea (Brass 1941) and Bolivia (Devevan 1982:195).

Ancient fields have been found in poorly drained areas of the

Yucatan (Adams 1980; Adams et al. 1981; Harrison 1977, 1978, 1982;

Harrison and Turner 1978; Siemens and Puleston 1972; Turner 1974),

Belize (Puleston 1977, 1978; Siemens 1977; Turner ~d Harrison 1981),

Ecuador (Batchelor 1980, Parsons 1969), Colombia (Bruhns 1981, Parsons and Bowen 1966, Parsons and Denevan - 1967), Bolivia (Denevan 1963,

Plafker 1963)~ Venezuela (Denevan and Zucchi 1978), and Surinam

(Laeyendecker-Roosenburg 1966).

In Peru, ancient raised fields have so far only been documented in the highlands near Lake Titicaca (Lennon 1982, Smith et al. 1968), and in the Casma Valley (Pozorski et al. 1983). 48-

Other Studies of the Casma Fields

The Casma Valley raised fields were first reported by Donald Collier and Donald Thompson in 1956 as part of an archaeological survey of the valley. Possibly because patterning is difficult to see from ground level, the ridges were not recognized as agricultural features, but instead thought to be by-products of salt collection. Periodic wetting of soils without adequate drainage produces a build up of salts. A large salt pan lies directly to the east of the study area which, according to Posorski et al. (1983:408), has been exploited until fairly recently. Prehistorically, salt was used as a preservative and was an important item for trade (Netherly 1977:62-64). It is possible that some ~ortion of this area was used fo~ that purpose.

In 1971, George Plafker discovered the raised fields while studying a series of NASA infrared photographs of the valley. Thomas Dillehay made similar observations in 1974. Thomas and Sheila Pozorski surveyed the area on foot in 1974, 1980, and again in 1981 with Carol Mackey and

Ulana Klymyshyn during an investigation of the associated ancient site of La Muenga.

In 1981 I surveyed small areas within the best preserved fields, made sketch maps of five field patterns and took a series of samples for pollen analysis from each of the five fields.

Environment

The most visible raised fields of the Casma Valley are located in a brackish portion of an alluvial plain approximately 2 kilometers inland 49

from the coast and 2-3 meters above sea level. The parameters of the best preserved fields are 2.9 kilometers from east to west, and 0.8 kilometers north to south, totaling 200 hectares (Pozorski et al.

1983:407). At one time, raised fields must have extended much further.

Faint outlines of ancient swales under modern fields immediately

adjacent to the study area are visible in aerial photographs. Other parts of the plain show evidence of relict fields as well. While

examining the series of aerial.photographs of the valley taken by the

Servicio Aerofotographico Nacional in 1966, I noticed several partially obscured raised areas on the opposite side of the alluvial plain to the north. These were not nearly as well preserved, but indicate that a

large portion of the plain was once used for raised field agriculture.

Based on similar evidence, Pozorski et al. (1983:409) estimated that the total area covered by raised fields in the Casma Valley could have been

at least 3100 hectares.

As described by Pozorski et al. (1983:407), the fields are located

in a fossil bay surrounded by large granitic and basaltic hills to the

south, low granitic hills and sandy plains to the north, low granitic hills, sandy plains, salt pans and the Casma River to the east, and low

sandy flats and dunes to the west. Also to the west is the modern village of Puerto Casma and on the Pacific Ocean, the Bay of Casma.

The fields are located in what is presently the wettest portion of

the plain. Both natural and man-made environments contribute to this

condition. Drainage is blocked to the south by large hills and to the west by the village of Puerto Casma (Pozorski et al. 1983:408), and a naturally high water table is fed by outflow from the valley irrigation network. A large canal or ditch, Acequia La Muenga, drains the area and 50

runs from east to west, emptying its discharge in the Bay of Casma approximately 2 kilometers away.

The main hydrological features of the Casma Valley are the Casma and Sechin Rivers. Both originate on the western slopes of the Andes and join to form the Casma, approximately 6.5 kilometers east of the raised fields before emptying into the bay. As with most coastal rivers, the Casma varies in water availability throughout the year.

Peak flow occurs during the summer months (January-May) while rainfall is abundant in the highlands. According to Kosak (1965:211), only in wet years is enough water available on the Sechin and lower Casma for a good harvest.

Flooding does occur, however, as witnessed during the severe El

Ni~·episode of 1982-1983 (Mackey 1984). At last report, portions of the study area were under approximately a meter of water (ibid.).

During the 1981 field season, the raised fields were largely devoid · of vegetation. The only plants noted were salt grass in dry areas, and a succulent, Batis maritima, on moister ground particularly nearest the acequia and its main branches.

The Prehsitoric Site of La Muenga

South of the acequia and to the east of the best preserved fields, lies the prehistoric site of La Muenga (Figure 7). Analysis of ceramics and architecture dates it from Late Chimu to the Chimu-Inca period (Figure 5). As described by Posorski et al.: Ul 1-'

Fig. 7. Location of the prehistoric site of La Muenga (A), and salt pans (B). (Servicio· Aerofotographico Nacional, 1966)

53

The site covers about 10 hectares and consists of numerous small low-walled stone structures intermixed with cane or quincha constructions and a few small adobe compounds ... the architecture of the three compounds at La Muenga bears resemblances to administrative structures at Manchan, the main Chimu provincial center in Casma (1983:414).

According to Pozorski et al., the site is contemporaneous with use of the raised fields. Evidence for this is based on the juxtaposition of a stone and earth wall boundary for the fields and structures at La

Muenga. The wall does not cut or overlie the structures, nor do the structures invade the area of the raised fields delimited by the wall.

Similar ceramics in the nearby fields and on both sides of the wall give

further evidence for dating the site and fields contemporaneously.

Elsewhere in the Chimu Kingdom, sites associated with agricultural

fields functioned as administrative centers during construction, maintenance, cultivation, and harvest of the fields, and during crop distribution (Keatinge 1973, Keatinge and Conrad 1983, Keatinge and Day

1974). La Muenga's administrative compounds indicate that this site served a similar purpose.

Canals

As mentioned earlier, the entire study area is drained by a large

canal, Acequia La Muenga. Its width varies from 14 to 100 meters. In the 1966 aerial photographs nine branches are visible, five in the

eastern portion, seven in the central section and four to the west.

Widths of the branches range from 2 to 10 meters.

Smaller ditches traverse the entire area of study, emptying into 54

larger ditches or directly into the acequia. These ditches run

parallel, perpendicular, and at a diagonal to the acequia and

its main branches (Figure 8).

Ridges and Swales

Several different patterns of fields are visible in the aerial

photographs of the study area: serpentine, E-shaped, hooked, straight,

and checkerboard (Figure 8). Variations exist including the use of

several patterns within the same field (field is defined here as a

grouping of ridges and swales surrounded by a deeper or wider swale).

Of these patterns, serpentine, E, hooked, straight, and an E variant were sampled in my field survey (Figure 9)

To some extent, descriptions of these patterns are based on furrow

types found in Chimu irrigated fields at Quebrada de Oso in the Meche

Valley which. were investigated by James Kus (1972). At Quebrada de Oso,

Kus noted six different furrow types as well as various combinations of

these types. In the Casma fields, only three of the furrow types

discussed by Kus were present; Kus' types one (straight), three (E), and

four (Serpentine). Swales in the Casma fields (averaging 32.5) are much

wider than the furrows in the Quebrada de Oso fields (averaging .80

meter [Kus 1972:166}).

Dimensions of ridges and swales varied (Table 1). Length of ridges

ranged from 14 to 48.6 meters (averaging 31.2 meters), width from 4.2 to

6 meters (averaging 4.7 meters). Swales measured 5.4 to 48.6 meters

long (averaging 32.5 meters), 2.4 to 4.2 meters wide (averaging 2.8 U1 U1

Fig. 8. The raised fields (A), causeways (B), and Acequia La Muenga (C). (Servicio Aerofotographico Nacional, 1966)

57

.-/'"=:· ~· / ((': /.·."' ./.(.cf- . . . . . ~"'- ..- .....-..-...... a":"~''~ :·. ;;. ·. '---"'-~ -~... . rf-~~~ ~ .. .. , [f.P~~ ~ {.O(io ~ r.((:: o, . '0~: ~ :0~ fS•.::F. · ~~-·'o': - . ··.. ·.~ ·: ...... =·0' ~ ....' - 0 ~•• 0~ ~ ~~· . :._. ':. ~ .....•. :.0. , o.o -·. : o, ·r~·~·.~ 'o :::;:::::; ~~X..'!.-. .... "~ :• o~-~ oj'•• • -~ 0:·:0 -~: ~~~~ -p&-· ····o .·0 0 . . 0.. ,..·; ·;::;:: ~ :. ';if'.:. '" ...... \ ·:tSZ : :,~ .... 00.:~ .:: .r .:.,~ ;;.. 0 0 :-£_(._~-- ';.'. f~ : ·o. ~·~~~- ('=1000 J. ·~ · 1.,;~·.~ 0 ""="~.. -0-:0 ~ 0,:0::'.:.~!"•. -~• 0 oo..,...... _~ o,.•': : 0 ~··0- ~~ • ·; . ·0~ ....0. , - ·.'~ :·. ;:::;:- ·,-.,,., ...... · . . $'

·: 0 •••• . ~ ~\; ·'~ ... ,.. :,.. ·.~ !?t'ti~ ·,.-~ :~ "' ::· • • 0: ; o' ~ : :...... s...' -,' r=.'Jo"' . ~ . . · · = ~ ·~ •o··:::::--. . ~ .... . 'o:;·:~ ·?0:~ .· .: ~ · 'r~ ;;._~...... ,.· 0~ -~ • , o ~ :.· ..:s . . o:'?f,':; ' . • 0 ~ • ~- 0. 0 ~ ..··~ •oo: • :0 .~ o···- o ~ ··-:0 ·· oo' ~~~ 0 =· ·~ ! ~·;o , ~--·:~ .7~ ..~~ -~~. :.;-:.;:, o ;:oo~

~:':·~f:::._:::.r,r~~~-- ~~-~~~~~- - - 0 • • • • of.>/r'P . - 0 • • • • •• 0 • • - . 0 • • • - • • ;:;...---y:~~-• . -. • • - .. . ·-...... ·, · .. . 58

. 0\ 59 "E"-VARIANT

Fig. 9. Field patterns (continued)

0'1 0 TABLE 1 RAISED FIELD MEASUREMENTS -··.

SWALES RIDGES .· . -' .,PATTERN LENGTH WIDTH DEPTH LENGTH WIDTH I • TOTAL AREA

HOOKED 48.6 M 2.5 M 42 em 48.5 M 5 M 54 .M x 34.2 M (18!•6.8 sq meters)··

E 15 M 2. 5 l1 44-65 em 20-15 M 4.2 M 18 M X 20 M (ave 54.5 em) (ave 17.5 M) (360 sq meters)

; E-VARIANT 22.2-43.8 M 3..:4.2''M .'·41~49 25.8-31.8 M 3.6 M 3_6,6 M x 43.8 M (ave 33 M) (ave 3.6 M) (ave ··45•'em) (ave 28.8 M) (1603. 08 sq meters 1

I i ~-

. STRAIGHT 43.8 M 2.4M 28 em 43.8 M 4.8 M 43.4 M X 14.4 M I (630.72 sq meters)

! SERPENTINE 38.4-5.4 M 2.4-3.6 M 51-74 em 14-20.4 M 5.4-6 M : 42 M x 16.8 M (ave: 21::9 M) (ave 3 M) (ave 62.5 em; (ave 17.2 M) (ave 5. 7 M) (705.6 sq meters)

AVERAGES 32.5 M 2.8 M 46.4 em 31.2 M 4.7 M 1029.24 sq meters

--~

.....0' 62

meters) and 28 to 74 centimeters deep (averaging 46.4 centimeters).

Total area within the fields also varied from 360 square meters to

1846.8 square meters (averaging 1029.24 square meters).

Orientation of fields recorded was predominately north to south.

Causeways

South of the acequia and to the east of the sampling area are

several features which have been discribed by Pozorski et al. (1983:412)

as causeways. Three run parallel to the acequia and are

transected by a third perpendicular to them (Figure 8). No fields

appear in the western portion of this area, but some are found further

to the east, near the site of La Muenga.

Posorski et al. (1983:412) suggest that this causeway area was

slated for future development and represents the initial planning method

of field layout. Kus (1983) noted evidence for similar phases of furrow

construction in Chiumu fields of the Moche Valley. If these structures were used in initial planning for the rest of the Casma raised fields,

much of the evidence has since been obscured by years of cultivation and

field maintenance.

Discussion

Orientations and Hydrology

Examination of the aerial photographs reveals more information

about field orientation and hydrology in the entire study area.

Orientation of fields was mentioned above. Not only is it 63

predominently north-south, but also consistently east of north. Coe

(1964) and Siemens (1983) noted a similar orientation east of north for

raised fields in Mexico and Central Veracruz and have suggested that

this represents standardized, state-controlled planning based on

astronomical calculations. Siemens (1983:98) goes furtheE to suggest

that this orientation was based on sighting the point on the horizon at which the sun rises on the day of its zenith. He notes that this is

also the first time the star cluster Pleiades appears before dawn.

Perhaps a "sacred orientation" existed for the Chimu as well. Maps

of administrative compounds at the Chimu capital of Chan Chan show a

consistent north-north-east to south-south-west orientation (Day 1982a,

Keatinge 1974, Klymyshyn 1982, Mackey 1983, Mackey and Moseley 1974,

West 1970), and compounds at La Huenga also follow this configuration.

Chimu religion included worship of the Moon, the ·sun, Orion, and the

Pleiades, patroness of agriculture and herald of the years beginning

(Lumbreras 1974:188).

A more functional explanation for a north-south orientation of

fields is provided by Wilken (1972:547), who points out that this

alignment allows more sunlight to reach plants.

Not all fields, however, were oriented north-south. Of the total

number visible in the 1966 aerial photo, approximately 17 percent

aligned east-west. These fields were more or less evenly distributed

throughtout the entire area. In some instances north-south and east­ west oriented patterns of ridges and swales occur within the same field.

This variation in ridge to ridge and field to field alignment may

represent attempts to retain moisture in some areas. In his 64

hydrological study of the raised fields of Lake Titicaca, Lennon

(1983:207) studied_ similar arrangements of ridges and fields and suggested that "components which are dissimilar in orientation to those surrounding components could represent an overall attempt to slow surface water movement." Variation in field pattern could have a similar effect.

Another characteristic of the fields which could relate to water movement is field size. Areas closest to the acequia and its main branches have shorter, more closely spaced ridges, and fields at these locations have smaller total areas. Lennon observed that a more compact arrangement of ridges could facilitate more rapid drainage. Longer swales "may be indicative of an attempt to distribute smaller volumes of surface water" (Lennon 1983:186).

Comparisons With Other Fields

Comparisons of raised fields through out the world have been made by others (Denevan 1970, 1982; Matheny and Gurr 1983; Parsons and

Denevan 1967). These studies help to put the Casma fields in perspective.

Like raised fields elsewhere, the Casma fields are located in a poorly drained area. The drainage problem in the Casma Valley is due not only to the naturally high watertable, but also to the position of the fields at the end of the irrigation network. So far no other raised fields have been noted on the coast of Peru.

The total area covered by raised fields in the Casma Valley (as much as 3100 hectares) ranks it among the smaller regimes. Often total area is difficult to determine, due in some cases to terrain and 65

vegetation, and in others to destruction of relict fields. The largest area of ancient fields remaining is at Lake Titicaca in highland Peru and Bolivia. Here the fields cover a total area of 82,056 hectares

(Denevan 1970:650).

Dimensions of fields, ridges and swales are difficult to compare due to lack of consistency in measuring techniques; but the Casma fields appear to have narrower, shorter, more variously patterned ridges than any of the other s~udy areas, with perhaps the exception of the Lake

Titicaca fields. None of the other studies mention the presence of serpentine or hooked patterns; some, however, do refer to curvilinear and circular types (Lennon 1982, Denevan 1970).

The Casma and Lake Titicaca fields share many features. Some of the shared characteristics such as ridge alignment, and relative field size were mentioned above. Although measuring techniques differed somewhat, ridge, swale and field dimensions in the two areas are similar. In Casma fields, ridges averaged 31.2 meters long and 4.7 meters wide; swales 2.8 meters wide; field area 1029.24 square meters.

Lake Titicaca had ridges (Lennon defined these as fields) measuring 32.2 meters long and 3.5 meters wide; swales were 2.2 meters wide; and field area averaged 1038.96 square meters (Lennon 1982:219).

However, unlike the Lake Titicaca fields and raised fields elsewhere, no embanked fields or mounded areas were noted in the Casma fields other than the causeways mentioned by Pozorski et al. (1983:412).

Denevan (1970, 1982) observes that most raised fields are in highly populated areas. What this means is unclear. Raised field agriculture may have served to reclaim otherwise unsuitable areas and increase the 66

carrying capacity of the land to meet the needs of an expanding

population. However, as will be discussed later, raising the planting

surface also has other functions.

Location of raised fields in populous areas might imply that a

large labor force was necessary to build and maintain vast areas of

raised and ditched fields. However, exactly how much labor is involved

in construction and maintanence of fields is difficult to determine;

experimental studies have so far been inconclusive (Siemens 1982:220).

On the north coast of Peru in the Viru Valley, West studied modern

ditched fields and noted that

initial labor expenditure was high, since marsh vegetation must be cleared, trenches dug through out the field system, and salts flushed from the soil. However, once this process is completed little additional maintenance is required (West 1981:69).

It may be erroneous then, to assume that a large labor pool is

needed to maintain raised or ditched fields. It also is difficult to

determine how large an area of fields was in production at any one time.

Areas may have required periodic fallowing, or become too saline due to

changes in the water table, or become too dry for raised field

agriculture. In each case, new areas of raised fields would have to be

developed.·

Functions of Raised Fields

A main advantage of ditching and ridging is to reclaim land which would otherwise be too wet for cultivation of most crops. Denevan and

Turner (1974) suggest several other reasons why raised fields are

beneficial. Soil fertility is improved by ridge construction; during 67

building and maintenance, organic material is pulverized and concentrated in the topsoil. Fertility is improved further by mulching.

In Mexico (Coe 1964, Grove 1965), drained fields are fertilized by dredging nutrient rich sediment and aquatic plants from adjacent ditches and spreading it on the planting surface. In New Guinea, Brass

(1941:569) notes that some ditches function not only to drain, but also as a means of access to "rich, black swamp deposits and virgin alluvial materials".

In ancient Peru, fertilizing agricultural fields was common practice. The Incas used human waste for the royal fields, and animal manure for highland potato fields (Garcilasco de la Vega 1961:159). In some coastal provinces sardine heads were placed in holes along with two or three seeds of corn, however guano was a more common fertilizer and its source was strictly controlled by the Inca (Garcilasco de la

Vega 1961:159). Without some method of fertilization, the Casma fields would eventually have required long fallow periods and as Denevan states, "it is unlikely that aboriginal people would have developed elaborate drainage systems unless each field could have been cultivated numerous times" (1970:652). Two guano islands lie off the coast of Casma Bay, but this resource may not have been needed for the Casma fields.

Raised fields provide advantages other than improved fertility.

The loose soil of ridging makes harvesting and weeding easier, and allows for better aeration and porosity. In a drought, ridging and ditching can also to retain water. In Africa, ridges of loose soil are built up particularly for this purpose after a rain (Faulkner 1944). 68

Ditches make water available to nearby root systems.

Modifying the ground surface al~o serves to create microclimates which cause changes in solar radiation, wind pattern, and moisture retention (Wilken 1972).

In the event of a flood, raised fields may be less subject to destruction than irrigated fields. Irrigation canals can be washed out and sheet wash can spread across fields, eroding away furrows in some areas and silting them over in others (Moseley 1978:38). Because the planting surface is higher in raised fields, destruction due to sheet wash may be minimized. In fact, deposition of nutrient rich soils could be beneficial. Since the water supply of raised field agriculture is

largely independent of the irrigation network, wash out of irrigation canals could have little effect on raised field agriculture.

Raised and drained fields also have the advantage of providing a habitat for extra sources of protein. Through Pozors_ki 's (1976, 1982) study of Chimu subsistence we know that fish, crustaceans, sea birds, and aquatic plants were important components of the coastal diet. These could all be found in or near the raised field environment.

Crops

Exactly what crops were grown in raised fields remains a subject of conjecture. Modern raised field studies show that a variety of crops can be grown. Maize and other grains grow in African fields (Faulkner

1944), however, according to Denevan and Turner (1974:29), "root crops are by far the most common plants grown on raised surfaces". Denevan and Turner give several reasons why this is the case. One is that root crops require a long growing season; therefore some part of the growth 69

cycle would occur during the season of inundation and waterlogging.

Since the edible portion of root crops is below ground, these plants would be most susceptible to rot. Elevating the root zone above the excess moisture level prevents rotting while the crop matures, and also allows for storage of the crop longer in the loose soil before harvest.

Raised surfaces are also an ideal planting surface for root crops because more surface area is available. According to Wilken (1972:550),

"raised ridges and walls extend the active surface upward making them particularly advantageous for shrub, vine and low tree crops."

So far, studies of ancient raised fields have not provided conclusive evidence for the types of crops that were grown there.

Pollen samples have been taken from raised fields at the site of

Hertenrits in Surinam, but no evidence of any cultivated plants other than corn and possibly cotton was recovered (Laeyendecker-Roosenburg

1966). Parsons and Denevan consider this supporting evidence for the cultivation of root crops:

Although the evidence is admittedly negative, this fact suggests that the ridges were devoted to growing manioc, a plant that rarely flowers and is propagated not by seed but by stem cuttings. Manioc was a staple crop in much of tropical South America at the time of the Spanish Conquest, and it is still widely grown today. The cuttings are usually planted at the start of the rainy season and require good drainage (1967:95).

Corn and cotton pollen, however, have been recovered from fields in northern Belize (Puleston 1977, Siemens 1982:218) and experimentally constructed chinampas in the Balancan-Genosique region in the state of

Tobasco, Mexico produced "Manihot, radishes, lettuce, cabbage, squash, rice, corn, watermelon, alfalfa, different varieties of chile, 70

carrot, turnip, melon, tomato, cucumber, coriander, parsley, swiss

chard, beans and others" (Gomez-Pompa et al. 1982:331).

Summary

This study of the Casma Valley raised fields and studies of raised

fields elsewhere, indicate that sophisticated solutions to the problems

inherent in the complicated interplay between plants, hydrology, soils, and other environmental factors are widespread both in prehistory and in the modern world. Fields are found in tropical lowlands and highland basins, where land is poorly drained or seasonally or permanently

inundated.

Compared to other areas, the Casma raised fields cover a relatively small total area. Even so, examination of aerial photographs taken in

1966 shows that most of the alluvial plain at the mouth of the valley was at one time or another used for raised field agriculture.

Like other agricultural areas in the Chimu Empire, the Casma fields were administered from a nearby center. The prehistoric site of La

Muenga lies adjacent to the fields and through the analysis of ceramics and architecture has been dated to the Late Chimu and Chimu-Inca periods.

Why this technique was employed in the Casma Valley or elsewhere remains unclear. In most areas, there is a direct relationship between high population density and the presence of ditched or raised fields.

It is possible that population pressures created the demand for more land. But the fields may have been built for other reasons--to provide 71

an environment for crops and aquatic resources not available elsewhere

in the valley, or as a backup agricultural strategy to irrigation in the event of flooding, or drought.

Although a wide variety of crops have been noted in modern raised

fields, no conclusive data from ancient fields for crops other than corn or possibly cotton have as yet been found. Ethnographic and ethnohistoric accounts indicate that the plants most suited to this type of environment are root crops such as yams, manioc or sweet potatoes.

The evidence for crops grown in the Casma fields appears in the

following chapter. CHAPTER VI

THEORY AND METHOD

In the last chapter, the characteristics of raised fields found throughout the ancient and modern world, were compared to fields in the

Casma Valley. Reasons why raised field agriculture would be chosen was also investigated: to reclaim land and expand the amount of arable land avialable; to increase fertility; to provide an environment for the exploitation of other sources of protein; ~nd as a backup strategy relatively independant of the valley irrigation network.

An integral part of research into the significance of these fields is a study of the types of crops grown on them. As mentioned in Chapter

Four, evidence for crops in ancient raised fields is, for the most part, based on studies of modern fields. Small amounts of pollen from corn and cotton (the cotton pollen may represent a wild species) were found in Surinam (Laeyendecker-Roosenburg 1966) and also in Belize (Zucchi

1973). Even though no pollen from root crops was found, Devenvan and

Turner (1974) believe these plants were most likely grown in ancient raised fields. Since most root crops are propagated by stem cuttings, it is reasonable to expect that no pollen from these plants would disperse into the surrounding environment.

The primary goals of the Casma Valley raised field study were to determine: 1) what crops where grown in the fields, and 2) whether a relationship exists between various field patterns and types of crops

72 73

grown. This research is preliminary to further sampling and survey of the fields, and was undertaken as part of Projecto Chimu Sur, an archaeological survey of the Casma Valley directed by Carol Mackey and

Ulana Klymyshyn to study political integration in the Chimu Empire

(Mackey and Klymyshyn 1983:1).

Since pollen analysis is used to test hypotheses on which this research is based, some background on the theory of this technique is presented, followed by a discussion of the hypotheses and methodology essential to the research design.

Pollen Analysis

Modern palynological techniques involving studies of man's relationship to the environment began with the work of the botanist H.G.

Lagerheim and the geologist Lennart von Post in 1916. Lagerheim and_von

Post studied Scandinavian peat bogs in an attempt to reconstruct vegetation and climate since the last glaciation (von Post 1967). Von

Post sampled several different stratigraphic levels in bogs and listed pollen types and numbers from each sample. This was the first quantitative study of pollen data (Gray and Smith 1962:17).

In 1949~ the first archaeological applications of palynology were made by the palynologist, John Iverson, as part of a study on Neolithic man's impact on the environment of Denmark (Iverson 1949).

By the 1960's the American archaeologist, Paul S. Martin

(1963a,1963b), proved that the technique was useful not only in bogs and swamps, but also in the fairly alkaline desert soils of the American southwest. 74

Uses of Pollen Analysis

Pollen analysis is used in many disciplines: biogeography, geology,

meteorology, petroleum exploration, botany, medicine, geochronology, and

criminology.

In archaeology it has been used to determine artifact use (Bohrer

1972), room function (Hill and Hevly 1968), seasonality of site

occupation (Kautz 1976), prehistoric diet (Bryant 1974, Kautz 1976,

Martin and Sharrock 1964), intra-and inter-site dating (Hill and Hevly

1968), the introduction and uses of plants (Bohrer 1977), man's impact

on vegetation (Iverson 1949, Lytle-Webb 1978), relative shifts in past

environments (Kautz 1976, Schoenwetter and Eddy 1964, Sears 1964), and

as an indicator of strategraphic contamination (Raab 1982).

In Peru, most palynological work has been devoted to geological,

pale~botanical (Archangelsky 1968) or morphological (Keeley 1982)

studies. In archaeological studies of the north coast Meche Valley,

Kautz (1976) sampled sunken fields at Medanos la Joyada, and Pippin

(1977) recovered pollen from the ancient agricultural fields of Pampa

Esperanza, Pampa Hanchaco, Pampa Cacique, and Pampa Rio Seco. Kautz

(1976) also sampled soil for pollen at Guitarrero Cave in the

intermontane valley of the Callejon de Hualas and at the coastal site of

Cerro Chivateros.

The Pollen Grain

Pollen is the mechanism used by flowering plants to transfer male

genetic material to the female egg nucleus. Like most other living

plant cells, its living cytoplasm is surrounded by a thin wall of

cellulose which palynologists call the intine. An outer layer, the

exine, surrounds the cellulose wall. The exine is principally composed 75

of sporopollenin, described as " a polymer of monocarboxylic or dicarboxylic fatty acids with a fairly high molecular weight" (Echlin

1968:85). Although the inside of the cell quickly decomposes, the sporopollenin in the exine gives the grain ~ts durability (fossilized grains have been found in deposits 100 million years old). In most plants, the exine is further divided into components that give the grains some of their diagnostic surface characteristics.

To identify grains, palynologists describe grain size, sculpturing patterns, and wall structure. Also important are apertures: kind (pores and/or furrows), number and arrangement.

Pollen varies not only in appearance, but also in method of dispersal and numbers of grains produced. It can be dispersed by wind

(anemophilous ·pollen), animals (zoophilous pollen), or insects

(entimophilous pollen). Among angiosperms, or flowering plants, the most common method of dispersion is by insects. Wind pollinated plants, however, produce the most pollen. The gymnosperm Pine, for instance, may produce up to 1.5 million grains per male cone (Gray and Smith

1962:17).

Preservation is another variable characteristic. It is dependent on the chemical structure of the sporopollenin in the wall (Havinga et

al. 1971) and the type of environment in which the pollen grain is deposited (ibid.). Since, in most cases, abundant amounts of pollen are produced, some finds its way to locations other than the intended ovule.

As a result we can find pollen in a variety of sediment types: marine,

lacustrine, swamps, alluvial soils, middens, cave depostis, fossilized

sand dunes, glacial ice, and salt deposits (Gray and Smith 1962:19). 76

Anaerobic, acidic soils provide ideal conditions for preservation; alkalinity, heat, weathering, leaching and pressure from geologic activity all work to destroy grains (ibid.).

Theory

Palynology is based on several assumptions about the diagnostic characteristics, production, preservation, dispersal, and collection of pollen.

As detailed by Kautz (1976:72) these assumptions are that:

1) the structural characteristics of pollen grains are

constant within a given phylogenetic or pollen category.

These categories are often as large as the family level.

2) Most of the vegetation within a limited area surrounding

the sampling location will contribute to the pollen rain which

contains a mixture (not necessarily in the ratio represented)

of the grains of the available plants.

3) Many of the grains settling into the sampling matrix are

preserved under antiseptic, low-oxidation conditons (although

differential pollen destructions may have occurred).

4) Year after year, as the sediments accumulate, stratified

pollen deposits may occur unless reworking or stratigraphic

leakage have occurred. 77

5) Appropriate methods of sampling and preparation of the

matrix allow the detection, identification, and counting of

the fossil pollen grains.

6) Consistent general trends in pollen spectra based on

percentage composition of component pollen grain types are a

fact in closely allied ecological and geographical contexts.

Interpreters of pollen data must consider the inherent limitations of these assumptions, including differential pollen production, preservation and dispersal (Davis 1963, 1973, Tauber 1967).

Methodology

The research presented in this thesis is based on a series of hypotheses designed to exam~ne one aspect of- the Chimu agriultural system--raised field techniques--and to explain one function of varying field patterns.

The Hypotheses

Hl: If the area was used for agriculture, then pollen from cultivated plants will be recovered from soil samples of the ridges or swales.

As mentioned in Chapter Four, the ridges of the Casma Valley fields were originally thought to be by-products of salt-extraction techniques.

Salt pans do exist to the east and south of the research area, and 78

exploitation of this resource is known from ethnohistorical documents

(Netherly 1977) and modern accounts (Pozorski et al. 1983). It is possible that some portions of the area were used for this purpose.

Studies of pollen dispersal from cultivated plants indicate that this pollen is not found far from its source. This is due in part to

its large size, but also to the fact that it is produced in smaller quantities (Raynor, Ogden and Hayes 1972). Therefore, I assume that any pollen from cultivated plants is from crops that were grown in the area.

This assumption has been used by others in studies with similar goals

(Berlin et al. 1977, Pippin 1977, Hector 1979, Solomon 1974).

H2: If differences in field patterns reflect an attempt to modify the environment to the different moisture and drainage requirements of different plants, then specific types of pollen will be recovered from

areas with specific ridge patterns.

Test implications:

1. Pollen from crops with different moisture or

drainage requirements will be found in different

field types (e.g. pollen found in straight-patterned

fields will be different than that found in E,

serpentine, hooked, orE-variant patterned fields).

2. Where field patterns differ but pollen recovered is

the same, differences will be found in soil types. 79

3. Fields with the same pattern will have pollen from

plants with similar moisture and/or drainage

requirements.

Modern agricultural field systems often include arrangements of

furrows (or swales) and ridges to affect water flow in relation to the needs of specific crops and particular environmental conditions such as

slope and drainage. Because modern te~hnology is usually mechanized,

these arrangements are usually in straight patterns; but they may appear

across the slope to prevent erosion, or follow the vertical contour of

the slope to provide more effective drainage.

Prehistoric agricultural fields in Peru contain a variety of furrow patterns. In his research of Chimu field systems and irrigation, Kus

(1972) recorded several of these furrow patterns and suggested that variation may be related to types of crops planted in the fields. In a more recent study, Kus (1983) relates furrow variation to stages of

field development.

Since pollen from cultivated plants does not travel great distances from its source, pollen found consistently in specific fields

should indicate that the crop was grown in this location. If field pattern was designed to affect water movement (and therefore meet

specific moisture requirements of particular crops), then this will be

reflected in the types of plants represented by the pollen evidence-­

e.g. pollen from moisture loving plants will be found in fields where water would be expected to pool. 80

Rationale for Field Selection

An attempt was made to sample one representative of each field type

observed in the aerial photographs to test for differences in crops

among field types. Five field types were sampled: E, serpentine,

straight, hooked and E-variant (Figure 9). Although a checkerboard

pattern was visible in the 1966 photograph, I was unable to locate this pattern on foot in 1981.

After patterning, selection was made among the best-preserved

fields to guard against possible contamination from modern uses. These

fields were also easier to locate on foot. Among these candidates, no

attempt was made to produce a random sample. Because of limitations in

time and money, only one example of each field type could be sampled.

Rationale for Sample Selection

Two sampling stations, one on the ridge and one in the swale, were

established in each field to test whether or not it was possible to

determine specific crop placement within a field.

At each station a series of soil samples was taken, one from each

stratum, to determine if different pollen types could be found in different soil types or during different periods of deposition.

A sampling station was also located on the south side of the

acequia. Since no swales or ridges were found here, this sampling

station was designed to serve as a type of control. The area was modified, however, for the causeways described in Chapter Four.

In total, fifty four samples were taken. All were processed to

extract pollen.

Extraction

Pollen extraction from the soil matrix was accomplished using 81

techniques established by Mehringer (1967:136) which treat the soil with a series of chemical washes. Ideally, the matrix is broken down leaving the pollen exine intact, but occasionaly some pollen destruction or distortion does occur. The steps of this process include: 1) a wash with hydrochloric acid to remove much of the carbonate and assure the release of pollen in calcareous matrix, 2) a wash with hydrofloric acid to remove silicates, 3) treatment with nitric acid to oxidize some of the organic colloids which become soluble after the hydrochloric acid wash, and 4) a boiling water bath with potassium hydroxide to remove humates.

After this process is complete, a drop of the pollen-containing

residue is placed on a slide in stained glycerin jelly. The remaining

residue is stored in vials in a mixture of 2 parts glacial acetic acid,

2 parts glycerol, and 3 parts water.

Identification

Slides for each sample were made and scanned by light microscope at

300X to 1000X magnification. The entire slide was scanned; grains were

counted and described. Twenty three of the fifty four samples contained pollen. Of these, nineteen samples provided pollen counts of fifty grains or more. Due to poor pollen preservation, interpretations are based on pollen presence only.

Pollen identifications were made by reference to pollen keys

(Faegeri and Iverson 1975, Heusser 1971, Kapp 1969, Markgraf and

D'Antoni 1978, Moore and Webb 1978, Wodehouse 1935) and to the slide

collection at the Los Angeles County Museum of Natural History. 82

Summary

Pollen analysis has had a wide range of applications to a variety of fields. Since the 1960's it has become an increasingly viable tool for archaeologists interested in the study of man's relationships to his environment. The technique, however, is not without limitations.

Reliable mterpretations of the data must include considerations of differential production, deposition, and dispersal.

With these assumptions and limitations in mind, palynological techniques are used to test the hypotheses regarding what crops were grown in the Casma Valley raised fields, and what relationship exists between type of crops grown and field pattern. The results of this research follow in Chapter Seven. CHAPTER VII

THE DATA AND INTERPRETATIONS

Eighteen different pollen types were identified from 54 soil samples. Preservation was poor, probably due to high alkalinity of the soils (in some cases pH reached 8.5). Although pollen counts were too low to make statistically valid statements regarding relative plant frequencies, interpretations can still be made concerning types of pollen present, where it was found, and relationships to the soil deposits.

Pollen

Table 2 provides a list of families, genera and species represented by the pollen recovered from the soil samples. Included in this list are economic and agricultural plants, and indicators of wet, dry and saline environments. Also found was pollen representative of the present local vegetation and communities found in more distant locations.

Economic Plants

Pollen from economic and agricultural plants included Zea mays, Cheonpodiaceae, Typha sp., Cyperaceae, Baccharis sp., Polymnia sp., and Mutisia sp. According to Towle

(1961), each family contains species of economic significance.

83 84

TABLE 2 PLANTS REPRESENTED BY POLLEN

Amaranthaceae Piperaceae Alternanthera sp. Polypodiaceae Batidaceae Batis maritima Podocarpaceae

Betulaceae Typhaceae Alnus s-p. Typha angustofolia

Chenopodiaceae "verbeneceae

Compositae Asteraceae Ambrosia sp. Baccharis sp. Mutisia sp. Polymnia sp.

Cyperaceae 85

Corn (Zea mays) was one of the most important economic plants

in prehistoric Peru. Widely cultivated in the New World, twenty nine races falling into highland and lowland groups are distinguished in

Peru. Of the lowland groups, Towle (1961:21) identifies two types:

Group A, found in early archaeological sequences, is a small, thick­ earred type with diagonal rows spiralling to the right or left; group B, a cylindrical ear with straight rows, is similar to some forms of corn grown today. Corn had many uses. It was used in breads, cakes, and vegetable broth. It was roasted, or boiled. Sweet juice was squeezed

from its stems, oil was pressed from its kernals, and its stalks and leaves were used for fodder. Beverages made from it included beer from fermented grain and chicha, another alcoholic beverage, still popular today, which is prepared from a mash of crushed kernels. Corn was often used in Inca ceremonies (Murra 1956:26-33), and was frequently depicted on prehistoric ceramics (Dunn 1979, Towle 1961) indicating the importance of this crop in ancient ideology.

Some pollen was unidentifiable beyond the family level. Such was the case with that identified as Chenopodiaceae. Within this family are several genera native to Peru. The most economically important are quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) and canihua (~. pallidicaule~ Quinoa constitutes a staple food for many people in Peru, replacing maize at high altitudes. Seeds can be eaten whole, used to thicken soup, make chicha, or ground into flour (Towle

1961:36). Ash from quinoa stalks is also used to improve the flavor of coca (ibid.).

Typha sp. was identified in several samples. It is a genus 86

of about ten species that grow in swampy areas of temperate and tropical regions of the world. Typha angustifolia, called cat-tail or

Enea, is common to moist areas in the coastal valleys. It can be used as a fiber to make matting, baskets, and ropes, or its rhizomes can be eaten (Towle 1961:16). Similar in habitat and economic use to

Typha is the plant family Cyperaceae. These plants produce tubers which were used for food; and some species, such as Scirpus, were used to make rope, cordage and, baskets. Eighteen species of the genus

Scirpus are found in Peru, several of these in the coastal valleys

(Towle 1961:26).

Asteraceae is one of the largest flowering plant families in the world represented by over 1,400 genera and 20,000 to 30,000 species

(~entry 1980). Peru is the center of diversity for several tribes with mar~ than 1,400 species representing ten percent of the total Peruvian flora (ibid.). Many pollen grains could not be identified beyond the family level_. Those identified to genus included Baccharis sp.,

Polymnia sp., and Mutisia sp.

According to Towle (1961:95), Baccharis is the most commonly found genera of the Asteraceae in Peru. Baccharis prostrata, or

Chilca, is used for green or yellow dyes (ibid.).

Ten to twelve species comprise the genus Polymnia native to

America. Polymnia sonchifolia, or Yacon, is a minor root crop of temperate Peruvian valleys which produces an edible root containing sugar and some starch. In Cuzco roots were eaten especially during ancient ritual ceremonies (Towle 1961:95). Designs of these roots appear on early Nazca embroidery (O'Neal and Whitaker 1947). 87

The genus Mutisia includes approximately sixty species which are native to South America. Stems of the sh~ub Mutisia hirsuta are burned for ashes which are mixed with coca. The flowers of this plant have been noted as decorative elements on Inca jars and on signs announcing the sale of chicha (Herrera 1923, Yacovleff and Herrera

1935).

Indicators of Moist Environments

As already mentioned, both Typha and Cyperaceae are found in moist habitats. Others found in this environment include Verbenaceae

(cf. Lippia), Polypodiaceae, Alternanthera sp.,

Ambrosia sp., and Batis maritima.

Species of Lippia are common to low wet places both in cismontane and desert regions (MacBride 1960:645). The fern family,

Polypodiaceae is found in humid, moist environments. (Towle 1961:15).

Inca vessels were often decorated with the fern Polypodium

(ibid.). Alternanthera spp. is found in moist habitats in the highland and on the coast. ~- philoxeroides is common to wet soil

(MacBride 1936). In California it is known to choke irrigation canals

(Munz 1974:60). Ambrosia spp. grows around standing water (Alva

1973). Batis maritima is the only member of this group that is a representative of the present vegetation. It is found in fields closest to the acequia, and is most abundant in swales.

Indicators of Drier Environments

This group includes Zea mays, the grasses (Graminae), 88

Chenopodiaceae, and some members of the family Asteraceae.

Indicators of Salinization

Chenopodiaceae, Distichlis spicata, Verbenaceae, Batis maritima, Alternanthera--all have been described by Graham

(1976:799) as elements of a saline grassland community.

Local and Non-local Pollen

During the 1981 field season, only Batis maritima and a genus of the grass family, Distichlis spicata were noted in the vegetation. Pollen from both Batis and the Graminea was consistantly found throughout the sampling area. Some pollen types were found, however, that are not local and therefore must represent long distance travel by air currents or transport by irrigation water. This pollen includes that of Alnus spp. and Podocarpaceae. Grown at

3,500 to 3,000 meters (MacBride 1936:267), Alnus is one of the most important trees of the Andes. According to Herrera (1921), it is cultivated extensively in all of the quebradas of the Department of

Cuzco where it is valued for fuel and for use in small construction.

Alnus is also one of the top producers of pollen grains. Studies by Erdtman (1969) document numbers as high as 4,000,000 grains per catkin. It is a fairly small grain and is dispersed by wind.

Podocarpaceae pollen, also with its source at high elevations, is transported by wind and produced in large quantities. Its large size makes it less likely to travel far by wind, but considering the quantities produced, some grains could be transported by irrigation water (Pippin 1977). 89

Indicators of Agriculture

As mentioned earlier, cultivars are often poorly represented in the pollen record because the pollen of these plants is produced in smaller quantities. Also, some cultivated plants such as Manihot,

Ipomea, and Solanum are reproduced by cuttings and therefore would not necessarily leave pollen in the surrounding environment.

Common agicultural weeds are represented by Ambrosia

(Compositae), Chenopodiaceae, and Amaranthaceae (Alva 1973). As mentioned earlier, corn (Zea mays) pollen was recovered from several samples.

Location of Pollen

Because of poor pollen preservation and small sample size, it is difficult to make statements concerning relative abundancies of plants or changes in plant commun~ties through time. Therefore, discussion of the pollen data must rely on conclusions drawn only from the presence of certain pollen. (Any conclusions based on the absence of pollen is dangerous also since, as mentioned earlier, it is quite possible for a plant to be grown in an area with no pollen preserved.)

For the most part, no distinctions could be made concerning specific field pattern associations with plants having specific moisture requirements. There was, however, one possible exception. Corn was found in E, the E-variant, and hooked patterns--all of which would be expected to pool water. Of course the possibility exists that this crop was grown elsewhere but the pollen was not recoverable.

Polymnia was found in E and serpentine patterns; Typha 90.

in E, E-variant, hooked and straight; and Baccharis in every field but the E patterned.

In addition to samples taken from the five field patterns, a series of samples was taken from the area south of the acequia where no raised fields are present. This sampling station served as a type of control in spite of the fact it has been modified through the construction of several causeways. No pollen from Typha, Zea,

Polymnia, Baccharis, Ambrosia, Cyperaceae, or Polypodiaceae was recovered from these samples. This is negative evidence, but these data support the contention that these pollen types represent plants grown in the raised fields rather than pollen which has migrated from elsewhere. The presence of Alnus, Podocarpaceae, Graminea and

Batis both in the "control" samples and in fields suggests that these types represent background pollen rain. A study of modern pollen rain in the area is necessary to verify this assumption.

As with field pattern, no distinctions could be made regarding whether specific crops were grown in ridges or swales. Zea occurs in the ridge of the E pattern, swale of the E-variant, and in both ridge and swale of the hooked pattern. Specific crop placement would be difficult to establish with these data for several reasons: 1) Poor pollen preservation means relative abundance is impossible to determine.

If more pollen could have been recovered, relative abundance could have been a fairly accurate indicator of specific plant growth. This is evident from the data pertaining to Batis maritima. Batis pollen is very abundant in most samples and appears in its highest percentages in samples from swales. This is precisely where it is found 91

in the present local vegetation. 2) If soil was dredged from ditches and placed on top of ridges to enhance fertility, pollen from the two areas would mix. 3) If the same fields were used during both dry and wet periods, different plants may be grown in wet years or seasons than in dry. Also, within the same field pattern Zea, for instance, might be grown in ridges in wet years or seasons and in swales in dry years or seasons. It is quite possible that what is represented by the pollen from the Casma Valley raised fields is the adaptability of this type of agriculture to varying water availability.

Consistant with other pollen studies involving terrestrial soils

(Dimbleby 1955, Berlin et al. 1977), most pollen was recovered from the upper levels. Samples were taken to a depth of 40 centimeters or where soils became too compacted to penetrate. No pollen was recovered from samples below 32 centimeters with the exception of a few Batis grains in the serpentine ridge.

Soils

As mentioned earlier, one pollen sample was taken from each strata at each sampling station and soil characteristics such as color, texture, and composition were noted. Although detailed descriptions of the nature of the soils must await more sophisticated techniques of analysis to draw more complete interpretations about drainage, some generalizations are possible.

Each profile contained strata with visible salt crystals. In swales, this usually occurred in very fine sands and silts and at 92

varying depths. In the ridges, however, salted soils were more consistently distributed from 10-28 centimeters (with the exception of the serpentine ridge where salty clay was found to a depth of 40 centimeters). This could reflect accumulation of material due to the impermiability of the underlaying strata. Another possible interpretation is that this strata is an indicator of the build up of salts during intensive use. The E-variant and hooked field ridges have deeper deposits of salted soils thanE and straight fields. Perhaps these fields were more intensively used. These fields also contained the greatest variety and numbers of pollen.

Strata of black soil were also observed. Usually these occurred in very fine sands and silts at different levels in swales. Bear

(1955:238-241) discusses one process which may explain this occurance.

Salt accumulation is common in areas of limited rain fall where surface or ground water does not drain away. When water is finally moved through the soil and evaporation or transpiration takes place, the concentration of salts is increased. With changes in climate, soil or soil management salts may be leached. In saline-alkali soil, leaching leaves non-saline alkali soils of a dark brown color and high pH (8.5-

10). When organic matter is dissolved in the soil solution it becomes deposited as a thin "black alkali" film. A thin black lense occurred in the hooked field ridge from 25-27 centimeters and in the swale from

23-24 centimeters.

Mottled soils were recorded in two profiles. Both were swales--one in the hook patterned field 16-23 centimeters below the surface, the other in the serpentine swale 0-12 centimeters below the surface. 93

Although mottled soil does naturally occur in rare instances, it is also possible that mottling represents soil disturbance. Perhaps this is evidence that the swales were dredged occasionally to renew the ridges with nutrient rich soil as has been documented in studies of modern raised fields (Coe 1964, Brass 1941, Grove 1965).

The general pattern of the soils within ridges is consistently similar--very fine sandy silt in the upper levels, underlain by darker colored salted sandy silts. The deepest layers were composed of gray clays. Swale profiles were often more complicated, but gray clays also composed the deepest layers here.

Interpretations regarding drainage must await more systematic testing in the field and in the laboratory.

Relationships of the Data to the Hypotheses

H1: If the area was used for agriculture, then pollen from cultivated

plants will be recovered from soil samples of the ridges or swales.

As mentioned above, several pollen types from plants indicative of agriculture where recovered from soil samples. Zea was found in three

fields, and pollen from other native economic plants included Typha,

Polymnia, Baccharis, and the families Chenopodiaceae and

Cyperaceae. In addition, several pollen types representing agricultural weeds were present including Alternanthera and the tribe Asteraceae.

H2: If differences in field patterns reflect an attempt to modify the 94

environment to the different moisture and drainage requirements of

different plants, then specific types of pollen will be recovered

from areas with specific field patterns.

This hypothesis implies that fields were constructed with specific crop types in mind. However, what the data seem to suggest is that fields were designed more for adaptability to varying water availabilty than to the needs of different crop types. Zea, for instance, is found in E, E-variant, and Hook patterned fields. These are all patterns where water flow would be impeded and therefore would pool.

Also, within these fields Zea is found in some cases on ridges, and in others in swales. Assuming interpretations of specific plant locations within fields are possible given such poor pollen preservation, this may imply that Zea was planted on ridges in wet periods and in swales in dry periods. Typha, which requires more moisture than Zea, is found in the same field types, and also in ridges and swales. The presence of both Zea and Typha in both ridges and swales of the same field types is evidence of changes in water availabilty through time.

Summary

Although pollen preservation was poor (probably due to alkalinity), several statements can still be made regarding what plants grew in the

Casma Valley raised fields and how these plants relate to field patterns. 95

From the pollen data it becomes clear that several plants were cultivated or at least exploited in the raised fields. The importance of Zea mays to ancient populations has been well established and the pollen data supports its cultivation in the Casma fields. Although an attempt was made to determine specific crop placement in ridges or swales, the results are inconclusive since Zea was found in both locations. Several explanations could account for this: 1) Corn pollen was found in such small quantities that it is difficult to determine specific location based on relative abundance. 2) If ridges were periodically enriched with soil from swales, pollen from both areas would become mixed. 3) It is possible that corn was grown on ridges during wet periods and in swales during dry periods.

Zea was found in E, the E-variant, and hooked fields--all patterns which would impede water movement and pool water. Typha, a plant which requires more moisture than corn, was also found in these fields in both ridges and swales. These data suggest that rather than constructing fields for specific crops, patterns where created for adaptability to varying moisture availability.

Pollen from the genus Polymnia was also found. Polymnia sonchiflora or Yacon, is a minor food crop which produces edible roots. If the Polymnia pollen found in the Casma fields is from this species, and if Yacon can be grown on the coast (Cohen

[1978] considers it an import to the coast from the highlands), these data support the contention of Denevan (1970, 1982) and Denevan and

Turner 1974), that root crops were particularly suited to raised field strategies. 96

Pollen from other plants of economic importance include that from the family Cyperaceae, and the genera Baccharis and Mutisia.

Species from the family Cyperaceae were, like Typha, used for basketry and matting and also produces edible roots.

The genus Baccharis includes the species ~- prostrata.

If the Baccharis pollen represents this species,. then this plant was most likely exploited for the production of dyes. Excavation of the

Chimu regional center of Manchan indicates that textile production was important here (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1983, Moore 1981). It is possible that Baccharis supplied part of the necessary raw material for this craft.

The alcoholic beverage, chicha, was also manufactured at

Manchan (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1983, Moore 1981), and Herrera (1923) and

Yacov1eff (1935) note that the flowers of the plant Mutisia hirsuta were used historically to advertise the sale of this drink.

Mutisia pollen was found in samples from the Casma fields, but identification to species was not possible.

In order to draw conclusions about soils and drainage, more data are required from the field and the laboratory. Some observations can be made however, concerning types of soils present in the profiles.

Two profiles contained strata of black/brown mottled soil. Both were swales--one in the hook patterned field 16-23 centimeters below the surface, the other in the serpentine swale 0-12 centimeters below the surface. Mottled soils can occur through natural processes, but it is also possible for this to represent soil disturbance. Studies of modern raised field farming note that ditches are periodically dredged, placing 97

the nutrient rich soils and vegetation on top of the ridges to improve soil fertility (Coe 1964, Brass 1947). Perhaps the mottled soils of the

Casma fields are evidence of this technique. Further soil surveys are necessary for this observation to be more than speculation.

Salt accumulation is common in areas of limited rain fall where surface or ground water does not drain away. When water is finally moved through the soil and evaporation or transpiration takes place, salts become more concentrated. With changes in climate, soil or soil management, salts may be leached, leaving non-saline alkali soils of a dark brown color and high pH. When organic matter dissolves in the soil solution, it becomes deposited as a thin "black alkali" film. Evidence of this process is found in the hooked field 23-24 centimeters below the surface in the swale, and 25-27 centimeters below the surface in the ridge. Leaching of the Casma field soils may have occurred with occasional flooding or by periodically directing greater quantities of water through the fields.

Excessive accumulation of salts, then, can be indicative of intensive field use. Reasons why these fields could have been important to the Chimu are reviewed in the concluding chapter. CHAPTER VIII

CONCLUSION

Although several agricultural strategies such as irrigation, flood water farming, and watertable farming were used by the Chimu, why was raised field agriculture used in the Casma Valley? Based on the data from this study, several explanations are possible.

Expansion, Environment, and Ideology

Perhaps the most obvious explanation for raised field farming in the Casma Valley is that it served to reclaim land that was oth~rwise to wet for cultivation. Ditches drain off water and ridges elevate the root zone above levels of saturated soil harmful to plants.

This expansion of agriculture into areas previously unsuitable for production implies the need for higher crop yields. Higher yields could also be accomplished through fertilization. Several historic sources mention the fact that fertilizer in the form of guano, fish heads, or human and animal waste was often used. (Cabo 1979, Garcilasco de la Vega

1961, Cieza de Leon 1959).

Raised field agriculture provides its own nutrient source since fertile soils can be dredged from ditches and placed on ridges. Studies of modern raised fields have noted this technique (Coe 1964, Grove 1965,

Brass 1947). Tentative evidence exists for this practice in the Casma

98 99

fields. Soil profiles from the swales of two fields, hooked and serpentine, contain strata of black/brown mottled silts. Although mottled soils can be indicative of disturbance, they are also naturally occuring.

Assuming raised fields were constructed for the sole purpose of expanding agricultural land, why would this new land be necessary? One explanation is that new areas were needed to expand the carrying capacity of the land to support a growing population. Archaeological evidence, however, does not necessarily support this contention. In fact, there seem to be slightly fewer sites during Chimu occupation.

These may, however, represent consolidation (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1983).

Conrad (1981a, 1981b) suggests that the Chimu needed to expand into new areas for agricultural land because of split inheritance. As defined by Conrad:

Split inheritance is a law of bequeathal based on two dichotomies: state office vs. personal property and principal vs. secondary heirs. In a pattern of split inheritance one principal heir receives the state office, along with the attendant rights and duties, of a deceased functionary. The latter's personal possessions and sources of income are granted to his secondary heirs as a corporage group (Conrad 1981:9).

As a concequence of this arrangement, the new ruler had to accumulate his own property and labor pools by increasing taxes or expanding into new territories. Although an interesting possibaity, this explanation for expansion is a subject of much debate (Conrad

1981a, 1981b, Isbell 1981, Paulsen 1981).

Perhaps pressures involving environmental conditions or social conflict were involved with decisions to use raised field farming. 100

Irrigation was an important agricultural strategy on the north coast of

Peru, but the network of canals was suceptable to disruption by dune formation, seismic activity or flooding (Moseley 1978, Moseley and Deeds

1982, Moseley et al. 1983). Peru is periodically subjected to the

,.,; effects of El Nino, which causes, extensive flooding (Cane 1983). Under these conditions, portions of the irrigation network could be washed out. Raised fields can benefit from flooding. Accumulated salts are leached from the soils, and nutrient rich silts fertilize the planting surface. Evidence for leached soils exits in the "black alkali" lense of one Casma Casma field, and recent observations provide proof that the area is periodically flooded. During the severe El Nino of 1982, some of the raised field area was under water approximately one meter deep

(Mackey 1984).

Irrigation may also become disrupted for political reasons since control of water sources would ensure control of the populations dependent o~ it. Since raised fields are not as dependant on water from highland sources, perhaps this area was opened up or reused in response to outside pressures or control of the valley irrigation network

So far, all explanations have assumed that the function of raised fields is related to the expansion of agriculture into new areas. But it is also possible that raised fields provided the most suitable environment for crops which could not easily be cultivated elsewhere on the coast. Studies of modern raised fields indicate that although a variety of crops can be planted in this environ ·ment, raised fields are particularly well suited for the cultivation of root crops (Denevan

1970, 1982, Brass 1947). Most root crops have long growing seasons. 101

This means that at some point during the growth cycle plants would still be in the soil during the season of inundation and waterlogging. Since the edible portion of root crops is underground, these plants would be most suceptible to rot. Elevating the root zone above the excess moisture level prevents rotting while the crop matures, and also allows for storage in the loose soil of the ridge before harvest.

Pollen from plants of the genus Polymnia was recovered from the Casma fields. Polymnia sonchiflora, or Yacon, is a minor food crop producing edible roots. If the Polymnia pollen from

Casma is from this species, and if this supports the theory of Denevan

(1970, 1982) and Denevan and Turner(1974) that ancient raised fields were used for cultivation of root crops. Typha and Cyperaceae pollen was also recovered. The roots of these plants can also be consumed.

In spite of the tentative evidence for root crops at Casma, other pollen data indicate that, instead of creating an environment for particular crops, patterned fields were probably designed to create a variety of micro-habitats and therefore minimize risk. Like most coastal valleys, the Casma is subject to differences in water availabilty throughout the year. From January to April, while rainfall is prevalent in the highlands, river waters rise. A dry season lasts from approximately July to October (ONERN 1973). Water levels not only vary from season to season, but from year to year depending on the cycles of El Ni~, Perhaps no other strategy was so well suited to these conditions. Corn could be planted in swales in dry years or seasons, and in ridges in wet years or seasons. Also, field patterns 102

could pool water or drain it. This is supported by the pollen data which indicates that both corn and Typha, a plant requiring much more moisture, were planted in the same field patterns both in ridges and swales.

Besides creating micro-habitats for plants, raised and ditched fields provide a habitat for additional sources of protein including crustaceans, fish, and seabirds. Pozorski's (1976) study of Chimu subsistence indicates that these were all components of the Chimu diet.

But if raised field agriculture is such an efficient system, why haven't we found evidence of its use elsewhere in Peru? One possible explanation is that perhaps fields do exist elsewhere, but have not been found. The Casma fields remained relatively unnoticed until the advent of arieal photography. Many areas of Peru remain unphotographed, and other areas in the lowland tropics are so densely covered with vegetation that it may be impossible to view these fields even from the air.

Another explanation is that remains of the fields have been obscured by modern farming practices. According to Pozorski et al. (1983) the

Casma fields are in the process of drying out, making land suitable for modern techniques. Photos of the Casma fields reveal areas barely visible as remnants of raised fields after years of modern cultivation.

Whatever the reasons for use of raised fields in the Casma valley, it is possible that this strategy represents not only an efficient means of exploiting a particular ecozone, but also an ideology. In his study of raised fields in Central Veracruz, Siemens (1983) noted a standardized orientation of fields east of north and suggested that this 103

orientation was based on sightings of the horizon point of the sun on the day of its zenith. This precise time of year also marks the first appearance of the star cluster Pleiades before dawn. Perhaps the Chimu also used a similar "sacred orientation". The Casma raised fields seem to follow a consistant east of north orientation. Chimu administrative compounds at the capital city of Chan Chan follow an north-north-east to south-south-west orientation and compounds at Manchan and La Muenga also follow this configuration. Chimu religion included the Pleiades, patroness of agriculture (Lumbreras 1974:188).

Suggestions for Future Research

Most of the discussion above regarding use, function and construction of the raised fields in the Casma Valley is based on tentative conclusions or is speculative. The research presented here was designed_ to determine plants grown and explain variation in field pattern. Pollen was recovered, but statements concerning relative abundance, or specific crop locations was difficult due to poor pollen preservation. Future pollen sampling should use a 200 gram soil sample.

Most pollen was concentrated in the upper levels. Therefore, any sampling below approximately 30 centimeters may prove wasteful of time, chemicals and transport fees.

More conclusive data concerning relationships of plants to field patterns and specific locations of crops would be possible using random sampling techniques involving more than one example of each field pattern. Also required are more mapping and a thorough investigation of 104

soils, hydrology, modern pollen rain, and associated ecozones.

Research on raised field agriculture is in its beginning stages. To be successful, these studies must take a multidisiplinary approach and view the system in its broader social and economic context.

The Casma Valley raised fields present a unique opportunity to study one ancient solution to the problems of surviving in a changing social and ecological environment. REFERENCES

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APPENDIX A

LOCATION OF POLLEN BY FIELD PATTERN AND DEPTH APPENDIX A LOCATION OF POLLEN BY FIELD PATTERN AND DEPTH

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Q) .-I N C""l Q) .-I N C""l (J (J ns .-I .-I .-I ..-l .-I .-I \4.4 Q) Q) Q) ns > \4.4 QJ QJ Q) Q) Q)> > > > > =''"' Q) '"' Q) Q) Q) til ..-l .-I ..-l ·en=' .-I .-I .-I E-4 ·---· ,..J ::t: 0 (.? c:r::: H ~ ~ 0 E-4 u I I en €) Copyright by Jacqueline Zak 1984