Le Parti Communiste De L'union Soviétique Face Aux Exigences Du Renouvellement Élitaire

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Le Parti Communiste De L'union Soviétique Face Aux Exigences Du Renouvellement Élitaire Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Strasbourg Master 2 Sciences Sociales du Politique __________________________________________ Le Parti Communiste de l’Union Soviétique face aux exigences du renouvellement élitaire Une analyse socio-historique des conditions de production et de reproduction des élites en Union Soviétique (1929-1988) _____________________ Romain De Belly ________________________________________________________ Mémoire de Master 2 Dirigé par Didier Georgakakis 1 2 SOMMAIRE INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………………...........5 CHAPITRE 1 – LES DISPOSITIONS SOCIALES DE LA PREMIERE GENERATION………...29 I. Les dispositions primaires de la première génération…………………..…………….................32 II. La formation scolaire……………………………………………………………………………..36 1) L’enseignement supérieur………………………………………………………….…........36 a) Les études avant l‟entrée au Parti………………………………………………….36 b) Les études après l‟entrée au Parti…………………………………………….........38 c) L‟accès à l‟enseignement technique……………………………………….............42 d) La recrudescence des intellectuels………………..………………………………..42 e) Conclusion………………………………………………………………................46 2) Les écoles du Parti et la recherche universitaire.………………………………………...46 a) Les écoles de cadres du Parti…………………………………………………........47 b) Les organismes de recherche…………………………………………………........48 c) Conclusion………………………………………………………………................50 III. L’expérience professionnelle………………………………………………………………........51 1) Les professions exercées avant l’entrée au Parti…………………………………………52 2) Les professions exercées après l’entrée au Parti……………………………………........54 3) le devenir social des ingénieurs de formation…………………………………………….57 4) Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………........59 IV. La base sociale du stalinisme……………………………………………………………………60 1) Le cas des ingénieurs et techniciens……………………………………………………...60 a) L‟industrialisation et les premiers plans quinquennaux……………………...........60 b) L‟adhésion, un visa pour la promotion sociale…………………………………....65 2) Le cas des intellectuels…………………………………………………………………….66 a) La recherche de légitimité du régime……………………………………….……..67 b) Les intellectuels du Parti…………………………………………………………..68 c) Conclusion…………………………………………………………………….......71 CHAPITRE 2 – HISTOIRE DE LA CARRIERE POLITIQUE DE LA PREMIERE GENERATION…………………………………………………………………………….………….74 I. Les filières institutionnelles de promotion sociale en URSS…………………………………….76 1) Les filières de promotion par l’appareil du Parti……………………………….…….......77 a) Les notables républicains nationaux……………………………………………….79 b) Les notables républicains parachutés…………………………………………........81 c) les notables régionaux……………………………………….….………………….84 2) Les système de promotion par l’administration étatique…………………………….........86 a) Les serviteurs de l‟Etat……………………………………………………………..87 b) Les serviteurs de l‟Etat captés par le Parti....………………………………………90 3) Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………........92 3 II. L’influence des événements historiques des années 1930-1960…………………………….......93 1) La purge……………………………………………………………………………………94 2) La guerre……………………………………………………………………………….......95 3) Les luttes de pouvoir au centre…………………………………………………………….96 4) Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………........97 III. Anatomie de la coalition de 1964…………………………………………………………..........98 1) Le clan Brejnev…………………………………………………………………….............99 2) La première génération au pouvoir……………………………………………………...106 3) Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………......111 CHAPITRE 3 – L’APPARITION D’UN CLIVAGE GENERATIONNEL………..………………114 I. Le parcours scolaire et professionnel de la seconde génération………………………………..115 1) Les dispositions sociales des individus nés entre 1920 et 1940………………………….115 a) La formation scolaire……………………………………………………………..116 b) L‟expérience professionnelle……………………………………………………..119 2) Un contexte stabilisé……………………………………………………………………...123 a) La stabilisation du système soviétique……………………………………............124 b) Les effets de cette stabilisation……………………………………………….......125 II. L’émergence d’un vaste clivage générationnel au sein du PCUS………..……………….......135 1) La stagnation des carrières politiques de la seconde génération………………………..135 2) Un rapport différent au régime soviétique……………………………………………….141 3) Un conflit entre deux systèmes de valeurs………………………………………….........145 4) La matérialisation de la distorsion générationnelle……………………………………..147 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………………........150 BIBLIOGRAPHIE…………………………………………………………………………………..164 ANNEXES……………………………………………………………………………….…..............171 Annexe 1 – Composition des Politburos de 1976 à 1988………………………………………….171 Annexe 2 – Composition des Secrétariats de 1976 à 1988……………………………………......180 Annexe 3 – Quelques biographies………………………………………………………………….196 4 INTRODUCTION En octobre 1917, le Parti Bolchévique prit le pouvoir en Russie. Il y établit progressivement, au cours des années qui suivirent, son emprise sur l‟ensemble des composantes de la société russe jusqu‟à en devenir la seule et unique entreprise politique autorisée, l‟organisation régissant la totalité des activités légales du pays, du contrôle de l‟activité gouvernementale à la surveillance de l‟économie, en passant par la mise en place de structures encadrant la population « du berceau au cimetière », donnant l‟illusion de l‟existence d‟une « société civile » officielle. Confronté à la nécessité de contrôler l‟ensemble du territoire, le Parti Bolchévique développa énormément son appareil politico-administratif, à tous les échelons, au point de concurrencer l‟appareil administratif de l‟Etat lui-même. Ses « organes directeurs » étaient la source principale de légitimation du personnel politique et le lieu où s‟exerçait le pouvoir exécutif. L‟administration étatique (gouvernement et administrations ministérielles) n‟était (officiellement) que l‟exécutant de la volonté d‟un Parti-centre d‟impulsion politique censé incarner l‟expression la plus haute de la vérité historique et de l‟intérêt général. L‟espace politique est de fait monopolisé par le Parti Communiste de l‟Union Soviétique (PCUS), c‟est en son sein que se trouvent les postes à responsabilités et les instances qui décident de leurs répartitions. Les organes dirigeants du Parti sont le lieu par excellence où il nous est possible d‟identifier l‟élite soviétique afin d‟analyser sa composition et ses conditions sociales de formation et de reproduction. Nous souhaitons en effet déterminer en quoi les conditions de formation de l‟élite brejnévienne aboutirent à terme à une crise de reproduction de cette même élite, crise à l‟origine de la chute du système soviétique. Sujet Le propos de notre mémoire dépasse le cadre soviétique. Il s‟agira de percevoir les dimensions sociologiques qui atteignent les élites au cours des processus de naissance puis de mort des régimes politiques. Nous montrerons comment les Révolutions aboutissent à des renouvellements élitaires d‟une telle ampleur. Nous déterminerons comment un groupe social 5 déshérité et partant de rien, historiquement opprimé et condamné à la pauvreté profita des bouleversements de l‟histoire pour se hisser jusqu‟aux sphères supérieures du pouvoir. Nous verrons de quelle manière il acquit les ressources nécessaires à une telle promotion, au prix de quelles compromissions et de quelles concessions. Nous dévoilerons dans quel contexte historique global cette ascension fut rendue possible et lui permit d‟atteindre les sphères supérieures de la société. Enfin, nous chercherons à comprendre comment ce type de parcours agit sur les dispositions des agents et dans quelle mesure cela détermina leur pratique future du pouvoir, leur rapport à leur propre domination. Nous verrons également dans quelles conditions ces renouvellements conduisirent, après le tragique et momentané triomphe du nouveau système, à l‟échec historique, soixante ans plus tard, d‟un régime qui sembla dans un premier temps être parvenu à s‟imposer. Dans quelle mesure tout ce qui fit le succès de la première génération et par là même du régime qu‟elle construisit et contribua à installer contenait en germes les conditions d‟émergence d‟un gigantesque clivage générationnel qui devint rivalité et conduisit le soviétisme à sa fin ? Par « élite », nous entendons, à l‟instar de Stephen White et Olga Kryshtanovskaya: « Le groupe dirigeant d‟une société composé des agents qui prennent des décisions d‟importance nationale. Nous définissons ici l‟élite en termes „positionnels‟, sur la base de l‟occupation des postes qui leur octroient la capacité de prendre des décisions d‟importance nationale »1. Il nous faut ajouter que nous ne partageons pas pour autant toutes leurs conclusions. Les travaux qui traitent de l‟Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) et du champ du pouvoir soviétique présentent certains défauts. Nous nous situons en effet dans une quadruple rupture par rapport aux écrits publiés sur notre sujet. Il est donc indispensable de développer tout d‟abord une critique des travaux soviétologiques, afin d‟avancer notre propre perception de cet espace ainsi que la manière dont nous souhaitons le traiter. Une fois mises en lumière les oppositions, nous pourrons présenter notre objet d‟étude ainsi que le cadre d‟analyse dans lequel nous le plaçons. Nous utilisons dans ce mémoire l‟ensemble des informations produites par les soviétologues, dans une optique qualitative de mise au jour des divisions et divergences sociales qui 1 Kryshtanovskaya Olga V., White Stephen, “From Soviet Nomenklatura to Russian Elite” Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 48, n°5, 1996, pp 711-733. 6 traversent
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