The Politics of an EU Financial Transaction
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COLLECTING TAXES TECHNICAL NOTE Leadership in Public Financial Management II (LPFM II)
LPFMII-15-007 COLLECTING TAXES TECHNICAL NOTE Leadership in Public Financial Management II (LPFM II) Date: June 2018 i DISCLAIMER This document is made possible by the support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Its contents are the sole responsibility of the author or authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States government. This publication was produced by Nathan Associates Inc. for the United States Agency for International Development CONTENTS Contents Acronyms 2 Introduction 1 Indicator Definitions and Sources 1 Tax Performance 1 Tax Administration 6 Country Notes 10 Acronyms ADB Asian Development Bank CIT Corporate Income Tax CTD Collecting Taxes Database FAD Fiscal Affairs Department of the International Monetary Fund GDP Gross Domestic Product GFS Government Financial Statistics GNI Gross National Income GST Goods and Services Tax IAMTAX Integrated Assessment Model for Tax ICRG International Country Risk Guide (of the PRS Group) ICTD International Centre for Tax and Development IMF International Monetary Fund IT Information Technology LPFM II Leadership in Public Financial Management II LTU Large Taxpayer Unit ODA Official Development Assistance OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development OLS Ordinary least squares (estimation technique) PFM Public financial management PIT Personal Income Tax RA-FIT Revenue Administration’s Fiscal Information Tool TADAT Tax Administration Diagnostic Assessment Tool USAID United States Agency -
EU Renegotiation: Fighting for a Flexible Union How to Renegotiate the Terms of the UK’S Membership of the EU
EU Renegotiation: Fighting for a Flexible Union How to renegotiate the terms of the UK’s Membership of the EU (Quotation in title taken from President Glyn Gaskarth September 2013 ii © Civitas 2013 55 Tufton Street London SW1P 3QL Civitas is a registered charity (no. 1085494) and a company limited by guarantee, registered in England and Wales (no. 04023541) email: [email protected] Independence: Civitas: Institute for the Study of Civil Society is a registered educational charity (No. 1085494) and a company limited by guarantee (No. 04023541). Civitas is financed from a variety of private sources to avoid over-reliance on any single or small group of donors. All the Institute’s publications seek to further its objective of promoting the advancement of learning. The views expressed are those of the authors, not of the Institute. i Contents Acknowledgements ii Foreword, David Green iii Executive Summary iv Background 1 Introduction 3 Chapter One – Trade 9 Chapter Two – City Regulation 18 Chapter Three – Options for Britain 26 Chapter Four – Common Fisheries Policy 42 Chapter Five – National Borders and Immigration 49 Chapter Six – Foreign & Security Policy 58 Chapter Seven – European Arrest Warrant (EAW) 68 Conclusion 80 Bibliography 81 ii Acknowledgements I would like to thank Tamara Chehayeb Makarem and Susan Gaskarth for their support during the compilation of this paper and Dr David Green and Jonathan Lindsell of Civitas for their comments on the text. iii Foreword Our main aim should be the full return of our powers of self-government, but that can’t happen before the referendum promised for 2017. -
OPENING PANDORA's BOX David Cameron's Referendum Gamble On
OPENING PANDORA’S BOX David Cameron’s Referendum Gamble on EU Membership Credit: The Economist. By Christina Hull Yale University Department of Political Science Adviser: Jolyon Howorth April 21, 2014 Abstract This essay examines the driving factors behind UK Prime Minister David Cameron’s decision to call a referendum if the Conservative Party is re-elected in 2015. It addresses the persistence of Euroskepticism in the United Kingdom and the tendency of Euroskeptics to generate intra-party conflict that often has dire consequences for Prime Ministers. Through an analysis of the relative impact of political strategy, the power of the media, and British public opinion, the essay argues that addressing party management and electoral concerns has been the primary influence on David Cameron’s decision and contends that Cameron has unwittingly unleashed a Pandora’s box that could pave the way for a British exit from the European Union. Acknowledgments First, I would like to thank the Bates Summer Research Fellowship, without which I would not have had the opportunity to complete my research in London. To Professor Peter Swenson and the members of The Senior Colloquium, Gabe Botelho, Josh Kalla, Gabe Levine, Mary Shi, and Joel Sircus, who provided excellent advice and criticism. To Professor David Cameron, without whom I never would have discovered my interest in European politics. To David Fayngor, who flew halfway across the world to keep me company during my summer research. To my mom for her unwavering support and my dad for his careful proofreading. And finally, to my adviser Professor Jolyon Howorth, who worked with me on this project for over a year and a half. -
Brexit Interview: Raoul Ruparel
Raoul Ruparel Special Advisor to the Prime Minister on Europe August 2018 – July 2019 Special Advisor to the Secretary of State for the Department for Exiting the EU October 2016 – July 2018 Co-Director, Open Europe May 2015 – October 2016 11 August 2020 The renegotiation and the referendum UK in a Changing Europe (UKICE): How influential, do you think, Open Europe was in shaping David Cameron’s approach to the Bloomberg speech and the renegotiation? Raoul Ruparel (RR): I think we were fairly influential. Our chairman at the time, Lord Leach, who sadly passed away, was quite close to Cameron, especially on EU issues, and so had quite a lot of say in some of the parts of the Bloomberg speech. Obviously, Mats Persson also had some input to the speech and then went to work for Cameron on the reform agenda. That being said, before Mats got into Number 10 under Cameron, I think a lot of it was already set. The ambition was already set relatively low in terms of the type of reform Cameron was going to aim for. So I think there was some influence. Certainly, I think Open Europe had an impact in trying to bridge that path between the Eurosceptics and those who wanted to see Brexit, and were in that camp from quite early on, and the wider Page 1/30 public feeling of concern over immigration and other aspects. Yes, there certainly was something there in terms of pushing the Cameron Government in the direction of reform. I don’t think it’s something that Open Europe necessarily created, I think they were looking for something in that space and we were there to fill it. -
ECONOMIC COUNCILS in the DIFFERENT COUNTRIES of the WORLD I
Section of Economic Relations REVIEW OF THE ECONOMIC COUNCILS IN THE DIFFERENT COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD i Prepared for the Economic Committee | by Dr. Elli LINDNER League of Nations GENEVA 1932 [Communicated to the Council Official No. : C. 626. M. 308. 1932. II.B and the Members of the League.] [E. 795.] Series of League of Nations Publications II. ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL 1932. II.B. 10. CONTENTS. P age I. Introductory N ote by the Secretariat: 1. Resolution of the Twelfth A s s e m b ly .................................................. 5 2. E nquiry b y the Economic C o m m itte e ............................................. 6 3 . Principal Types of Economic C o u n cils............................................. 7 4. Co-operation of Economic Councils in the Work of the League of N a tio n s.................................................................................................. 7 II. P r e f a c e .............................................................................................................................. 9 III. Monographs concerning the Organisation and W orking of the E conomic Councils in Different Countries of the W orld : A. Africa: Union of South A f r i c a ...................................................................... 11 B. America: 1. A r g e n tin e ........................................................................................ 12 2. B r a z i l .................................................................................................. 13 3. C h i l e ...................... -
Brexit and the Future of the US–EU and US–UK Relationships
Special relationships in flux: Brexit and the future of the US–EU and US–UK relationships TIM OLIVER AND MICHAEL JOHN WILLIAMS If the United Kingdom votes to leave the European Union in the referendum of June 2016 then one of the United States’ closest allies, one of the EU’s largest member states and a leading member of NATO will negotiate a withdrawal from the EU, popularly known as ‘Brexit’. While talk of a UK–US ‘special relation- ship’ or of Britain as a ‘transatlantic bridge’ can be overplayed, not least by British prime ministers, the UK is a central player in US–European relations.1 This reflects not only Britain’s close relations with Washington, its role in European security and its membership of the EU; it also reflects America’s role as a European power and Europe’s interests in the United States. A Brexit has the potential to make a significant impact on transatlantic relations. It will change both the UK as a country and Britain’s place in the world.2 It will also change the EU, reshape European geopolitics, affect NATO and change the US–UK and US–EU relationships, both internally and in respect of their place in the world. Such is the potential impact of Brexit on the United States that, in an interview with the BBC’s Jon Sopel in summer 2015, President Obama stated: I will say this, that having the United Kingdom in the European Union gives us much greater confidence about the strength of the transatlantic union and is part of the corner- stone of institutions built after World War II that has made the world safer and more prosperous. -
IEA Brexit Prize: the Plan to Leave the European Union by 2020 by Daniel
IEA Brexit Prize: The plan to leave the European Union by 2020 by Daniel. C. Pycock FINALIST: THE BREXIT PRIZE 2014 IEA BREXIT PRIZE 3 3 Executive Summary 3 A Rebuttal to Targeting Exchange Rates with Monetary Policy I – THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS FOR LEAVING THE EUROPEAN UNION 6 V – FISCAL POLICY: SPENDING PRIORITIES The Constitutional Processes of Leaving the AND TAX REFORMS 28 European Union On the repatriation of, and necessary reforms to, The articles of the proposed “Treaty of London” Value Added Tax 2017 On the Continuation of Current Corporation Tax The impact of BREXIT on the United Trends, and Reforms to Individual Taxation Kingdom’s Trade Position On The Desirable Restructuring of Income Tax The European Union, Unemployment, and Rates: The History of the Laffer Curve Trading Position post-withdrawal On Government Spending and the Need to Improve GAAP use in Cost Calculations II – THE IMPACT OF BREXIT ON THE UNITED KINGDOM’S TRADE POSITION 10 Suggestions for savings to be made in Defence, Health, Welfare, and Overall Spending Trends in UK Trade with the EU and the Commonwealth, and their shares of Global VI.I – ENERGY AND CLIMATE CHANGE 34 GDP The Mismatch of Policy with Hypothesis: Climate The UK and the Commonwealth: The Return of Change, Energy and the Environment an Imperial Trading Zone? The Unintended Consequences of the European The Trends of Trading: The UK’s Future Union’s Environmental Policies. Exports & Those of Trading Organisations Fracking, Fossil Fuels, and Feasibility: How to Unemployment in the European Union, -
Cuban Foreign Investment and Taxation in Cuba
CUBAN FOREIGN INVESTMENT LEGISLATION Decree Law 50 of 1982 (“Decree Law 50”) was Cuba’s first foreign investment act authorizing the formation of international joint-ventures with foreign investors. In general, Decree Law 50 authorized the creation of joint venture companies and the execution of other international economic association contracts, both permitted under the present Foreign Investment Act, but did not authorize the creation of full foreign ownership companies. When the new Foreign Investment Act was adopted in 1995, existing foreign investment vehicles created under the authority of Decree Law 50 were brought under the application of the new Act, although the latter provides an express grandfathering provision in respect of all benefits granted to such foreign investment vehicles under the earlier legislation. Foreign Investment Act of 1995 At present, the primary legal framework governing foreign investments in Cuba is set out in the Foreign Investment Act (Law 77 of 1995 on Foreign Investment). Detailed rules applicable to the operations of foreign investment vehicles are contained in generally applicable legislation dealing with matters such as tax, banking, environment, construction, labour, insurance and others, as well as in the Cuban Commercial Code and the Civil Code. The Foreign Investment Act provides basic investment protection and other general rules relevant to foreign investors and sets out the principal legal structures for the implementation of investment projects in Cuba. In general, the Foreign Investment Act classifies foreign investments as direct investments or indirect investments. In the case of a direct investment, the foreign investor participates in the equity structure of the entity developing the project in question and actively participates in the management of operations. -
People's Republic of China
国 家 税 务 总 局 STATE ADMINISTRATION OF TAXATION THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA People’s Republic of China Status of List of Reservations and Notifications at the Time of Signature For jurisdictions providing a provisional list: This document contains a provisional list of expected reservations and notifications to be made by the People’s Republic of China pursuant to Articles 28(7) and 29(4) of the Convention. Article 2 – Interpretation of Terms Notification - Agreements Covered by the Convention Pursuant to Article 2(1)(a)(ii) of the Convention,the People’s Republic of China wishes the following agreements to be covered by the Convention: Other Original/ Date of Date of No Title Contracting Amending Entry into Signature Jurisdiction Instrument Force 1 Agreement between the Government Japan Original 06-09-1983 26-06-1984 of the People's Republic of China and the Government of Japan for the Avoidance of Double Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal Evasion with respect to Taxes on Income 2 Agreement between the Government U.S.A. Original 30-04-1984 21-11-1986 of the People's Republic of China and Amending 10-05-1986 21-11-1986 the Government of the United States Instrument (a) of America for the Avoidance of Double Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal Evasion with respect to Taxes on Income 3 ACCORD ENTRE LE GOUVERNEMENT France Original 26-11-2013 28-12-2014 DE LA REPUBLIQUE POPULAIRE DE CHINE ET LE GOUVERNEMENT DE LA REPUBLIQUE FRANCAISE EN VUE D’EVITER LES DOUBLES IMPOSITIONS ET DE PREVENIR L’EVASION ET LA FRAUDE FISCALES EN MATIERE D’IMPOTS SUR LE REVENU 4 Agreement between the Government U.K. -
Interim Report July 2018-March 2019
Q3 Interim report July 2018-March 2019 The “Company” or “Hamlet Pharma” refers to Hamlet Pharma AB, corp. reg. no. 556568-8958 Significant events in the third quarter During the period, the Company delivered significant results. 1. New capital injection On February 1, 2019, the Board decided to implement a private placement of shares, to generate an initial contribution of approximately MSEK 10, with an option to inject an additional MSEK 25 into the Company by exercising subscription warrants until Q1 2020. The decision is in line with a resolution adopted by the Annual General Meeting (AGM) on November 22, 2018, which authorized the Board to seek new funding. The capital injection will enable Hamlet Pharma to continue its operations, start new clinical activities and develop the Alpha1H candidate into a new drug. 2. Bladder cancer trial In the third quarter, we were focused on the continued recruitment of patients to include the 40 patients defined in the protocol. The doctors and staff involved in the trial are doing a fantastic job. Our plan, as previously communicated, is to end the clinical trial in June. We are therefore in a very labor-intensive period and performing continuous assessments of the samples that form the basis of the clinical trial analysis. By working pro-actively, we are hoping to have materials ready for a prompt analysis of the results following the last subject, last visit. 3. Follow-up of long-term effects On February 7, the Company announced that the Czech regulator had approved an extension of the ongoing trial whereby patients would be tracked for an additional two years after an initial evaluation. -
Financial Transactions Are So Mobile That an FTT in One Country Is Unenforceable and Will Simply Result in Trading Moving Overseas
FACTS & MYTHS ABOUT A FINANCIAL TRANSACTION TAX Updated May 2013 What is a financial transaction tax (FTT)? The FTT (also known as a financial speculation tax , Wall Street trading tax, or Robin Hood tax) is a tiny fee – at rates of a fraction of a percent – on Wall Street trading of financial instruments such as stocks, bonds, derivatives, futures, options, and credit default swaps. What are the key facts about the FTT? • An FTT would raise at least tens of billions of dollars per year in badly needed revenue. This is a substantial amount, skimming the fat off of a sector of the economy that can afford to pay it. Some other revenue-raising options being discussed (such as a value-added tax) would fall much more on the middle class. • An FTT would reduce dangerous financial market speculation. Since it would hit high-volume, high-speed trading the hardest, the FTT would serve to discourage short-term speculation in financial markets as well as the proliferation of ever more complex derivatives. • An FTT would encourage longer-term productive investment. By reducing the volume and profitability of short-term trading that serves no productive purpose, the FTT would encourage Wall Street to find new ways to make money from longer-term productive investments. • An FTT would put Wall Street to work for Main Street. Reckless Wall Street gambling cost Americans trillions in bailouts, lost jobs and wealth, and cost states billions in lost revenue. The FTT would help put Wall Street to work rebuilding Main Street with revenue to create potentially hundreds of thousands of jobs and support critical public services and infrastructure. -
The European Conservatives and Reformists in the European Parliament
The European Conservatives and Reformists in the European Parliament Standard Note: SN/IA/6918 Last updated: 16 June 2014 Author: Vaughne Miller Section International Affairs and Defence Section Parties are continuing negotiations to form political groups in the European Parliament (EP) following European elections on 22-25 May 2014. This note looks at the future composition of the European Conservatives and Reformists group (ECR), which was established by UK Conservatives when David Cameron took them out of the centre-right EPP-ED group in 2009. It also considers what the entry of the German right-wing Alternative für Deutschland group into the ECR group might mean for Anglo-German relations. The ECR might become the third largest political group in the EP, although this depends on support for the Liberals and Democrats group. The final number and composition of EP political groups will not be known until after 24 June 2014, which is the deadline for registering groups. For detailed information on the EP election results, see Research paper 14/32, European Parliament Elections 2014, 11 June 2014. This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. It should not be relied upon as being up to date; the law or policies may have changed since it was last updated; and it should not be relied upon as legal or professional advice or as a substitute for it. A suitably qualified professional should be consulted if specific advice or information is required.