Need Introduction Here

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Need Introduction Here Post-Communism or Post-Colonialism? Soviet Imperial Legacies and Regime Diversity in East Europe and the Former USSR Jessica Fortin Department of Political Science McGill University, Montreal July 31 2008 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. © Jessica Fortin 2008 Abstract While post-communist countries share a common past, the variability of outcomes in both democracy and economic reform is very large in the region. Only a few countries have become Western-type democracies in Eastern and Central Europe and the Baltic. By contrast, the norm is clearly not democracy for other Soviet successor states: regimes range from semi-autocratic to downright repressive. In my doctoral dissertation, I attribute this variation to differences in the infrastructural capacity of the state. Using both quantitative and qualitative analyses within 21 post-communist countries, I argue that for democracy to flourish, the state must first possess the means necessary to maintain law and order, to protect the rights of citizens, in other words, to insure the maintenance and delivery of essential public goods. The results show that on the one hand, the links between a strong state that has been able to apply a definitive set of rules, and democratic institutions are clear. On the other hand, where state capacity was more limited after independence was gained, democracy was a less likely outcome. By trying to recentralize power to compensate for the state’s administrative limitations, executive authorities also had a parallel tendency to build vertical structures of authority and to suppress liberties and freedoms. In turn, I explore the sources of infrastructural state capacity at the onset of independence. Soviet rule did not leave uniform traces on societies: there were important variations in ruling patterns from Eastern Europe to Central Asia. Therefore this dissertation explores how the shape of colonial ties shared by each entity with the former metropolitan center had direct implications on the administrative capacity of the successor states. In short, the coupling of heavy state engineering with low levels of state penetration and high levels of exploitation were least conducive to the construction of robust state structures. ii Résumé À ce jour, les pays post-communistes présentent de considérables différences en termes de démocratie et de réformes économiques, ce, malgré un passé commun. En fait, seulement quelques pays d’Europe Centrale et de l’Est ainsi que les républiques Baltes, ont acquis le statut de démocraties. Pour les autres anciennes républiques Soviétiques, la norme est toute autre. La plupart d’entre elles affichent des régimes soit semi-démocratiques, ou tout simplement autoritaires. Dans le but d’expliquer cette différence, je fais appel au concept de capacité étatique, qui réfère à l’infrastructure de l’appareil d’état. À l’aide d’analyses quantitatives ainsi que qualitatives menées dans 21 pays post-communistes, cette dissertation vérifie l’hypothèse suivante : un État doit être en mesure de maintenir la loi et l’ordre, de protéger les droits des citoyens, en d’autres mots de garantir l’allocation d’une certaine classe de biens publics, pour qu’un régime démocratique puisse y apparaître et persister. Les résultats des analyses menées établissent la présence d’une robuste association entre, d’un côté des institutions démocratiques, et de l’autre, un certain niveau de capacité étatique. Dans les États où cette capacité était limitée au moment de l’indépendance, une conclusion démocratique était moins probable. En tentant de re-centraliser les pouvoirs de l’État pour compenser certaines faiblesses administratives, plusieurs gouvernements ont eu tendance à construire des structures d’autorité verticales et à ainsi limiter les libertés des citoyens. En retour, cette dissertation explore également les conditions qui peuvent expliquer les différents niveaux de capacité étatiques observés au moment de la chute du communisme. En particulier, je cherche à démontrer que l’Union Soviétique n’a pas utilisé les mêmes méthodes pour gouverner toutes ses colonies : d’importantes variations existent entre les colonies informelles d’Europe Centrale et de l’Est et celles d’Asie Centrale. Certaines pratiques comme l’exploitation économiques, de larges bouleversements administratifs, combinées à un faible encadrement de la part de l’autorité coloniale, ont produit les structures étatiques les moins robustes. iii Contents Acknowledgements .................................................................................................... vi List of Abbreviations and Acronyms ...................................................................... vii 1. Introduction............................................................................................................. 1 The State and Regime Outcomes................................................................................. 3 The State as an Important Player in Democratization ............................................... 21 The Rise of the Modern State...................................................................................... 29 Methodology ............................................................................................................... 33 A Roadmap.................................................................................................................. 38 2. Operationalizing and Measuring State Capacity............................................... 40 Differentiating Scope from Capacity.......................................................................... 41 Measuring State Capacity........................................................................................... 43 State Capacity Ranking and Index Construction........................................................ 57 Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 71 3. Connecting State Capacity and Regime Type.................................................... 72 Cross Sectional Analyses............................................................................................ 74 Discussion and Conclusion ........................................................................................ 98 4. Colonial Legacies and State Capacity............................................................... 104 The Soviet Union as a Colonial Empire ................................................................... 106 Three Dimensions of Colonial Rule.......................................................................... 115 How Colonialism informs State Capacity................................................................. 157 Discussion and Conclusion ...................................................................................... 168 5. Belarus: Missed Opportunity in a Strong-Weak State ................................... 173 Starting Conditions Bequeathed to a Preferred Colony........................................... 174 Is Belarus a Strong State? ........................................................................................ 180 A Measured Transition to Authoritarianism............................................................. 188 Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 198 iv 6. Georgia, the Re-emergence of a Broken State ................................................. 200 Preferential Status of a Non-Slavic Colony.............................................................. 201 The Case of Georgia as a Weak State ...................................................................... 211 Neither Authoritarianism nor Democracy................................................................ 216 Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 225 7. Kazakhstan: A Predatory Regime in a Weak State ........................................ 228 Soviet Colonialism in Kazakhstan ............................................................................ 229 Independent Kazakhstan as a Weak State ................................................................ 238 Resurgence of Pre-Soviet Identities or Standard Post-Soviet Networking?............. 245 Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 252 8. Successful Decolonization in Hungary.............................................................. 254 Military Occupation and Informal Empire in Eastern Europe ................................ 255 A Post-Communist Strong State................................................................................ 266 Smooth Transition to Democracy ............................................................................. 272 Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 279 9. Conclusions.......................................................................................................... 282 Bibliography............................................................................................................ 295 v Acknowledgements This project could not have been completed without the sympathy and understanding of friends, colleagues and family. My advisor, Juliet Johnson, deserves the first
Recommended publications
  • CES Open Forum Series 2019-2020
    CES Open Forum Series 2019-2020 ASPIRATIONS OF IMPERIAL SPACE. THE COLONIAL PROJECT OF THE MARITIME AND COLONIAL LEAGUE IN INTERWAR POLAND by: Marta Grzechnik About the Series The Open Forum Paper Series is designed to present work in progress by current and former affiliates of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies (CES) and to distribute papers presented at the Center’s seminars and conferences. Any opinions expressed in the papers are those of the authors and not of CES. Editors Grzegorz Ekiert and Andrew Martin Editorial Board Peter Hall, Roberto Stefan Foa, Alison Frank Johnson, Torben Iverson, Maya Jasanoff, Jytte Klausen, Michele Lamont, Mary D. Lewis, Michael Rosen, Vivien Schmidt, Kathleen Thelen, Daniel Ziblatt, Kathrin Zippel About the Author Marta Grzechnik is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Scandinavian Studies at the University of Gdańsk, Poland. She is a historian with a research interest in the twentieth-century history of the Baltic Sea region north-eastern Europe, regional his- tory, history of historiography, and history of colonialism. Abstract The paper discusses the case of an organization called Maritime and Colonial League, and its idea of colonial expansion that it attempted to promote in interwar Poland. It studies the colonial aspirations in two dimensions: the pragmatic and the symbolic. In the pragmatic dimension, acquiring colonies was supposed to remedy concrete economic and political problems. Overpopulation and resulting unemployment, as well as ethnic tensions, were to be alleviated by organized emigration of the surplus population; obstacles to the development of industries and international trade were to be removed thanks to direct access to raw resources and export markets overseas.
    [Show full text]
  • Title of Thesis: ABSTRACT CLASSIFYING BIAS
    ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis Directed By: Dr. David Zajic, Ph.D. Our project extends previous algorithmic approaches to finding bias in large text corpora. We used multilingual topic modeling to examine language-specific bias in the English, Spanish, and Russian versions of Wikipedia. In particular, we placed Spanish articles discussing the Cold War on a Russian-English viewpoint spectrum based on similarity in topic distribution. We then crowdsourced human annotations of Spanish Wikipedia articles for comparison to the topic model. Our hypothesis was that human annotators and topic modeling algorithms would provide correlated results for bias. However, that was not the case. Our annotators indicated that humans were more perceptive of sentiment in article text than topic distribution, which suggests that our classifier provides a different perspective on a text’s bias. CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Gemstone Honors Program, University of Maryland, 2018 Advisory Committee: Dr. David Zajic, Chair Dr. Brian Butler Dr. Marine Carpuat Dr. Melanie Kill Dr. Philip Resnik Mr. Ed Summers © Copyright by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang 2018 Acknowledgements We would like to express our sincerest gratitude to our mentor, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past: a Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region
    CBEES State of the Region Report 2020 Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past A Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region Published with support from the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies (Östersjstiftelsen) Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past A Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region December 2020 Publisher Centre for Baltic and East European Studies, CBEES, Sdertrn University © CBEES, Sdertrn University and the authors Editor Ninna Mrner Editorial Board Joakim Ekman, Florence Frhlig, David Gaunt, Tora Lane, Per Anders Rudling, Irina Sandomirskaja Layout Lena Fredriksson, Serpentin Media Proofreading Bridget Schaefer, Semantix Print Elanders Sverige AB ISBN 978-91-85139-12-5 4 Contents 7 Preface. A New Annual CBEES Publication, Ulla Manns and Joakim Ekman 9 Introduction. Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past, David Gaunt and Tora Lane 15 Background. Eastern and Central Europe as a Region of Memory. Some Common Traits, Barbara Trnquist-Plewa ESSAYS 23 Victimhood and Building Identities on Past Suffering, Florence Frhlig 29 Image, Afterimage, Counter-Image: Communist Visuality without Communism, Irina Sandomirskaja 37 The Toxic Memory Politics in the Post-Soviet Caucasus, Thomas de Waal 45 The Flag Revolution. Understanding the Political Symbols of Belarus, Andrej Kotljarchuk 55 Institutes of Trauma Re-production in a Borderland: Poland, Ukraine, and Lithuania, Per Anders Rudling COUNTRY BY COUNTRY 69 Germany. The Multi-Level Governance of Memory as a Policy Field, Jenny Wstenberg 80 Lithuania. Fractured and Contested Memory Regimes, Violeta Davoliūtė 87 Belarus. The Politics of Memory in Belarus: Narratives and Institutions, Aliaksei Lastouski 94 Ukraine. Memory Nodes Loaded with Potential to Mobilize People, Yuliya Yurchuk 106 Czech Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Remembering the Cuban Missile Crisis: Should We Swallow Oral History? Author(S): Mark Kramer, Bruce J
    Remembering the Cuban Missile Crisis: Should We Swallow Oral History? Author(s): Mark Kramer, Bruce J. Allyn, James G. Blight and David A. Welch Reviewed work(s): Source: International Security, Vol. 15, No. 1 (Summer, 1990), pp. 212-218 Published by: The MIT Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2538987 . Accessed: 18/09/2012 11:15 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The MIT Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Security. http://www.jstor.org Correspondence MarkKramer Remembering the Cuban Missile Crisis: BruceJ. Allyn, Should We Swallow Oral History? JamesG. Blight,and DavidA. Welch To the Editors: Bruce Allyn, James Blight, and David Welch should be congratulatedfor a splendid review of some of the most importantfindings from their joint researchon the Cuban missile crisis, including the conferences they helped organize in Hawk's Cay, Cam- bridge, and Moscow.' They have performed an invaluable service for both historians and political scientists. Nevertheless, the research methodology that Allyn, Blight, and Welch (henceforth AB&W)have used is not without its drawbacks.Although their work has given us a much better understanding of the Americanside of the Cuban missile crisis, I am not sure we yet have a better understanding of the Soviet side.
    [Show full text]
  • Javakheti After the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia
    Javakheti after the Rose Revolution: Progress and Regress in the Pursuit of National Unity in Georgia Hedvig Lohm ECMI Working Paper #38 April 2007 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) ECMI Headquarters: Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor) D-24939 Flensburg Germany +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 Internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper #38 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Marc Weller Copyright 2007 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Published in April 2007 by the European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) ISSN: 1435-9812 2 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................4 II. JAVAKHETI IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC TERMS ...........................................................5 1. The Current Socio-Economic Situation .............................................................................6 2. Transformation of Agriculture ...........................................................................................8 3. Socio-Economic Dependency on Russia .......................................................................... 10 III. DIFFERENT ACTORS IN JAVAKHETI ................................................................... 12 1. Tbilisi influence on Javakheti .......................................................................................... 12 2. Role of Armenia and Russia ............................................................................................. 13 3. International
    [Show full text]
  • Katyn Massacre
    Katyn massacre This article is about the 1940 massacre of Polish officers The Katyn massacre, also known as the Katyn Forest massacre (Polish: zbrodnia katyńska, 'Katyń crime'), was a mass murder of thousands of Polish military officers, policemen, intellectuals and civilian prisoners of war by Soviet NKVD, based on a proposal from Lavrentiy Beria to execute all members of the Polish Officer Corps. Dated March 5, 1940, this official document was then approved (signed) by the entire Soviet Politburo including Joseph Stalin and Beria. The number of victims is estimated at about 22,000, the most commonly cited number being 21,768. The victims were murdered in the Katyn Forest in Russia, the Kalinin (Tver) and Kharkov prisons and elsewhere. About 8,000 were officers taken prisoner during the 1939 Soviet invasion of Poland, the rest being Poles arrested for allegedly being "intelligence agents, gendarmes, saboteurs, landowners, factory owners, lawyers, priests, and officials." Since Poland's conscription system required every unexempted university graduate to become a reserve officer, the Soviets were able to round up much of the Polish intelligentsia, and the Jewish, Ukrainian, Georgian and Belarusian intelligentsia of Polish citizenship. The "Katyn massacre" refers to the massacre at Katyn Forest, near Katyn-Kharkiv-Mednoye the villages of Katyn and Gnezdovo (ca. 19 km west of Smolensk, memorial Russia), of Polish military officers in the Kozelsk prisoner-of-war camp. This was the largest of the simultaneous executions of prisoners of war from geographically distant Starobelsk and Ostashkov camps, and the executions of political prisoners from West Belarus and West Ukraine, shot on Stalin's orders at Katyn Forest, at the NKVD headquarters in Smolensk, at a Smolensk slaughterhouse, and at prisons in Kalinin (Tver), Kharkov, Moscow, and other Soviet cities.
    [Show full text]
  • Belarus | Freedom House
    Belarus | Freedom House https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/belarus A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 0 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 0 / 4 The president is elected for five-year terms without limits. Alyaksandr Lukashenka was first elected in 1994, in the country’s only democratic election. He has since extended his rule in a series of unfair contests, and secured his fifth consecutive term in a noncompetitive presidential race in 2015. Organization for Security and Co- operation in Europe (OSCE) monitors noted that longstanding deficiencies in Belarusian elections had not been addressed, including a restrictive legal framework, media coverage that fails to help voters make informed choices, irregularities in vote counting, and restrictions on free expression and assembly during the campaign period. The group concluded that the elections fell considerably short of democratic standards. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 0 / 4 The 110 members of the Chamber of Representatives, the lower house of the rubber- stamp National Assembly, are popularly elected to four-year terms from single- mandate constituencies. The upper chamber, the Council of the Republic, consists of 64 members serving four-year terms: 56 are elected by regional councils, and 8 are appointed by the president. An OSCE observation mission assessing the 2016 parliamentary elections concluded that the polls took place in a restrictive environment, and that electoral procedures lacked transparency. Local elections held in February 2018 took place in a similarly controlled environment. A3. Are the electoral laws and framework fair, and are they implemented impartially by the relevant election management bodies? 0 / 4 The legal framework for elections fails to meet democratic standards.
    [Show full text]
  • From "Russian" to "Polish": Vilna-Wilno 1900-1925
    FROM “RUSSIAN” TO “POLISH”: Vilna-Wilno 1900-1925 Theodore R. Weeks Southern Illinois University at Carbondale The National Council for Eurasian and East European Research 910 17th Street, N.W. Suite 300 Washington, D.C. 20006 TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information* Principal Investigator: Theodore R. Weeks Council Contract Number: 819-06g Date: June 4, 2004 Copyright Information Scholars retain the copyright on works they submit to NCEEER. However, NCEEER possesses the right to duplicate and disseminate such products, in written and electronic form, as follows: (a) for its internal use; (b) to the U.S. Government for its internal use or for dissemination to officials of foreign governments; and (c) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the U.S. government that grants the public access to documents held by the U.S. government. Additionally, NCEEER has a royalty-free license to distribute and disseminate papers submitted under the terms of its agreements to the general public, in furtherance of academic research, scholarship, and the advancement of general knowledge, on a non-profit basis. All papers distributed or disseminated shall bear notice of copyright. Neither NCEEER, nor the U.S. Government, nor any recipient of a Contract product may use it for commercial sale. * The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U.S. Department of State under Title VIII (The Soviet-East European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended).
    [Show full text]
  • International Conference Crimes of the Communist Regimes, Prague, 24–25 February 2010
    International conference Crimes of the Communist Regimes an assessment by historians and legal experts proceedings Th e conference took place at the Main Hall of the Senate of the Parliament of the Czech Republic (24–25 February 2010), and at the Offi ce of the Government of the Czech Republic (26 February 2010) Th e publication of this book was kindly supported by the European Commission Representation in the Czech Republic. Th e European Commission Representation in the Czech Republic bears no responsibility for the content of the publication. © Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes, 2011 ISBN 978-80-87211-51-9 Th e conference was hosted by Jiří Liška, Vice-chairman of the Senate, Parliament of the Czech Republic and the Offi ce of the Government of the Czech Republic and organized by the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes together with partner institutions from the working group on the Platform of European Memory and Conscience under the kind patronage of Jan Fischer Prime minister of the Czech Republic Miroslava Němcová First deputy chairwoman of the Chamber of Deputies, Parliament of the Czech Republic Heidi Hautala (Finland) Chairwoman of the Human Rights Subcommittee of the European Parliament Göran Lindblad (Sweden) President of the Political Aff airs Committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and chairman of the Swedish delegation to PACE Sandra Kalniete (Latvia) former dissident, Member of the European Parliament Tunne Kelam (Estonia) former dissident, Member of the European Parliament
    [Show full text]
  • Evaluation of the NIMD South Caucasus - Georgia Programme
    Evaluation of the NIMD South Caucasus - Georgia Programme, 2011–2014 17 September 2015 Lincoln Mitchell and Tinatin Ninua Final Report Contents Executive summary .......................................................................................................... 2 Acronyms ........................................................................................................................ 7 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................. 8 2. Background .................................................................................................................. 9 2.1 Country context............................................................................................................... 9 2.2 Political context ............................................................................................................... 9 2.3 International assistance context ................................................................................... 10 2.4 NIMD country programme overview ............................................................................ 10 3. NIMD country programme impacts ............................................................................. 13 3.1 Multiparty dialogue ....................................................................................................... 13 3.2 Legitimate political parties ............................................................................................ 14 3.3 Political-civil
    [Show full text]
  • Szanowna Pani Marszałek! W Odpowiedzi Na In- Terpelację Pana Posła Macieja Małeckiego, Pismo Załącznik
    221 utrzymania systemu (koszty licencji, serwisu sprzętu z dnia 11 kwietnia br., nr SPS-023-24906p/14, w spra- i oprogramowania, a także koszty obsługi technicz- wie prac zleconych i wspólnych projektów MSZ z ze- nej), co w perspektywie utrzymania systemu ze środ- wnętrznymi ośrodkami badawczymi i analitycznymi, ków budżetowych będzie wymierną korzyścią dla w załączeniu uprzejmie przekazuję wykaz wydatków Skarbu Państwa. poniesionych przez MSZ w ramach realizacji umów z podmiotami zewnętrznymi. Z poważaniem Załączona lista zawiera wykaz organizacji poza- rządowych, z którymi Ministerstwo Spraw Zagra- Podsekretarz stanu nicznych współpracowało w latach 2008–2014 wraz Rafał Magryś z przedmiotem i kosztem powierzonych im zleceń. Ponadto należy wymienić podmioty, które korzysta- ją z dotacji podmiotowej MSZ (Polski Instytut Spraw Warszawa, dnia 9 maja 2014 r. Międzynarodowych), a także instytucje korzystające z finansowania z innych źródeł, nad którymi mini- sterstwo sprawuje nadzór merytoryczny (Instytut Odpowiedź Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w Lublinie oraz (do września 2013 r.) Instytut Zachodni w Poznaniu). podsekretarza stanu Ministerstwo współpracuje również z Ośrodkiem w Ministerstwie Spraw Zagranicznych Studiów Wschodnich. - z upoważnienia ministra - Odpowiedź, jakiej MSZ udzieliło pierwotnie, za- na ponowną interpelację wierała informację zbiorczą nt. zakresu współpracy posła Macieja Małeckiego MSZ z podmiotami zewnętrznymi w obszarze prac analitycznych i badawczych. Syntetyzowała ona in- w sprawie prac zleconych formacje zawarte w
    [Show full text]
  • A Postcolonial Case Study
    Poland and Its Eastern Neighbours: A Postcolonial Case Study Poland and Its Eastern Neighbours: A Postcolonial Case Study Paweł Ładykowski Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Science Al. Solidarności 105, Warsaw 00-140, Poland E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: The article presents problematic issues resulting from the Polish presence on the historical eastern border of the II Rzeczpospolita (Republic of Poland), or, as it is called in the Polish national discourse, “Kresy”. The notion of Kresy, to a certain extent, corresponds to the notion of ‘borderland’. However, the latter is neutral and used mostly in scientific discourse, whereas the former alludes to Polish national awareness in literature and much of the historical writings and presents itself as the lost centre of “Polishness”. This way, contemporary Polish historical memory makes substantial claims towards this space, both in a geographical and historical sense, while hardly tolerating the presence of indigenous, non-Polish populations inhabiting the area— Lithuanians, Belarusians, and Ukrainians. In order to revise these issues in the article, I have adopted a postcolonial studies perspective. Looking at Poland through the lens of postcolonial studies reveals that it holds a unique position due to its double status. Historically speaking, Poland occupied both the position of the colonizer and of the colonized. However, popular Polish imagination tends to see Poland only in its role of the oppressed victims of its powerful imperial neighbours. The dominant role of Poland and its version of colonial policy adopted towards its contemporary eastern neighbours is obscured or simply denied both in popular and scientific discourse.
    [Show full text]