1978/No. 35 by Dennison I. Rusinow Otto Glckel and School Reform Europe [DIR-3-'78] in Austria

Otto G16ckel (1874-1935) lives on as both a age 10 to age 14 an educational selection process positive and a negative totem in contemporary that virtually precludes later changes in educa- Austrian educational politics. For Socialist school tional specialization, career type, and social officials and other advocates of the school reforms status. No one has been willing to dispute the that are currently under discussion, he is their common sense and empirically demonstrable frequently cited progenitor, the progressive peda- contention that age ten is too young to know with gogue and politician whose ideas and intentions any certainty how intelligent or talented a person still largely valid and still in some essentials will be or the precise direction that his or her unfulfilledmade "Red Vienna" in the 1920s a talents and inclinations may take, but changes in place of pilgrimage for hundreds of other pro- the system that would delay the moment of gressive pedagogues from Europe, Asia, and the decisionby extending general, uniform school- Americas. When his name means something to ing from the first four to the first eight years and most other Austrians, which is less often, it stands by making it easier to shift from one type to instead for an energetically anticlerical Austro- another at any time after the fourth gradeare as Marxist who advocated some good ideas (mostly controversial in 1978 as they were in the 1890s, long since accepted) but whose other reforms, still when G1/Sckel and others first proposed that it alive and dangerous in the aspirations of ideo- should be done. logical successors in influential positions, would lead to educational and social disaster. The G16ckel himself also and predictably main- consequences, in this view, would include an edu- tained that resistance to this and other aspects of cation as poor as that ofthe United States, where a his reform program was a matter of stubborn con- high school diploma is no assurance of even servatism. For him, however, there was nothing simple literacy, the eclipse of religion and the perverse or "cultural" about it. From a Marxist family, and a socially and individually destructive point of view, which was for G16ckel a confirma- kind of leveling and stereotyping (Vermassung)in tion of his own early experiences as pupil and which ignorance and the ignorant masses reign teacher, defense of the existing school and talent, background, and enterprise are un- systemindeed, as we shall see, some of G16ckel's rewarded. opponents actually wished to turn the clock back to an even earlier systemwas a logical and self- For the outside layman, at least some of serving position for classes that had an interest in G1/Sckel's still unimplemented reforms seem so preserving their own and the Catholic Church's obviously desirable, both socially and individually political and social hegemony in defiance of a and from all ideological positions represented in changing world; "educational privilege" (Bil- today's Austria, that effective opposition for more dungsprivileg) is essential to the maintenance of than 60 years appears to be a symbol of peculiarly other privileges because education equals perverse cultural conservatism. This is particu- power. Fellow-Socialists among G16ckel's larly true of measures that would postpone from present-day followers tend to agree that this was 2/DIR-3-'78

and is still the case. In the next breath, however, system created by the R eichsvolksschulgesetz they are willing to agree that many and perhaps (Imperial Public School Law) of 1869, modified in most of their own party's working- and middle- practice and in amendments to that legislation class voters are also in the ranks of the opposition under conservative administrations in later to comprehensive schooling for 10- to 14-year-olds years,a The 1869 law was in turn the work of the and some other features of the reform program. Liberal ministry reluctantly appointed by Unless this is taken as a sign that these voters are Emperor Francis Joseph after a series of humilia- not "class conscious," which cannot be argued by tions and defeats, culminating in the Austro- anyone who knows them or recent Austrian his- Prussian War of 1866 and the Austro-Hungarian tory, it is surely a sign that the equation is more Compromise of 1867, which had demonstrated complex (i.e., that more class interests and cleri- the ineffectiveness of post-1849 neo-absolutism calism versus anticlericalism are in play). and the inadequacies of the Empire's army, economy, and schools. The Liberal ministry's The story of the life and times of Otto G16ckel mandate was to modernize in all these fields, and his reforms is a study of a complex set of re- initially to prepare the country for a war of revenge lationships between collective and individual against Prussia that would restore the House of political and cultural values and the educational Hapsburg as the pre-eminent German power and system in a period of dramatic social and political later merely to preserve it as at least a semblance change, stresses on both sets of values, and of a Great Power. political polarization along starkly ideological lines. In this context a movement for school The pattern, which a later generation might call reform that was eclectic in its inspiration and The Sputnik Principle, is familiar: the educa- aspirationssometimes apolitically pedagogical tional reforms of the late 1860s were undertaken and sometimes highly political and ideological as a result and under the influence of a traumatic became associated in self- and popular awareness experience that had made it apparent that others with Austro-Marxist Social Democracy as one of were more "modern" and thereby efficient and Austria's three political camps, invoking reflexive threatening. In this case the sputnik orbited by the as well as reasoned opposition by the other two, Prussians was an unexpected, quick, and decisive respectively Roman Catholic clericalist and military victory that had revealed superior mili- quondam-liberal German nationalist. Then, for tary technology (especially the Prussians' breech- 11 traumatic years, the Socialist camp with which loading "needle gun" that enabled their infantry these ideas were identified was eliminated from to reload in a prone position), superior strategy the political stage under successive dictatorships (suggesting better trained staff officers), and more by the other two. As a further and subsequent competent soldiery (suggesting more appropriate complication, while the reformers believed basic education, including indoctrination in (probably rightly) that their program corre- patriotic values). The lessons for Austrian edu- sponded and was responsive to the values and ex- cation seemed obvious and an appropriate recipe pectations of most supporters of their camp and was at hand--doubly appropriate because it of the majority of the population, the duration of seemed to echo Prussian school reforms intro- the struggle and intervening events now appear duced, at least on paper,4 since the 1840sin the to have led to some changes in those values and shape of the school system that these same expectations. As a result, there is today a latent Austrian German Liberals had urged and abor- conflict, generally but not always unrecognized tively promulgated during the revolution of 1848. by the reformers, between some aspects of what they and G1/Sckel had in mind and what the in- tended beneficiaries of their reforms now think As a first step, through legislation adopted in they want. 1868, the Liberal ministry had denounced the Concordat of 1855, separated school and church The Reformers' Inheritance once again, recreated a Ministry of Education, The school years ofthe last decades ofthe Haps- and replaced ecclesiastical school supervision burg Monarchy in the provinces that became the with a hierarchy of elected school boards. With Austrian Republic after 1918 was the school the ground thus cleared, the Imperial Public DI R-3-'78/3

School Law extended compulsory schooling from Austria todaywas there a compromise with the six to eight years and created eight-year public Austrian Conservatives and clergy and with the elementary schoolsto be called Volksschulen Pope. The latter had already protested the rather than Trivialschulen, a change with sym- renewed separation of church and school and bolic importanceas nondenominational and other related Liberal measures in a Secret Con- basically secular schools to be attended by pupils sistory on June 22, 1868, and in terms that G16ckel of all faiths, an aspect still contested by G16ckel's was to maintain were still the views of the opponents in the First Republic. It also urged the Christian Social Party and many Austrian establishment, with local funding, of far more Catholics in the twentieth century: three-year Burgerschulen, a type in existence on a small scale since 1774 as an alternative, more in- A truly atrocious act was passed as a constitu- tensive form of compulsory schooling for grades tional law by the Austrian government. By this law six to eight, with teachers specialized in individual unconditionalfreedom ofall opinion, ofthe press, subjects in place of the Volksschule's general of belief of conscience and of instruction was classroom teachers. In all these schools at the established; citizens of each and every creed are compulsory level the curriculum was revised, in- permitted to set up institutionsfor instruction and troducing more technical and "modern" subject education; all sorts of religious communities, of matter (called Realien) in addition to the three Rs whatsoever kind, are now regarded as equal and and religion. are recognized by the state...Impelled by our responsibilityfor the Church, which the Lord has Through these measures the 1869 law created a laid upon us, we raise our apostolic voice in this unitary, general, and public (state) elementary gathering and we condemn the said laws in school open to all classes and faiths. It was also a general and in particular... By virtue of our said "single ladder" system in the first four grades, authority we declare these laws and their conse- after which a few pupilsalbeit an important quences to be wholly null and void, now and for- fewcompleted their compulsory education in 5 other types of schools: in 1912-13, by which time 97.2 percent of all 6- to 14-year-olds in the Above the compulsory level the Imperial Public territory of the later Austrian Republic were School Law provided for compulsory part-time enrolled in some form of school, about 5 percent of (usually evening)vocational schools for appren- these were attending Burgerschulen and less than tices, also a regulation still in effect in Austria 2 percent were in the lower division of a Gym- today, and for a greater variety and number of nasium or other form of "elite" Middle School; all secondary level technical and professional the rest were attending a Volksschule. schools, some of which qualified their graduates for university entrance. All these were clearly and The preamble ofthe law also redefined the pur- often explicitly responses to the demands for new pose of universal compulsory education: skills and more professionally trained people generated by a modernizing and industrializing The task of the elementary school is to afford society and expressed by the expanding entre- the children a moral-religious education, to de- preneurial and professional classes that were velop their intellectual powers, to provide them represented by the Liberal Party. The "Middle with the knowledge and skills necessary for Schools," heretofore primarily classical Gym- further education for life, and to lay the founda- nasien shifted back and forth between church and tion for the development of able men and women state control with changes in the political tide, and members ofthe community. underwent a corresponding diversification and for the same reasons. By 1914still enrolling less Only in the reference to "moral-religious educa- than 2 percent of each age cohort and still almost tion" (sittlich-religi6se Erzichung) and in making the only route to the universitythey included the religion a compulsory and "most important" traditional eight-year Gymnasien (more of which subject in later articlesall, incidentally, carried were now state rather than church schools), over in the school laws of 1962 that are in effect in initially six-year and then seven-year R ealschulen 4/DI R-3-'78

with more science and less classics (since 1869 to choose, and were a further violation of the qualifying their graduates for entrance into uni- sanctity of the family because they took children versity-level Technical High Schools), two types of away from the home and "nationalized" them in eight-year R ealgymnasien (established in 1908, state institutions. with modern languages in place of classical Greek and with graduates entitled to enter either the Opposition from all three groups continued to university or a Technical High School), and both after the law was adopted and led a perennial of the Kul- lyces and Gymnasien for girls (most founded Schulkampfan Austrian version 1870s in Bismarck's around or after 1900 and initially little more than turkampfof the Germany of the luxury "finishing schools" for daughters of the that lasted until and after the end elite). Monarchy. Within four years of the law's adoption, moreover, the great economic crisis of Finally, the new law also created four-year 1873, which was comparable in its severity and normal schools for the training of Volksschule impact with that of 1929, was to strengthen the teachers. The diplomas of such schools did not opposition's hand by leading to the fall of the entitle graduates to go on to university or other Liberal ministry (replaced in 1879 by Count postsecondary schools, a feature later attacked by Eduard von Taaffe and his "Iron Ring" of Slavs, G16ckel on both ideological and pedagogical clericals, and conservatives), the disintegration of grounds because it segregated Volksschule the Liberal Party, and cuts in the state funds teachers socially and professionally as a "lower" available for public education. Amendments to category and tended to lock them into a lifetime of the Imperial Public School Law adopted in 1883 public elementary teaching from the time they by a vote of 170 to 167 reflected these changes: entered a normal school, usually at the unripe age the legal maximum number of pupils per teacher of 15. However, it was at least an improvement on in public elementary schools was raised from 80 the previous system, which had required only a to 100; school authorities were authorized to six-week to one-year training course for ele- grant partial exemption from attendance to mentary teachers. parents who requested it for their children or to entire communities whose local governments re- Leopold Hasner, the Minister of Education at quested it; female teachers were required to be the time of its adoption and its principal author, celibate; and it was stipulated that each school's divided the opponents of the Imperial Public principal must be of the same religion as the School Law into three groups, whom he called majority of the school's pupils, which was almost "the autonomist nationalists, the realists, and the invariably Catholic in the provinces of the later confessionalists." The first group represented Austrian Republic. Subsequent efforts to secure the non-German nationalities whose resistance further retreats from the 1869 system throughout to German domination first paralyzed and the Austrian half of the Dual Monarchy then helped to destroy the Empire; in a multi- foundered because of the Imperial Parliament's national state, they argued, all legislation con- increasing preoccupation with and immobiliza- cerning compulsory education except "the estab- tion by the National Question. At the local level, lishment of basic educational principles" should however, new challenges came after 1890 with the be left to the individual provinces and thus to the electoral triumphs of Karl Lueger's clericalist, individual nations. The second resistance group populist, and initially anticapitalist Christian claimed that Austrian society was not ready for Social Party in Lower Austria and Vienna and in such a law; as one of its representatives exclaimed other provinces. in Parliament: "... the more highly developed the school system, the more criminals!" The third and It was at this point that the Monarchy's last in later and contemporary Austria most signifi- crisis, the World War, and the disintegration of cant group argued that the reforms were not only the Empire intervened, bringing in their wake a profoundly anti-Catholic. They also violated the small federal republic in which the Social Liberals' own purportedly liberal principles Democrats were the largest party in the Con- because, by making primary education compul- stituent Assembly of 1919-20 and in Vienna from sory, they deprived individual parents of freedom 1918 until the imposition of Christian Social DIR-3-'78/5

dictatorship in 1934. With the Social Democrats himself as the teacher. The only other career he wherever they were thus in powerin the country seems ever to have contemplated, during a pre- as a whole for 18 months and in Vienna for 16 puberty period of intense religiosity, was that of a yearscame Otto G16ckel and the school reform priest, but a brutal and narrow-minded catechism program of which he was the principal author and teacher and closer acquaintance with priests most passionate advocate. during summer vacations at his uncle's vicarage in Hungaryboth, on his own testimony, more in- The Making of a Socialist and School Reformer fluential in this respect than his father's anti- Otto Glckel, as he himself tells us in his auto- clericalismsoon led him to change his mind. biography,7 was virtually predestined to be a teacher. He was born on February 8, 1874, in a He also enjoyed making speeches of other schoolhouse in Pottendorf, a small Lower kinds, at imaginary political meetings, and at the Austrian market and cotton milling town 25 miles age of 16 made his first real one (to his father's sur- southeast of Vienna and near the pre-1914 prise and embarrassment) at a local Liberal Party frontier between the Austrian and Hungarian rally honoring Engelbert Pernerstorfer, one of the halves of the Hapsburg Empire. His father, a founders of the Austrian Social Democratic Party teacher in the Pottendorf Burgerschule, came in 1889. Pernerstorfer was impressed, told young from the other side of that frontier, from Sopron G1/Sckel he was "needed in Vienna" as soon as he (Odenburg), the principal town of the predomi- had finished his teachers' training studies in nantly German part of Western Hungary that Wiener Neustadt, and promised to help him. became the Austrian Burgenland in 1921. Otto's G16ckel came and the promise was kept. paternal grandfather had been a tinsmith with ambitions above his station for his two sons: both Vienna in the 1890s was marvelous and terrible, were sent to secondary school and the other exciting and a place to despair. The rapid expan- became a Roman Catholic priest. The one who sion of its industries and Imperial bureaucracies, became a teacher married and began his career in begun in the Grunderzeit of the 1860s and tem- a village near Sopron but moved to the Austrian porarily stopped by the economic crisis of 1873, part of the Empire, where the schools had just was in full swing again; the population, which had been secularized again by the legislation of been 476,000 in 1857, would be more than 2 1868-69, to escape from the Hungarian system's million by 1910. The great Ringstrasse and its continuing subordination to the Church and the monumental buildingsStaatsoper, Art and Hungarian schoolteacher's consequent subordi- Natural History museums, new Hofburg, Parlia- nation to the parish priest. In the Pottendorf ment, Burgtheater, Rathaus, and University Burgerschule the G16ckel's modest two-room were still new or under construction, and so were living quarters, which also served as a meeting the working-class slums of the outer Bezirke. The place for the district teachers' association, were Emperor in the Hofburg was old and his Empire a filled with teachers' manuals and the anticlerical "ramshackle" multinational anachronism in an literature of the Liberal Party that had sponsored age of nation-states, but its capital was a magnet the reforms of 1869. Their only surviving child for the intellectual cream as well as the prole- grew up in this atmosphere, listening to peda- tarian-peasant dregs of his polyglot dominions gogical and political debates and to his father's (Czechs alone provided 200,000 of its 2 million reminiscences of the life of a teacher in Hungary, inhabitants by 1910). The sense of avant-garde humiliated by ill-educated priests (not that youthfulness that pervaded Viennese cultural life teachers were then better educated) and by undig- was captured in the names given to esthetic move- nified adjunct duties as parish sacristan, standard ments like Jung Wien (Young Vienna) and to duties in Hungary (and in Austria before 1869) fashions in art, music, and architecture like the that required him to toll the church bell, serve at Secession movement and its close relations, the mass, take the collection, and keep the sacristy in Jugendstil (Youth Style) and art nouveau, which order. had simultaneous fountainheads in Vienna, As recorded in his autobiography, Otto's Berlin, and Paris but perhaps their greatest im- favorite childhood game was playing school, with pact in Vienna. Conflicting cultures and classes 6/DIR-3-'78

rubbed shoulders uneasily in the streets of the local Gasthaus full of unemployed drunks; pupils Hapsburg capital. Although their roots are dis- who saw no future for themselves and who parate and earlier, both Zionism and anti-Semi- attended school only when foul weather drove tism assumed their modern and at least in the them in offthe streets; still others or the same who latter case virulent forms here and at this period. regularly slept through class, making him fear he Brand new mass political parties, all three of them was a poor teache until he discovered that they founded by disillusioned young Liberals from the had worked most of the night as bowling-boys or old party's radical wing, addressed each of the ex- had been up before dawn to deliver milk and panding classes in the name of conflicting bread to shops. All this and his own situation ideologies and in increasingly strident tones" junior teachers in state primary schools were at Viktor Adler's Social Democrats for the half- the poverty end of an impoverished profession assimilated but still polyglot urban proletariat; enjoying little social prestigewas bad enough in Karl Lueger's populist-clerical and anti-Semitic itself and initially a shock for a young man who Christian Socials for the "little people" of the had grown up in the relatively benign conditions German and Germanized-Czech petite bour- that characterize rural poverty and who had come geoisie; and Georg Ritter von Sch6nerer's Pan- to Vienna with romantic illusions about "the city German Nationalists for the other middle classes of dreams." But to drive the lesson home, there and anyone else who was simultaneously anti- was also the contrast to his slum school that he clerical, antisocialist, and anti-Semitic. The encountered in observation and practice teaching tensions, expectations, and vanities of this cul- at the experimental school attached to the Vienna turally heterogeneous social and political Pedagogium, an institute for the part-time further turbulenceuniquely characterized by a painful training of young teachers that had been founded and distinctively Viennese dialectic between nine- as part of the educational reforms of the 1860s and teenth century European optimism and peculiarly that Glockel himself was to refound in the 1920s Austrian hopelessnessgave the city's late- as a distinguished university-level teacher-train- Hapsburg intellectual flowering its shape and its ing institution and important part of his reforms. genius, producing writers like Schnitzler, Zweig, Here, instead of barefoot, hungry, work-weary Rilke, Hofmannsthal, and Kraus to describe them grade-repeaters condemned to the Lumpenpro- (each in his own way and from different perspec- letariat, the pupils were the well-clothed, tives); original thinkers like Freud, Wittgenstein, well-fed, self-confident, and well-prepared and Kelsen to analyze and prescribe for their children of the Viennese bourgeoisie, full of psychological, linguistic-logical, and legal-con- energy and a pleasure to teach because of their stitutional aspects; and Strauss and the Heurigen eagerness to learn and ability to do so. This, he of the Vienna Woods and vineyards to provide and all schools a reflected, was the way all pupils distraction and therapy, should be.

In September 1892, armed with the title of These experiences completed G16ckel's own "Provisional Junior Teacher" and at age 18 the education and his drift toward the new Social youngest teacher in the city school system, G16ckel Democratic Party, which he joined in 1894 at age took up residence in this Vienna and reported for 20. That same year he also became a member of a work. His first charges were 60 13- and political association ofjunior teachers called "The 14-year-olds, two-thirds of them grade-repeaters, Young Ones" (Die Jungen), which had grown out in a fourth grade class in a new and desolate of a self-help movement organized in 1892 by a working-class slum in the 14th Bezirk, not far small group that included Karl Seitz, a life-long from the Imperial palace of Sch6nbrunn. His friend who was to be first Head of State of the descriptions of his experiences during his five Austrian Republic in 1919-20, Mayor of Vienna years there are Dickensian images of early urban from 1923 to 1934, and a leading figure of capitalism: barefoot pupils with empty stomachs Austrian Socialism until his death in 1950. The and his own misery when he had to distribute only Jungen were soon directly engaged in politics and half as many private charity vouchers as he had in opposition to Karl Lueger and his Christian pupils for hot lunches of cheap vegetable soup at a Social Party, who won an absolute majority in the DI R-3-'78/7

1895 elections to the Vienna City Council. The even the most modest member of society, is thus following year, partly in response to the threat to obliged to contribute his labor or his means to the the secular state school that seemed to be posed by work ofresearchers. What modern science and art this Christian Social victory, the Jungen and like- boast of as their accomplishments can therefore minded groups of Liberal and other "progressive" only have been created through the collective teachers founded a Central Organization of ejbrt ofall ofhumanity. Viennese Teachers, which won its own first vic- tory in elections for teachers' representatives on It follows that the totality of human knowledge the Vienna District School Board in 1897. Lueger belongs to all of humanity. The "School Program had at last been installed as Mayor of Vienna by of the Jungen" therefore demanded that the edu- the repeated re-election of the man he called "the cation system recognize this fact, that through rabble-rouser" because he feared the populism of free and universal education every human being the Christian Socials until he discovered that must be assured the right to that portion of this theirs was really a happy combination of loyal common intellectual property that his abilities social conservatism and mass appeal. As soon as and inclinations prompt him to acquire. In return he was in office the new Mayor responded to the society has the right to demand that every challenge from the Central Organization by normally endowed individual acquire at least the summarily dismissing five junior teachers whom minimum ofeducation necessary to enable him to he considered ringleaders of the movement. One contribute to the common welfare. But this was of them was Otto G16ckel. He was never to again not now the these facts, the be a classroom teacher, but the notoriety in Social cause: "Despite that is the of the collective Democratic circles that came his way as a result of knowledge product labor of mankind not to his dismissal provided the basis for another and is available everyone." The are denied access to but are not lifetime career as party politician and school re- poor it, they the ones who former. By 1907, when he was elected to the only suffer: Imperial Parliament from a German district in Bohemia in the first Austrian elections held under Even the lucky children ofthe rich, who command universal manhood suffrage, he had become the the necessary means, cannot fully and naturally principal draftsman and spokesman for the develop their talents because teaching stafffre- party's ideas about education. quently do not have the appropriate education and never have the necessaryfree time, to bring up The School Program oftheJungen their pupils to be openminded human beings The first comprehensive statement of the [vorurteilslose Menschen, a frequently reiterated philosophy and demands that G16ckel helped to central concept and goal of the Austrian school formulate, and that were to be incorporated in reform movementfrom that time on]. Instead the subsequent Social Democratic Party platforms prevailing regime and the dominant creed con- and in the Austrian and Viennese school reforms strain them to indoctrinate youth with certain of the 1920s, was a manifesto entitled "The School moral, religious, and political viewpoints. These Program oftheJungen." Adopted at a congress of differ to some degree, to be sure, in different the movement in April 1898, it begins with a countries, in accordance with prevailing political critical analysis of the existing system that national and religious circumstances, but in included aspects of a more general social criti- general they conform to the interests ofthe ruling cism: propertied classes. [Moreover], the fact that science is placed in the service ofthe ruling classes Society founds and maintains universities, and that under our educational system a higher academies, clinics and observatories. Labora- education is possible only for the rich, while the tories, meteorological stations, libraries and great masses ofthe poor are condemned to be un- museums owe their existence to society. Through educated, intensifies class contrasts through con- society learned people are offered opportunities trasting education. The class conflicts to which and means to carry out research into nature and our society is doomed cannot be evaded; but if we man in the farthest parts of the world. Everyone, wish to moderate them so far as possible, the 8/DI R-3-'78

school must offer an equal education to rich and these, which should include ethics and morals. poor, an education determined solely by the indi- vidual's personal capacities, and this education C. to insure the independence of the school and must have no ideological orpolitical bias. the teachers from all classes, creeds, and parties: On the basis of this analysisincidentally 12. Equal and dignified income (salary and pen- characteristic of Austro-Marxism's usually non- sion) for teachers by the state, while guaranteeing revolutionary stylethe manifesto made a series the right of communities and provinces to invest of specific demands: additional funds for the promotion of education. A. To insure every person the acquisition of 13. Disciplinary procedures for teaching per- knowledge appropriate to his abilities: sonnel on the basis of a law which corresponds to modern legal principles. 1. The creation and maintenance by the state of the necessary kindergartens and cr6ches as well as 14. Election of school inspectors and principals the necessary elementary, vocational, continuing by the teaching personnel of the inspection district education, and high schools and universities, in or the school. such fashion that they are open to both sexes. 15. First engagement of teachers according to the 2. Prohibition ofchild labor. order in which they have applied and later increases in income on the basis of seniority. 3. Free instruction and instructional materials in all teaching institutions. 16. Public notification ofdesired qualifications. 4. Completely free maintenance for pupils in 17. Complete freedom of pedagogical method.9 financially straitened circumstances. The principal authors of the School Program of 5. Complete separation of school and church. the Jungen were Karl Seitz and Otto G16ckel. Twenty-one years later Seitz was the Head of State 6. General School legislation by a parliament of the Austrian Republic (as President of the Con- based on universal, equal and direct franchise. stituent National Assembly from March 1919 to December 1920) and G16ckel was in charge of the 7. the As supreme school authority an Imperial country's school system as State Under-Secretary school board, in which teachers and physicians for Education. The Social Democratic Party had will be represented through professional col- won a plurality in the new Republic's first general leagues elected by themselves, but with the election (on February 16, 1919) and was the senior majority elected by and from the population partner in a coalition government of six Social through a universal, equal, direct and secret Democrats, five Christian Socials, and four inde- ballot. Analogously organized provincial, district, pendents,with a Social Democrat, Karl Renner, as and local school boards as lower level authorities. State Chancellor. The country was in desperate 8. Limit of 30 pupils in each class. straits in the aftermath of war, defeat, and the disintegration of the Empire, and even the sur- 9. Liquidation of one-room schools. vival of the state was in doubtthe widespread desire for union with Germany, supported by the 10. Solid teacher training. Social Democrats as eagerly as by the Pan-Ger- mans, had been vetoed by the country's B. To insure to the state a population with the conquerors assembled in Paris, Vienna was necessary minimum education" starving despite American emergency relief, and Communist republics had been proclaimed 11. At least eight years of compulsory instruction beyond two of Austria's still uncertain frontiers, in in the necessary secular subjectsand only in Bavaria and Hungary. It was nevertheless a politi- DI R-3-'78/9 cally appropriate moment for Austria's Social obedient subordinates; thus, for example, the Democrats to begin implementing the program of emphasis on "the glorious Ruling House" in the school reforms that they had been advocating elementary textbooks of old Austria (which since the 1890s. G16ckel, who had launched the Glckel's Reform Division was already in the campaign (and his own candidacy to lead it) with a process of revising) and the deliberate mimicking censorship-defying speech before a mass audience of the military ethos in school architecture, class- in wartime and still Imperial Vienna in January room interiors, and schedules of rules governing 1917, restated the goals of the reform in reports pupil behavior and pupil-teacher relations. In presented to the Constituent Assembly at addition, "the whole existing organization of the quarterly intervals beginning in April 1919, and in schools was based on the idea that proletarian an article entitled "School Reform and Popular youth should be separated from the children of the Education in the Republic," which was published propertied classes as soon as possible." Such a in late 1919 in 12.November, a new Socialist separation at age ten he called "the bulwark of journal named for the founding date of the Absolutism." To this his answer was the Republic) Einheitsschule for the first 8 grades, to age 14, with a uniform but broadened and "modernized" Some points had been refined since the School curriculum which should include things like Program of the Jungen, and in his 1917 speech stenography as an elective, compulsory physical and 1919 proposals G16ckel had found a specific education for girls as well as boys, and training in device for the elimination of "educational privi- manual arts for all. After that some would go on to lege" and a giant step toward what would later be a higher-level secondary school that would called "equality of opportunity" (Chancengleich- prepare them for university entrance, others to a heir). G16ckel's term for this device was the variety of technical and professional training Einheitsschule, translated as "Universal Single- schools that would prepare them for places in Ladder School" byErnst Papanek, but concep- society's middle ranks, and the rest to briefer tually the same as today's highly controversial vocational training schools, including part-time Gesamtschule, which is commonly translated as schools for apprentices. "comprehensive school." A junior high school for all 10- to 14-year-olds, its purpose was to eliminate It should be noted that this plan does not reveal the segregation of that group in three types of opposition to "elite" schools per se, even in the schoolsthe lower-level of the Gymnasien and form of the notorious Gymnasium, as long as other Middle Schools of the upper classes, the entrance is based on talent rather than class Burgerschulen of the urban middle classes, and origin. On the contrary, one of G16ckel's first the upper-level Volksschulen for the restwhich innovations, which was to survive with ideologi- G16ckel and the Social Democrats considered the cally revealing modifications through the Austro- root of most of Austria's social evils. Fascist and Nazi regimes and the Second Re- public, was to create more of them, but with a dif- On this point and in general the principal ference. These, opened in October 1919 and called argument that G16ckel advancedapparently Bundeserziehungsanstalten (Federal Educational overlooking the fact that many of his proposals for Institutions), were established with some curriculum, textbook, classroom, and methodo- piquancy in three former military academies and, logical reforms were or could be made to appear for girls, in two former finishing schools for apolitical, nonideological, and "purely" peda- daughters of the aristocracy and of officers. gogicalconcerned the purportedly class-biased (Gl6ckel also intended to establish another one and antidemocratic nature of the existing system. in--of all places!the Theresianum, which was "In all times," he wrote for 12.November, "those and is the ultimate snob school of the country, its who rule have understood how to secure their rule Eton-plus, but in this he was frustrated.) The by keeping the broad masses of the people as un- Bundeserziehungsanstalten were free, full- cultured as possible, creating for themselves an scholarship boarding schools, with a curriculum educational privilege." What education the emphasizing modern languages and science and masses receive is designed to socialize them as admission based on a highly competitive exami- 10/DIR-3-'78

nation and on need defined as either financial or Party and its leader, Otto Bauer, into a Marxist because of geographic remoteness from an anti-Christ, with himself as a viceroy of God's equivalent school; the pupils were thus predomi- Kingdom on Earth and anti-Christ's last and best nantly of working and lower middle class or rural opponent in "the navel of the world" that had origin. Although G16ckel eschewed the term once been the Hapsburgs' Holy Roman Empire. Begaptenschulen (Schools for the Gifted), used for In Vienna, however, with its considerable similar schools in Germany which were his model, autonomy and solid Social Democratic majority this is precisely what they were meant to be. Under (which grew from 54.1 percent in the elections of the Nazi regime after 1938, ironically, they and 1919 to 59 percent in those of 1934), and with their elite function were maintained, but to Mayor Seitz as ex officio President and Glibckel as different ends: they were taken over by the SS! 2 Acting Second President of a powerful City School Board, the school reform lived, prospered, and In this and many other aspects of their program drew educators from around the world to observe the educational ideology of Austria's Social its virtues. In education as in other areas, Austrian Democrats was in essence a logical continuation socialism, frustrated in the rest of the country, was and extension of the educational philosophy and creating a Viennese model in microcosm for what aspirations of Austro-German Liberalism that Baueras apocalyptic and megalomaniac as had been formulated at the time of the Revolution Seipelforesaw as the future of Austria and of 1848, anathematized under Absolutism in the mankind. 1850s, promulgated as law in 1868-69, and partly reversed after 1876. All three of Austria's modern In this context GliSckel described and published political parties after 1880 were the children of his own vision-becoming-reality of what he called Liberalism, founded by former Liberals. Each the "work school," which was to be the social- inherited or reacted to various aspects of the democratic successor to the "drill school" of liberal program in different mixes, but in educa- clericalist Absolutism and the "learning school" tional reformas Max Adler, the ideologue of of capitalist Liberalism. His interpretation con- Austro-Marxism's left wing, commented at the stituted an extended version and particular appli- tim0 3 Austria's Marxist party was Liberalism's cationless "ideological" than those of fellow truest spiritual heir and executor. Austro-Marxists like Max Adler and Otto Bauer4 ofthe definition of the social and polit- A New School for a New Society and Values: ical function of the European school since the Glbckel's Philosophy and Goals Enlightenment offered by Douglas Skopp in his G16ckel's own most mature and concise study of the elementary school in midnineteenth- description of the goals of his reforms and the century Germany:s philosophy of education and society on which they were based is found in a short book, entitled Drill- In this regard, educational experiences provide schule Lernschule Arbeitsschule, which he pub- the training grounds for society, and at the same lished in 1928. For eight years his reforms had time, a prism of society itself...In some tradi- stagnated or been reversed almost everywhere tional cultural situationsfor example, one beyond the boundaries of the City and Province of dominated by an authoritarian, religiously Vienna. The Federal Government and those of all orthodox value structurethe teacher may the other federal provinces were in the hands of represent the king, the pupils his subjects; school the "bourgeois" partiesChristian Social, Pan lessons are social tasks, and the threat ofcorporal German, and Peasant League (the Landbund, a punishment or the reward ofgood "grades" are a second clericalist party later to be absorbed by its veiled substitution for a primitive economy and senior partner) in a variety of coalitions. All were judicial structure. In an egalitarian, rationalistic under the alternatingly direct and behind-the- social milieufor example, a participatory scenes domination of Monsignor Ignaz Seipel, the democracyschooling may seek to break down leader of the Christian Socials, a frequent Federal class distinctions between teacher and pupil; Chancellor, and an intensely conservative prelate individual differences ofthe pupils may be accen- who had transmogrified the Social Democratic tuated with little concern that the group's cohe- DIR-3-'78/11

sion or submissiveness will be eroded; the rewards function was that of drill sergeants and who were and punishments pass from the realm of rein- therefore required, if they were civilians and not forcing discipline to the area of reinforcing indi- clergy, to have no more than six weeks to one year vidual accomplishments and enterprise. of teacher-training. In G16ckel's view it was a modified version of this type of school that the After an introductory section singing the Christian Socials of his own time would like to praises of the Vienna school reform and casti- restore. gating the Christian Socials, who were accused of undoing the reform "wherever they hold the But the drill school was overtaken and rendered school under their dictation," G16ckel declares obsolete by industrialization and its different re- the purpose of his essay in a restatement of views quirements. The result was the "new school" that he had been expressing for a decade: was created by the Imperial Public School Law of 1869, "the learning school." This was indeed the Here it will be shown how the school has always school system that the times and changing power depended on political and economic power rela- relationships demanded, and G16ckel counted off tionships, how the school as a socializing institu- the social classes and their corresponding school tion is at any time used to reinforce existing power types: relationships...It will be suggested that every school-reforming development must of natural Government was still government primarily necessity develop out of the economic, cultural, by aristocracy, but to govern efficiently in a more and political development of a state [Italics in the complex world young aristocrats needed to know original] To be sure, the tempo of school more than their fathers; for this there was the transformation varies, for it depends on knowing Theresianum, the elite school of elite schools in about and adapting new materials, on the willing- which the untitled were extraordinarily un- ness ofpublic bodies to make sacrifices, and espe- common. cially on a strong political party that commits itselftotally to innovation. The Army needed modern, technically trained officers, and so special officers' academies In present-day Austria that party is of course were created. the Social Democratic Party, and G16ckel notes that it is "no coincidence" that the Austrian Modern government and modern industry social-democratic workers' movement, which needed better trained and ever more middle-rank Viktor Adler united to form the party in 1889, had officials, preferably drawn from the ranks of the had its origins in workers' educational associa- upper and middle bourgeoisie; so more and tions founded as a concomitant of rapid indus- different kinds of Middle Schools were created, in trialization in the midnineteenth century. How- principle open to all who demonstrated the ever, power relations were not then ripe for the requisite talent but in practice and through delib- changes that the workers' movement was de- erately high tuition and other charges largely manding, and so the Austrian school system had restricted to middle class children. (As proof to pass through two other stages that conformed G16ckel notes that even in 1925 and in Vienna to relations as they were. there was one Middle School pupil for every 2.7 children in that age group living in middle class The first of these stages, which G16ckel calls districts of the city but only one for every 22, some "the drill school," was the school ofthe Concordat of them also middle class, in predominantly of 1855, "the school that our fathers attended." It working-class districts.) was under the Church and existed for the Church and for order as defined by an alliance of Crown Those in charge of this society also wanted and clergy. It offered what that order required, highly skilled workers and small businessmen; so namely the "four Rs" or a little reading, writing, they also created the Burgerschule, "for its time a and arithmeticand a lot of religion. These were good school that offered a higher educationbut "whipped into" the pupils by teachers whose real not too much of it," a limit proved by regulations 12/DIR-3-78

that made it impossible to transfer from a possible education leading to an independent Burgerschule to an upper-division Middle School. ability to judge and make choices." To these ends the school, beginning with the elementary school, And finally, "for 'ordinary' people," who must be subjected to both "external" (organiza- also needed a certain basic education to become tional) and "internal" (methodological and cur- obedient and useful subjects, a new Volksschule, ricular)reforms. "an extraordinary advance over the Concordat school," was created in 1869. This was "the school The centerpiece of the "external" reform must that we attended," and G16ckel reminded his be the creation of a comprehensive school (Ein- readers of its grimness and inadequacies despite heitsschule in G16ckel's terminology) for co- its admitted virtues of improved curriculum, basic education of sexes and social classes with a com- secularization, and universality in the first four mon, uniform curriculum up to age 15--the only years: the teacher was enthroned as a symbol of way to abolish "educational privilege" based on authority on his podium at a higher level than the class, to encourage the full development of intelli- pupils, who sat mutely facing him on long gence and talent wherever it might be found, and benches, subject to quasimilitary discipline to eliminate the personal, social, and economic ("hands on the desk!" "no talking except when costs of premature "selecting out" at age 10 under addressed by the teacher!"), receiving instruc- the old system. As originally foreseen and in fact tiontherefore a "learning school"that was tested in 253 experimental classes since 1919-20, forced on them unimaginatively, in precisely the new system would begin, for the 8 years of determined daily doses to be memorized and re- legally compulsory schooling, with a 4-year peated uncritically and with equal lack of imagi- Volksschule followed by a 4-year Allgemeine nation. Parents were not involved or even welcome Mittelschule (General Middle School), a kind of inside the school except when summoned to hear amalgam of the existing Burgerschule and lower judgment, but the school's mission and world, division Middle School in which pupils would be unconcerned with the living and cultural con- divided by ability, on a semester-to-semester ditions of the streets and homes to which the basis, into a First and Second Stream. First pupils returned, also stopped at the school door. Stream graduates of a General Middle School The Church too, was still omnipresent, despite the would be entitled to go on either to an Oberschule intent of those who created the system. School life (Upper School, corresponding to the four-year was thus dominated by stern rules, a stern grading upper division of the existing Middle Schools) or system, and (illegally)compulsory attendance at to technical or professional schools. Second mass, religious processions, confession, and com- Stream pupils would proceed to a lower technical munion. school or to the already existing compulsory part- time vocational schools for apprentices. Then came the war, the collapse of the existing order, revolution, and a democratic republic. The Achieving all this would also require a reform of way was open for another phase, one anticipated teacher training, providing all teachers with a for centuries by philosophers and pedagogues like minimum of two years of "university-level" Comenius, Rousseau, Fichte, Pestalozzi, and preparation and thus eliminating the ironclad Fr6bel (a significantly selective list of mentors division between the preparation and status of a whom G16ckel had cited in earlier writings as Volksschule teacher (trained in a secondary- well). This was the "work school," so called school-level pedagogical institute and therefore because here education would be the product of strong on methodology but weak in general and the active and imaginative engagement of pupils subject-matter knowledge) and a Middle School building on what they already knew and guided one (trained in a Middle School and university and rather than drilled or taught by their teachers. It therefore strong in general and subject knowledge was a system based on recognition that in a demo- but with no pedagogical theory or experience). cratic state of equal and equally participant Other measures, such as the organization of active citizens "it is in the state's interest that youth, the Parents' Associations in each school and class, future citizens, should have the most intensive larger and more broadly representative school DI R-3-'78/13 boards, and pupil as well as parent participation temporary list of those whose ideas or models he in school governance above the Volksschule level, found reflected in the Austrian reforms of the were designed to break down the barriers between 1920s. Papanek's nominations include Ellen Kay the school and the outer world of home and of Sweden, who proclaimed the "Century of the society. Child" in 1900; Ovid Decroly of Belgium, who advocated a "school workshop" based on "indi- As for the "internal" reforms, they should be vidual self-activity" in place of the traditional based on three principles, which G16ckel had classroom; John Dewey of the United States, from described as early as 1919 in his reports to Parlia- whom Papanek says the Austrians accepted the ment as Undersecretary for Education. These concept of"education as a constant function" and were Arbeitsunterricht (sometimes termed the idea that "acquisition of skills, possession of Selbstttigkeit: the active rather than passive par- knowledge, attainment of culture are not ends; ticipation of pupils in the educational process), they are marks of growth and means to its con- Bodenstiindigkeit (instruction based on and tinuing"; William H. Kilpatrick, also of the moving out from the child's immediate environ- United States, and his "education for a changing ment and prior experience), and Gesamtunter- civilization"; Georg Kerschensteiner of Munich richt (no strict division of subjects and hours but a for the concept of the Arbeitsschule; the "Jena focusing of all subjects of instructionfrom lan- plan" from the Weimar Republic with its guage and mathematics to art and musicon a Wohnstube (living room) school; Berthold Otto, logical series of "self-evidently relevant" central also of Germany, whose "school of the future" topics). To these ends even the design of the class- was based on G16ckel-like ideas of Gesamtun- room and the locale of learningas well as cur- terricht and Bodenstiindigkeit; the psychological riculum, textbooks, methods, and teacher train- insights and prescriptions of Wilhelm Windt and ingmust be changed. In place of podium and William Stern (Germany), Jean Piaget and Hein- benches in a stark, "military" room there should rich Hauselmann (Switzerland), and Stanley Hall be informal groups of pupils around tables in a (United States); and others.7 Some of these "homelike" atmosphere, and the teacher should might more aptly be described as fellow-dis- stand or sit in the midst of the pupils and at their coverers rather than influences, since there is level. Whenever the topic of instruction makes it some indication that their ideas became known or appropriate, the class should move outdoors to at least popular in Austria only after G16ckel's observe and learn through a Lehrausganga reforms were fully formulated (for example, I have "learning outing," already a principal target of found no reference to Dewey in G16ckel's own scorn for those who thought that the reforms were writings or the earlier works of his associates, and debasing education but one of G16ckel's favorite the earliest acquisitions of Dewey's books by the and in fact permanent innovations, enthusiasti- Pdagogisches Zentralbiicherei in Vienna, a basic cally accepted today even by Catholic private repository, date from the end of the 1920s), but the schools. international quality of a reform is confirmed by serendipity as well as by imitation. What was In all of this, from philosophical underpinnings original here, making Vienna a place of pil- to curricular and classroom innovations, G16ckel grimage for other school reformers in the 1920s, and his colleagues owed much to what was then, as was the Viennese "model" of systematic imple- it is today, in effect "an international ideology of mentation of a more widely advocated set of educational reform. 'q6 G16ckel's own list of "modernizing" and "democratizing" school prestigious historical mentors has already been reforms. And what marred the consistency and mentioned. Ernst Papanek, one of several Glckel completion of that implementation, even before it associates who were to carry the message of his was halted and largely reversed after the political reforms with them into exile to America or coup d'(tat of 1934, was conflict and deadlock Western Europe after 1934 and 1938 (or through between reformers and their reforms on the one even earlier emigration, as in the case of hand and the balance of political and social forces Papanek's fellow-psychologist Alfred Adler), has and attendant cultural and political values on the provided us with a more comprehensive and con- other. 14/DI R-3-78

The Schulkampfin the First Republic all university faculties (they were previously In October 1920, when the Social Democrats admitted only to the Philosophical and Medical went into opposition, G16ckel moved from the faculties, and even here with some restrictions). Ministry of Education on the Minoritenplatz to Compulsory pupil participation in religious the palace next to Parliament on the nearby functions was prohibited. The Bundeserziehung- Ringstrasse that he had virtually commandeered sanstalten were created. Regulations adopted in (typical G16ckel!)for the Vienna City School 1883 regarding the religion of school principals, Board that he was now to head and that was up- the celibacy of women teachers, and partial graded in authority by Vienna's elevation to the exemptions from compulsory education were status of a federal province in 1921 and a reorgani- rescinded. Transfer from Burgerschulen to the zation of the administration of the city-province in upper level of the Middle Schools was facilitated, 1922. The foundations for country-wide school and the system of pupil evaluation was provision- reform had been laid during his 18 months at the ally reformed, introducing written descriptions of Minoritenplatz. The Ministry itself had been pupil progress in place of grades. The organiza- "professionalized" without altering its existing tion of Parents' Associations was facilitated and structure or most of its personnela politically encouraged. Textbook revision for "a democratic tactful strategy in an unstable coalition govern- republic" was begun, and a new Volksschule cur- mentby introducing a team of experienced riculumbased on G16ckel's three principles, teachers, school administrators, and drafted by the School Reform Division, and psychologists of (these last primarily but not exclusively from accepted by all three Austrian Chambers Alfred Adler's school) to work in tandem with Teacherswas introduced on a trial basis during the 1920-21 school year, after which it was to existing officials, most of whom had legal rather 2 than educational backgrounds. Of equal or become permanent. greater importance was a newly created School Reform Division of the Ministry, comprised of 32 This, however, was as far as G16ckel and his dedicated pedagogical theorists. As Papanek associates could go within the framework of the notes, the 32 members of the Division were divided Imperial Public School Law of 1869, which was into 4 groups: G16ckel's own co-workers and fol- still in force. In May 1920 the School Reform lowers, mostly Social Democrats and Liberals; Division issued a set of "Guiding Principles" for a basically apolitical school reformers drawn largely more complete reform, including the Ein- from the Christian Social and Pan-German heitschule for 10- to 14-year-olds, but most oftheir Nationalist camps; Catholic educators willing to proposals remained on paper. The Constitution of cooperate if the reform did not infringe too much the new Republic, adopted that summer, provided on the prerogatives of the Church; and moderate that basic legislation in certain fields, including Nationalists committed to the full separation of education, must be passed by a two-third majority Church and school and to the realization of their of the Federal Parliament--in effect meaning that ideas concerning the teaching of German party's a Social Democrats and Christian Socials must language and literature and physical education! agreeand that all nine federal provinces must Such a mixture was also an astute move. Not only concur before some types of reforms could be did it engage all three political camps in the instituted. More important at the moment than preparation of the reform, making it more likely these provisions, whose main impact came later that the results would be accepted, but profes- when they prevented a Christian Social parlia- sional solidarity and bias tended to triumph over mentary plurality from undoing most of G16ckel's differing ideologies within the Reform Division, at 9 reforms and much of the 1869 law as well, the least in the early years. coalition and Austrian society were by then in the process of fissuring along increasingly rigid and Paralleling these organizational measures came eventually bitterly antagonistic ideological lines. a remarkably rapid-fire series of ministerial G1/Sckel's School Reform Division continued to decrees and orders affecting every aspect of the operate after his departure and to issue proposals, school system. The Middle Schools were made co- but it, too, was gradually penetrated by the pre- educational, and women were ordered admitted to vailing atmosphere of increasingly intransigent DIR-3-78/15 antagonism between the Marxist and "bourgeois" and morals of Jesus Christ] will be fulfilled for camps. In any case, a series of Christian Social Catholic children only if the school has a clearly Ministers of Education, including some who were confessional character, that is, if children of the personally sympathetic to many purely methodo- Catholic creed or the Catholic denomination [des logical aspects of the reform program but could katolischen Glaubensbekenntnisses oder der not stomach its ideological decorations, were a katolischen Konfession] are instructed and guarantee that no recommendations that had brought up in their own schools, separated as far Social Democratic endorsement would be imple- as possible from children of other faiths. This, mented if it could be avoided. One of the first however, is only possible when the teaching per- measures taken by the first of these ministers at sonnel also belong to the same Catholic faith and the end of 1920, was to decree that the new are preparedfor the teaching profession in their Volksschule curriculum should remain "pro- own confessional teacher-training institutions. visional" and on trial for another five years. this, the In these circumstances the new Austria's Beyond confessional moral-religious character the school Schulkampf, like the rest of the First Republic's of requires that the teaching should not be political life, became a continuous of religion confined to a brief in- struggle struction between "Red" Vienna and a "Black"-dominated period of a few weeks like an ordinary but that Federal government, symbolized on the educa- subject, the religious spirit should domi- nate the tional front by the Ministry on the entire curriculum, which means also the Minoritenplatz secular and the City School Board's palace on the Ring as subjectsthat religion as a dominating opposing citadels separated only by the idea should inspire and give life to all educational Heldenplatz and the Volksgartenthe Heroes' measures, so that everything will be seen to be Square with its Imperial monuments and the concentrated and gathered together around the People's Garden of the new democracy. The City great religious idea, like a sun in the center of the School Board exploited the limits of the powers universe. granted it by the Constitution and existing laws and by the federal nature of the Republic; this This would, in addition, be the best way to realize the ideal the meant almost full control of elementary education of modern Einheitsschule and and lower secondary to give the ideal ofGesamtunterricht a concentric compulsory schools (Pflicht- and complete shape. schulen) and the Vienna Pedagogical Institute (which became internationally famous in this It would be particularly irreconcilable with the period, counting many of the great names of the religious-moral character of the confessional early post-Hapsburg Viennese intellectual flower- school ifprineiples and teachings that are incom- ing among its lecturers ), partial authority over patible with Catholic teachings about faith and secondary schools, and no say over the University morals were to be represented in any kind of text- and post-secondary education generally. The book or by any teacher; for this reason the church Federal government sought, with fluctuating as the highest religious-moral authority lays claim degrees of earnestness, to limit all of the telic and to the right of independent supervisory authority some of the methodological-pedagogical reforms over the school in these matters, without thereby initiated by the City School Board. As for the superseding and taking precedence over secular dominant force in successive Federal govern- or state supervision. ments, Seipel's Christian Social Party, its school policies seemed to the other camps to be a faithful The Christian Social Party Program of 1926 de- if more cautious reflection of the principles that clared its allegiance to the ideal ofthe confessional were proclaimed by Austria's Catholic bishops in school, although it also recognized the untouch- a Lenten letter of 1922, which incidentally paid ability of existing laws by specifically demanding G16ckel the compliment of attempting to capture only autonomy and state subventions for private and redefine two of his pet concepts and slogans: schools. This highest goal of education [to educate the Another plank in the Program's educational children in accordance with the teachings on faith platform was equally significant: "The Christian 16/DI R-3-'78

Social Party demands a school system that cor- Complete intransigence was nevertheless responds in its divisions and stages to the edu- impossible on either side and for several reasons. cational requirements of the various occupational The Constitution, with its two-third rule for the classes [Berufsstiinde] and the special charac- passage of federal legislation affecting education teristics of the various fields they represent. It and its division of powers between Federation and should also, however, be a unitary system based on provinces, made some degree of cooperation religion and nationality [Volkstum]." What the unavoidable if anything was to be done, including first part of this demand apparently signified was funding. There was also the ambivalent position given more radical expression in the election of the Pan-German Party, simultaneously in platform published in 1930 by the then semi- coalition with the Christian Social Party in autonomous right wing of the Christian Social Seipel's anti-Marxist "bourgeois bloc" (Burger- camp, Prince Starhemberg's Heimatblock: block) but opposed to the Christian Socials and allied with the Social Democrats whenever the Everyyear new Middle Schools are built and every Church's role in education was in question. The county town demands its own Gymnasium, all in fate of the schools of the Burgenland, where order to strip the countryside ofits best brains and Glockel's father had begun his teaching career, stuff the overfilled city with an intellectual pro- provided a case in point. Because the Burgenland letariat As in all sectors so in this sector we had been part of Hungary in 1869, the Imperial demand that the state operate in a planned way. Public School Law had never applied there, and so The state mustfirst determine the size of its yearly the schools remained subject to pre-1918 requirement for doctors, lawyers, officials, and Hungarian regulationsi.e., under the Church engineers, the size of its needforfarmers, skilled when and after the district became part of Austria workers, salespeople, and craftsmen. And on this in 1921. In the following years coalitions of Social basis the state should apportion it means (anyone Democrats and Pan-Germans in the Burgenland may learn whatever he wants, but at his own 22 provincial parliament repeatedly called for the expense and not that ofthe state). extension of the 1869 laws to their province.This, In the face of such conflicting programs and however, required sanction by a two-third values bitterness increased and readiness t9 com- majority of the Federal Parliament in Vienna, promise decreased on both sides with the passing where an enabling act was repeatedly proposed by years. Attacks on G16ckel and the Viennese the Social Democrats but was never adopted reforms by Christian Social politicians and because there the same Pan-German Party, newspapers became increasingly strident: the mindful of its junior status in coalition with the reforms were making pupils into guinea pigs for Christian Socials, joined the latter in voting Marxist experiments; the new schools had no dis- against it. The Burgenland thus continued to have of a separate, Hungarian school system throughout cipline; Gesamtunterricht and the abolition 4 centrally-dictated hourly subject schedules in the the life of the First Austrian Republic? Volksschule meant unplanned instruction; the three Rs were no longer being taught; "instead of Of equal importance (and otherwise indicative sitting in school, teachers and pupils take of Gl6ckel's success in winning popular support strolls!"; sex education, another G16ckel curricu- for his program among parents as well as lum innovation, was a deliberate undermining of teachers), the citizenry of Vienna, seat of the morality and hence society by Marxists bent on Federal government and with nearly one-third of revolution (one cartoon, showing teen-age girls the country's population,_proved their readiness to holding illegitimate babies and boys in a ward for take to the streets in support of their school system venereal diseases, was labeled "fruits of the school by doing so--reportedly 100,000 strong--in June reform"); religion and God were being driven out 1926. The provocation was provided by minis- of the school by Marxist atheists; and the new terial decrees, issued by the Christian Social curriculum was designed to make Socialists out of Minister of Education under pressure from others all Austrian children. G16ckel's answers, point for in his party, which violated a recent compromise point, were hardly less strident and certainly not agreement between the Ministry and the City less ideological.23 School Board by altering the elementary school DI R-3-'78/17 curriculum and ordering the abandonment of nasium, Realschule, Realgymnasiummwould experimental classes in the city's secondary remain, unreformed, as parallel and still "elite" schools. A government crisis ensued and the schools. First Stream Hauptschule pupils who had Minister resignedhis replacement and the City received instruction in a foreign language (the School Board's new negotiating partner, ironi- primary difference between the required curricu- cally, was Anton Rintelen, who was to be sen- lum of the Hauptschule and that of a Middle tenced to life imprisonment by the clericalist dic- School), and who had earned at least "fair" tatorship of the 1930s for his leading role in the grades, were in theory to be entitled to move into abortive Nazi Putsch of 1934. After a month of the next higher class of one of these Middle negotiations the decrees were rescinded, the Schools without an entrance examination, but this Vienna curriculum was confirmed, and autono- seldom happened; the "sorting out" process at mous control of elementary education by Vienna age ten that the reformers had hoped to eliminate and other "cities with their own statutes" (most as a personal, pedagogical, and social evil also under Social Democratic control) was remained a problem to be sorted out by the reaffirmed 25. Second Republic in the 1970s or after.

The next year, after new elections in which In 1929, the drafting of a new constitution school reform was a major campaign issue, pro- provided the occasion for a third and last round of duced a swing to the left in much of the country, a confrontation, negotiation, and compromise over similar process of negotiation at last produced a G16ckel's school reforms. This time the dispute Constitutional Law on educationadopted, again arose from Christian Social proposals that would ironically, in the same month as the burning of the have.stripped Vienna of the attributes of a federal Ministry of Justice by demonstrating workers, an province, explicitly reducing the competence of event from which Austria's slide toward a dictator- the City School Board from that of an autonomous ship of the right is usually dated. G16ckel and his provincial authority to that of a subordinate associates, as is clear from their statements in sub- county (Bezirks-)School Board, in charge only of sequent months, considered the school law of 1927 the Volksschulen and even there with limitations. a compromise but on balance a victory. In the ensuing negotiations Federal Chancellor Johann Schober's determination that the new Its most important section created a new type of constitution should be adopted legally and the school for the fifth to eighth years of compulsory consequent necessity of winning Social Demo- education, replacing the old three-year Bur- cratic concurrence triumphed once again. Vienna gerschulen and the experimental General Middle and its City School Board retained their status Schools ofthe G16ckel reforms. It was to be called under the Constitution of December 1929, but in a Hauptschulea rejection of Glgckel's preferred return G16ckel and the Social Democrats term Allgemeine Mittelschule, which apparently accepted a clearer and broadened definition of the sounded to conservatives too much like the Federation's ultimate but still limited authority existing "Middle Schools' of Gymnasium type, over the Middle Schools. The Vienna school and one of the compromises that he reluctantly reform had been rescued once again. accepted for the sake of substance. Open to all 10- to 14-year-olds throughout the country and not A Biographical-Political Postscript only in Vienna, it was in essence the school that The adoption of the Constitution of 1929 Vienna had introduced experimentallycom- proved to be the last important instance of coop- plete with the First and Second Streams that today eration, however grudging, between Austria's are condemned by G1/Sckel's successors because in political camps in the lifetime of the First practice they proved to be as rigid and almost as Republic, whose own days were now numbered. supportive of class distinctions as the system the The impact of the Great Depression, which struck Hauptschule was designed to remedy.6 In Austria with special severity after the collapse of another and more substantial concession by the the Creditanstalt, Vienna's leading bank, in 1931; Social Democrats, the old types of lower Engelbert Dollfuss as Austrian Chancellor after secondary schools for the same age groupGym- May 1932 and Hitler as German Chancellor in 18/DIR-3-'78

January 1933; the Austrian regime's dependence important provision of the school reform legis- on Mussolini as a counterweight to the magnetic lation of 1868-69, provided that private Catholic attraction of Nazi Germany for many Austrians, schools should receive subventions from the state whose dreams of Anschluss with Greater Ger- budget and specified that "through these many seemed realistic again; Mussolini's pres- measures the Catholic school system in Austria sures on the Dollfuss government, welcomed by shall be supported and therewith the precondi- many Christian Socials, to put their Austrian tions for their development into public Catholic- house in order in the face of the German challenge confessional schools shall also be fulfilled." One by suppressing the Social Democrats and estab- month earlier, the Minister of Educationonce lishing an authoritarian regime; confrontations in again the former Christian Social Governor of the streets between the private party armies of the Styria and future Nazi Putschist Anton Christian Socials and the Social Democrats; the Rintelenhad as one of his first acts repealed miscalculations of the Social Democrats, G16ckel's April 1919 ministerial decree pro- including those that led to the dissolution of Par- hibiting compulsory pupil participation in re- liament on a procedural technicality in March ligious ceremonies. 1933these were the milestones principal along The of G16ckel's reforms was under the remainder of the road that led from the undoing but some of his associates, veterans of the of the Ministry of Justice in 1927 to the way, burning Reform Division of 1919 and the Vienna brief, civil war of February 1934, the School pathetic School Board of the 1920s, would survive to of the Social Democratic Party, and City suppression tell the tale and to reinstitute many of them the consolidation of a Christian Social dictator- help this time under the aegis of a grand with and to after 1945, ship fascist trappings aspirations of and reconciled former create a"christian corporative state." coalition repentant Christian Socials and Social Democrats.27 The events of February 1934, which marked the Lessons and Speculations end of the First Republic, began when units of the To readers familiar with the social history of R epublikanische Schutzbund, the Socialists' other European and trans-Atlantic states during private army, succumbed to provocations and the past century it will be clear that the school started an ill-planned and hopeless uprising, reforms that Otto G16ckel proposed were not out thereby providing their enemies with a pretext to of joint with or ahead of their time. On the con- outlaw the Social Democratic Party, arrest those trary, the reforms that he fought for and the peda- of its leaders who did not escape abroad, and gogical and psychological theories and political complete Austria's transformation into a dictator- insights on which they were based all belonged to ship. The three-day uprising began on February what contemporary jargon would call "main- 12, On the following morning G16ckel, who had stream"albeit "progressive" and generally left been warned that a warrant was being issued but wing--currents of the late nineteenth and early had chosen not to flee, was arrested in his office in twentieth century European and American the Ringstrasse palace of the City School Board. thinking about education and its relation to After being moved twice to the prison hospital for society and politics. Many and perhaps most of his an increasingly serious heart ailment, he was fellow AustriansLiberals, Nationalists, Catho- released at the end of the following October, his lics, and apoliticals as well as Social Democrats health broken. He died 9 months later, on July 23, were ready to agree with his critique of the school 1935, at the age of 61. system of late Imperial days, as is clear from Austrian literature of the period,a and should in In May 1934, while G16ckel was in prison, the principle have been receptive to the remedies he Austrian people "received in the name of proposed. Quite a few in fact were, judging by the Almighty God, from whom all right derives," a popularity the reforms seem to have enjoyed new, authoritarian Constitution "for their among teachers and parents from all three polit- Christian, German Federal State built on cor- ical camps (although rarely among Gymnasium porativist foundations" (as the preamble de- teachers and almost never among university peda- scribed it), and a new Concordat with the Holy gogues) as well as within his own party and among See. Article 4 of the Concordat, repealing an the urban proletariat it purported to represent. DIR-3-'78/19

G16ckel's reforms, however, also encountered sharp features of social criticism that they display intense, even passionate, and widespread oppo- in Europe." This he in turn attributes to the sition, mutatis mutandis of the same quality that earlier development of democratic political forms is still aroused today by some of his methodo- on the western shore of the Atlantic, which meant logical innovations and by one of his central, still that "democracy did not first have to be won in the unfulfilled, and at first glance reasonable pro- United States." As a consequence, Schnell argues, posals, the "single ladder" school for 10- to "American educational theory has not only 14-year-olds that would postpone fateful educa- supported reform efforts but in fact has generally tional and career decisions and social classifica- given rise to them, as is demonstrated by the influ- tions from age 10 to age 15. G16ckel himself, like ence of the Professor of Philosophy John Dewey." his successors engaged in today's Schulkampf In Europe, by contrast, movements for educa- over all-day and comprehensive schools, had an tional reform historically tended to originate answer to this apparent paradox: propertied and outside and in opposition to the "normative edu- powerful classes grimly defending the "educa- cational theory" of the universities, usually as tional privilege" that they consider the principal products of left-wing political movements or means to perpetuate their privileged access to autonomous "social critics," therefore automati- other limited desirables like wealth, power, and cally arousing the opposition of political and cul- social prestige in a democratic and industrial tural establishments and cultural conservatives society; and while these classes are a minority, generally. But even within Europe Schnell makes they are powerful and control most "opinion- a further distinction: whereas in northern and making" media. This may be true, but is it suf- western Europe there was a belated but fruitful ficient? Does it, for example, explain the large coming together and fusion of "reform pedagogy" number of ordinary "little people" of Austria who and "normative pedagogy," in the 1920s, such a today oppose much ofwhat G16ckel did or tried to development was forestalled in Austria and do, although they ostensibly stand to gain in social Germany by the rise of fascism, with its ideological mobility and in other ways from a "single ladder" opposition to all reform movements associated junior high school, more modern teaching with democratic goals?9 methods, and a more comprehensible and obvi- ously "relevant" curriculum? Are we really to as- Schnell's focus here is on the relationship be- sume they have simply been bamboozled by their tween educational theory and school reform, but betters or drugged bythe opiate of the masses? his argument has broader implications. It has already been suggested that the identification of An additional part of a more complex explana- G16ckel's reform program with Marxism and the tion may be found in differences between the way Social Democratic Party, however natural and that pedagogical theory, educational reform, and indeed inevitable, and his own emphasis on his the political process have tended to be related to program's basically Marxist ideological under- one another in Central Europe and corresponding pinnings aroused broader than otherwise neces- relationships in the United States. "The school is sary opposition to even those reforms that could a 'politicum,'" an aphorism variously attributed have been presented in nonideological garb. to Empress Maria Theresa or to one of her Dissension within the School Reform Division of ministers, originally referred to the school's initial the Ministry of Education and the drift away or removal from the purview of the Church (and into opposition by many of its non-Socialist mem- therefore from the status of an "ecclesiasticum") bers who had initially cooperated with enthusiasm to that of the state, in the spirit of the Enlighten- are indicative. It may also be significant that many ment, but it has continued to be true in a broader of his curricular and methodological reforms, sense and more pervasively than has generally such as the new physical layout of the classroom been the case in the United States or (at least re- (and its implicit changes in teacher-pupil relation- cently) in northern and western Europe. Hermann ships), Bodenstiindigkeit, the Lehrausgang, and Schnell, who now sits in Otto G16ckel's old office some aspects of Gesamtunterricht have since and as President of the Vienna City School Board, in a less "ideological" age been adopted as eagerly suggests that this is because American school (or as reluctantly!) by teachers in Catholic private reform movements have normally lacked "those schools as by their colleagues in "Red"public 20/DI R-3-'78

ones. Recent splits over the question of compre- "We made a mistake," I was told, "when we hensive education for 10- to 14-year-olds in the placed so much emphasis on 'equality of oppor- ranks of Catholic teacher organizationsbasi- tunity' [Chancengleichheit] rather than on age 10 cally ranging from Catholic Volks- and Haup- as simply too early for such decisions, which schule teachers on one side, to Catholic Gymna- almost everyone would accept." The term not only sium teachers on the otherare equally sugges- reeks of an ideology that is still in varying degrees tive. G16ckel was undoubtedly correct and ex- anathema for half of all Austrians. It is apparently pressing his own intentions when he pointed out also regarded as conflicting with the values and that the goal of all these changes was the creation expectations of an even wider sector of the popula- of a school appropriate to a republican, secular, tion. Trends in Middle School enrollment and the and democratic (in fact social-democratic) society, testimony of school inspectors from the City but Max Adler, speaking from and for the party's School Board confirm what this observer sus- left wing, was equally correct when he pointed out pected from a random sample of friends and that the reforms were really only an implementa- neighbors: the ambitious "ordinary" Haupt- tion and logical extension of the ideals and school schule Austrian wants his children to go to a reform program of nineteenth-century Austro- Gymnasium or other "elite" Middle School (now German Liberalism. It is therefore arguable that collectively called Algemeinbildende H6here at least many of the Viennese reforms of the 1920s Schulen or AHS), not to a predominantly plebeian would have been generally accepted much earlier, "single ladder" comprehensive school. In other with less political trauma and vehement protests words he wants the "educational privilege" that only by those bishops and Christian Social polit- G16ckel damned, on condition that he, too, can icians who genuinely yearned for a return to the somehow have a piece of that action, and not the Concordat schools of the 1850s, if they had been egalitarian concept of "an equal chance." presented differentlymfor example by a John Perhaps his parents of G16ckel's generation might Dewey, using Deweyian pedagogical and psycho- have wanted it too, but they knew that it was not logical arguments, rather than by Otto G1/Sckel, possible for their class in their day. V alues may not speaking in the name of Social Democratic have changed here, but perception of what is equality and justice and identified (undeservedly) socially possible and hence aspirations have. with Otto Bauer's combative brand of Austro- Marxism. The results are producing a new paradox. The From this perspective the highly controversial pedagogues and politicians who are GliSckel's nature of the Austrian school reforms of the 1920s spiritual successorsincluding the present derived from the status of the Austrian school as a Federal Minister of Education, Fred Sinowatz and particular kind of "politicum" in a political cul- Leopold Gratz, the Mayor of Vienna, and one of ture characterized by superheated ideological two leading candidates to succeed Bruno Kreisky confrontation. The reforms were in this sense the as Federal Chancellor and head of the Socialist victim of a conflict among political values that Partycontinue to pursue the ideal of an inte- could have been reduced if not entirely avoided grated school in which the Hauptschule (the had the reforms been presented in terms of other school of the reform of 1927) will in effect absorb relevant values. the Gymnasien and other AHS. While they are doing it, those whom they would like to benefit are On the other hand, the continuation of the instead and in increasing numbers choosing the Schulkampf on some of G16ckel's fronts after AHSenabled to do so, as a further irony, by a 1945 in the "de-ideologified" (entideolisierte) political accident, the suspension ofAHS entrance Second Republic suggests that there are other examinations reluctantly permitted since 1969 as dimensions as well. In recent conversations at the a temporary measure pending an interparty agree- Vienna City School Board, President Schnell and ment on entrance standards that has never several of his colleagues again offered a clue. The happened. This trend is already gradually pro- subject was current opposition to the principle of ducing what amounts to an inversion of the an integrated comprehensive school for 10- to present system: in place of a socially hetero- 14-year-olds by many of the Austrian Socialist geneous Hauptschule for the majority and a Party's own working class supporters as well as by socially homogeneous network of AHS for a the Austrian People's Party, successor to the talented or privileged minority, there will be a Christian Social Party of the First Republic. socially heterogeneous AHS for the majority and a DIR-3-'78/21

socially homogeneous Hauptschule for the under- gogische Zentralbiicherei der Stadt Wien, itself a Gltickel privileged and the hopelessly untalented. Instead creation to whose librarians I am indebted for assistance in of "selecting out" the cream for the Gymnasien, locating the sources on which this Report is based. the division at age 10 will "select out" the dregs 11. Papanek, p. 5 and passim. for the rump Hauptschulen. The results will resemble a nearly-universal version of the com- 12. CF. also 1919-1969 Festschrift-50 Jahr 6ster- prehensive junior high school that was the cen- reichische Bundeserziehungsanstalt (Saalfelden, 1969), for both the history and the post-1945 evolution of the terpiece of G16ckel's program. From some per- BEA. spectives, however, it will be the "wrong" com- 13. Max on Adler, Neue Menschen-Gedanken tber prehensive school, based and promoting the sozialistische Erziehung (Berlin, 1924), pp. 51ff and "wrong" values, which is presumably why passim. G16ckel's successors are not happy at the prospect and are still doggedly pursuing their own road. 14./b/d., and Bauer, Schulreform und Klassenkampf (lec- ture published as pamphlet, Vienna, 1922). (June 1978) NOTES 15. The Mission of the Volksschule (see note 4), p. 2ft. 1. For detailed proposals and the current debate, see 16. Cf. Schnell (1974), pp. 47ff, and the A UFSReport cited Dennison I. Rusinow, "Educational Reforms in Austria in note i above for the 1960s and 1970s version. and Yugoslavia, Part I: Five-Day School, All-Day School, Comprehensive School" [DIR-3-'77], A UFS Reports, 17. Papanek, pp. 66-68. Southeast Europe Series, Vol.XXII, No. 3, 1977. During the year since the Report was written, the dispute has 18./b/d., pp. 57-65, with brief biographies ofthe main ones. become sharper and more ideological. 19. For the work of the Division and the 1920s in general, 2. The term and argument appear repeatedly in G15ckel's see Papanek, ch. 4; Hans Fischl, Schulreform Demokratie writings cited in note 10 below and later. und Osterreich 1918-1950 (Vienna, n.d.;, pp. 3..6-69, and 3. Cf. Oskar Achs and Albert Krassnigg, Drillschule- Wesen und Werden der Schulreform.in Osterreich Lernschule-Arbeitsschule: Otto G16ckel und die b'ster- (Vienna, 1929); and Achs and Krassnigg, pp. 84-146. reichische Schulreform in der Ersten Republik (Vienna, 20. Achs and Krassnigg, pp. 84-92, lists all of these decrees 1974), ch. III; Ernst Papanek, The Austrian School Reform and orders. (New York, 1962), chs. 1-2; Otto G15ckel, Drillschule Lernschule Arbeitschule (Vienna, 1928) and Selbstbio- 21. Cf. Hermann Schnell, 100 Jahr Piidagogisches Institut graphie (Ziirich, 1939); Gustav Strakosch-Grassmann, der Stadt Wien (Vienna, 1968). Geschichte des isterreichischen Unterrichtswesens (Vienna, 1905); and Friedrich Langer (ed.), Ostrreichs 22. All three quotations cited from Achs and Krassnigg, erneuerte Erziehung: 200 Jahre Unterrichtsverwaltung pp. 133-35. (Vienna, 1960). 4. For details and qualifications, see Douglas R. Skopp, 23. Cf. G1/Jckel's 52-page enumeration of and response to The Mission of the Volksschule: Political Tendencies in these charges, D/e 5sterreichische Schulreform: Einige German Primary Education 1840 to 1870 (Ph.D. disserta- Feststellungen im Kampfe gegen die Schulverderber tion, Brown University, 1974). (Vienna, 1923).

5. As quoted by Papanek, p. 24. 24. See G16ckel's own account in Drillschule Lernschule 6. Cited by Hermann Schnell, D/e b'sterreichische Schule Arbeitsschule. im Umbruch (Vienna, 1974), pp. 20ff. 25. The details 7. Selbstbiographic (see note 3), p. 1-70, covers his early and legal technicalities of this incident and life. the compromises of 1927 and 1929 (described below), all more complicated than indicated here, are most clearly 8. Cf. the brilliantly argued but controversial interpreta- described in Fischl, Schulreform pp. 55-69; cf. tion of these cultural phenomena in Allan Janik and Papanek, pp. 101-106. Stephen Toulmin, Wittgenstein's Vienna (New York, 1973). 26. See the A UFSReport cited in note 1. 9. Cited in Schnell (1974), pp. 23ff. 27. Fischl, Schulreform pp. 75-186, is a useful account 10. Das Tor der Zukunft (the January 1917 speech, pub- of both the prewar and 1938-1950 chapters of this story by lished as pamphlet with several censored pages blank); one of these surviving associates. Ausfit'hrungen des Unterstaatssekretiirs for Unterricht Otto Glb'ckel, dated 22.3.19, 23.7.19, 22.10.19, 12.2.20, and 28. e.g., the description of his school days by Stefan 15.6.20 (published as parliamentary documents); and Zweig in his Welt yon gestern (quoted by Achs and "Schulreform und Volksbildung in der Republik," in 12. Krass.nigg, pp. 34-39). November, 4/1919. Copies of these and other now rare pamphlets and periodicals can be found in the Pi/da- 29. D/e 5sterreichische Schule im Umbruch, p. 101.