OPENING PANDORA's BOX David Cameron's Referendum Gamble On
OPENING PANDORA’S BOX David Cameron’s Referendum Gamble on EU Membership Credit: The Economist. By Christina Hull Yale University Department of Political Science Adviser: Jolyon Howorth April 21, 2014 Abstract This essay examines the driving factors behind UK Prime Minister David Cameron’s decision to call a referendum if the Conservative Party is re-elected in 2015. It addresses the persistence of Euroskepticism in the United Kingdom and the tendency of Euroskeptics to generate intra-party conflict that often has dire consequences for Prime Ministers. Through an analysis of the relative impact of political strategy, the power of the media, and British public opinion, the essay argues that addressing party management and electoral concerns has been the primary influence on David Cameron’s decision and contends that Cameron has unwittingly unleashed a Pandora’s box that could pave the way for a British exit from the European Union. Acknowledgments First, I would like to thank the Bates Summer Research Fellowship, without which I would not have had the opportunity to complete my research in London. To Professor Peter Swenson and the members of The Senior Colloquium, Gabe Botelho, Josh Kalla, Gabe Levine, Mary Shi, and Joel Sircus, who provided excellent advice and criticism. To Professor David Cameron, without whom I never would have discovered my interest in European politics. To David Fayngor, who flew halfway across the world to keep me company during my summer research. To my mom for her unwavering support and my dad for his careful proofreading. And finally, to my adviser Professor Jolyon Howorth, who worked with me on this project for over a year and a half.
Raoul Ruparel Special Advisor to the Prime Minister on Europe August 2018 – July 2019 Special Advisor to the Secretary of State for the Department for Exiting the EU October 2016 – July 2018 Co-Director, Open Europe May 2015 – October 2016 11 August 2020 The renegotiation and the referendum UK in a Changing Europe (UKICE): How influential, do you think, Open Europe was in shaping David Cameron’s approach to the Bloomberg speech and the renegotiation? Raoul Ruparel (RR): I think we were fairly influential. Our chairman at the time, Lord Leach, who sadly passed away, was quite close to Cameron, especially on EU issues, and so had quite a lot of say in some of the parts of the Bloomberg speech. Obviously, Mats Persson also had some input to the speech and then went to work for Cameron on the reform agenda. That being said, before Mats got into Number 10 under Cameron, I think a lot of it was already set. The ambition was already set relatively low in terms of the type of reform Cameron was going to aim for. So I think there was some influence. Certainly, I think Open Europe had an impact in trying to bridge that path between the Eurosceptics and those who wanted to see Brexit, and were in that camp from quite early on, and the wider Page 1/30 public feeling of concern over immigration and other aspects. Yes, there certainly was something there in terms of pushing the Cameron Government in the direction of reform. I don’t think it’s something that Open Europe necessarily created, I think they were looking for something in that space and we were there to fill it.
Brexit and the Future of the US–EU and US–UK Relationships
Special relationships in flux: Brexit and the future of the US–EU and US–UK relationships TIM OLIVER AND MICHAEL JOHN WILLIAMS If the United Kingdom votes to leave the European Union in the referendum of June 2016 then one of the United States’ closest allies, one of the EU’s largest member states and a leading member of NATO will negotiate a withdrawal from the EU, popularly known as ‘Brexit’. While talk of a UK–US ‘special relation- ship’ or of Britain as a ‘transatlantic bridge’ can be overplayed, not least by British prime ministers, the UK is a central player in US–European relations.1 This reflects not only Britain’s close relations with Washington, its role in European security and its membership of the EU; it also reflects America’s role as a European power and Europe’s interests in the United States. A Brexit has the potential to make a significant impact on transatlantic relations. It will change both the UK as a country and Britain’s place in the world.2 It will also change the EU, reshape European geopolitics, affect NATO and change the US–UK and US–EU relationships, both internally and in respect of their place in the world. Such is the potential impact of Brexit on the United States that, in an interview with the BBC’s Jon Sopel in summer 2015, President Obama stated: I will say this, that having the United Kingdom in the European Union gives us much greater confidence about the strength of the transatlantic union and is part of the corner- stone of institutions built after World War II that has made the world safer and more prosperous.
IEA Brexit Prize: the Plan to Leave the European Union by 2020 by Daniel
IEA Brexit Prize: The plan to leave the European Union by 2020 by Daniel. C. Pycock FINALIST: THE BREXIT PRIZE 2014 IEA BREXIT PRIZE 3 3 Executive Summary 3 A Rebuttal to Targeting Exchange Rates with Monetary Policy I – THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS FOR LEAVING THE EUROPEAN UNION 6 V – FISCAL POLICY: SPENDING PRIORITIES The Constitutional Processes of Leaving the AND TAX REFORMS 28 European Union On the repatriation of, and necessary reforms to, The articles of the proposed “Treaty of London” Value Added Tax 2017 On the Continuation of Current Corporation Tax The impact of BREXIT on the United Trends, and Reforms to Individual Taxation Kingdom’s Trade Position On The Desirable Restructuring of Income Tax The European Union, Unemployment, and Rates: The History of the Laffer Curve Trading Position post-withdrawal On Government Spending and the Need to Improve GAAP use in Cost Calculations II – THE IMPACT OF BREXIT ON THE UNITED KINGDOM’S TRADE POSITION 10 Suggestions for savings to be made in Defence, Health, Welfare, and Overall Spending Trends in UK Trade with the EU and the Commonwealth, and their shares of Global VI.I – ENERGY AND CLIMATE CHANGE 34 GDP The Mismatch of Policy with Hypothesis: Climate The UK and the Commonwealth: The Return of Change, Energy and the Environment an Imperial Trading Zone? The Unintended Consequences of the European The Trends of Trading: The UK’s Future Union’s Environmental Policies. Exports & Those of Trading Organisations Fracking, Fossil Fuels, and Feasibility: How to Unemployment in the European Union,
HOUSE OF COMMONS SESSION 1993-94 TREASURY AND CIVIL SERVICE COMMITTEE Fifth Report THE ROLE OF THE CIVIL SERVICE VOLUME I Ordered by The House of Commons to he printed I November 1994 k 27-1 House of Commons Parliamentary Papers Online. Copyright (c) 2007 ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. 2 FIFTH REPORT FROM The Treasury and Civil Service Committee is appointed under S.O. No. 130 to examine the expendi- ture, administration and policy of the Treasury and the Office of Public Ser\'ice and Science (but exclud- ing the Office of Science and Technology and the drafting of bills by the Parliamentary Counsel Office), the Board of Customs and Excise and the Board of the inland Revenue. The Committee consists of a maximum of eleven members, of whom the quorum is three. Unless the House otherwise orders, all Members nominated to the Committee continue to be members of the Committee for the remainder of the Parliament. The Committee has power: (a) to send for j>ersons, papers and records, to sit notwithstanding any adjournment of the House, to adjourn from place to place, and to report from time to time; (b) to appoint specialist advisers either to supply information which is not readily available or elucidate matters of complexity within the Committee's order of reference; (c) to communicate to any other such committee and to the Committee of Public Accounts their evidence and any other documents relating to matters of common interest; (d) to meet concurrently with any other such committee for the purposes of deliberating, taking evidence or considering draft reports.
Q3 Interim report July 2018-March 2019 The “Company” or “Hamlet Pharma” refers to Hamlet Pharma AB, corp. reg. no. 556568-8958 Significant events in the third quarter During the period, the Company delivered significant results. 1. New capital injection On February 1, 2019, the Board decided to implement a private placement of shares, to generate an initial contribution of approximately MSEK 10, with an option to inject an additional MSEK 25 into the Company by exercising subscription warrants until Q1 2020. The decision is in line with a resolution adopted by the Annual General Meeting (AGM) on November 22, 2018, which authorized the Board to seek new funding. The capital injection will enable Hamlet Pharma to continue its operations, start new clinical activities and develop the Alpha1H candidate into a new drug. 2. Bladder cancer trial In the third quarter, we were focused on the continued recruitment of patients to include the 40 patients defined in the protocol. The doctors and staff involved in the trial are doing a fantastic job. Our plan, as previously communicated, is to end the clinical trial in June. We are therefore in a very labor-intensive period and performing continuous assessments of the samples that form the basis of the clinical trial analysis. By working pro-actively, we are hoping to have materials ready for a prompt analysis of the results following the last subject, last visit. 3. Follow-up of long-term effects On February 7, the Company announced that the Czech regulator had approved an extension of the ongoing trial whereby patients would be tracked for an additional two years after an initial evaluation.
The European Conservatives and Reformists in the European Parliament
The European Conservatives and Reformists in the European Parliament Standard Note: SN/IA/6918 Last updated: 16 June 2014 Author: Vaughne Miller Section International Affairs and Defence Section Parties are continuing negotiations to form political groups in the European Parliament (EP) following European elections on 22-25 May 2014. This note looks at the future composition of the European Conservatives and Reformists group (ECR), which was established by UK Conservatives when David Cameron took them out of the centre-right EPP-ED group in 2009. It also considers what the entry of the German right-wing Alternative für Deutschland group into the ECR group might mean for Anglo-German relations. The ECR might become the third largest political group in the EP, although this depends on support for the Liberals and Democrats group. The final number and composition of EP political groups will not be known until after 24 June 2014, which is the deadline for registering groups. For detailed information on the EP election results, see Research paper 14/32, European Parliament Elections 2014, 11 June 2014. This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. It should not be relied upon as being up to date; the law or policies may have changed since it was last updated; and it should not be relied upon as legal or professional advice or as a substitute for it. A suitably qualified professional should be consulted if specific advice or information is required.
Common Ground – for Mutual Home Ownership Soaring mortgage costs for first-time buyers in the South of England mean that those worst affected are workers on average incomes of between £15,000 and £25,000 per year, who are neither poor enough to rent from a social landlord nor rich enough to rent or buy in the open market. This problem is having huge effects on retaining public sector workers in such high cost areas and current government schemes to tackle this issue have proved inadequate. Common Ground sets out a radical approach to securing permanently affordable housing for key workers (and also potentially for others on similar income levels) in areas that would otherwise be unaffordable. The housing model proposed includes a Community Land Trust, designed to take land out of the market and keep it as a public asset so that affordability is preserved on a long-term basis, and co-operative tenure. The Mutual State in Action 3 The Mutual State in Action is a series of publications which build on the ideas presented in The Mutual State – the report of a collaborative programme by the New Economics Foundation and Mutuo which invited contributions from a broad range of organisations to explore the potential for the mutualisation of public services. The Mutual State aims to put the public back into public services. Through user participation, accountability to the local community or recasting public services as self-governing social enterprises, a new mutuality could refresh and invigorate our public services. The first book in the series was A Mutual Trend: How to run rail and water in the public interest by Johnston Birchall and the second, The Mutual Health Service: How to decentralise the NHS, by Ruth Lea and Ed Mayo was a collaboration between the Institute of Directors and nef.
Proponents of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom from 1950 to 2017
DOI 10.14746/ssp.2017.4.3 Omelian TARNAVSKYI Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, Ukraine Proponents of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom from 1950 to 2017 Abstract: The author of this article explores the issues of the Proponents of Euroscep- ticism in the UK from 1950 to 2017. The researcher claims that Winston Churchill was the first Eurosceptic Prime Minister. The author believes that Euroscepticism is not related to any political party, but is a non-party phenomenon, not linked to a par- ticular ideology. However, the researcher concludes that the biggest number of Euro- sceptics in the UK can be found among the Conservatives. In addition, in his study, the author identifies the main theorist of contemporary British Euroscepticism as well as the moderate and radical types of Euroscepticism. Key words: European Union, Euroscepticism, Brexit he idea of a united Europe gained special significance and was ac- Ttively discussed in the academic and political circles of Europe after the Second World War. In spite of enthusiasts, this idea also attracted sceptics and opponents. The British were the most sceptical politicians regarding European integration processes. Therefore, the aim of this arti- cle is to identify the adherents of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom between 1950 and 2017 and to study the ideological foundations of their Eurosceptic positions. The main methods applied in this study are histori- cal and comparative methods as well as analysis. The author investigates the problem taking into consideration the positions of the leaders of the government, ruling parties and opposition in the UK, so an institutional approach is fundamental in this study.
Appendix: “Ideology, Grandstanding, and Strategic Party Disloyalty in the British Parliament”
Appendix: \Ideology, Grandstanding, and Strategic Party Disloyalty in the British Parliament" August 8, 2017 Appendix Table of Contents • Appendix A: Wordscores Estimation of Ideology • Appendix B: MP Membership in Ideological Groups • Appendix C: Rebellion on Different Types of Divisions • Appendix D: Models of Rebellion on Government Sponsored Bills Only • Appendix E: Differences in Labour Party Rebellion Following Leadership Change • Appendix F: List of Party Switchers • Appendix G: Discussion of Empirical Model Appendix A: Wordscores Estimation of Ideology This Appendix describes our method for ideologically scaling British MPs using their speeches on the welfare state, which were originally produced for a separate study on welfare reform (O'Grady, 2017). We cover (i) data collection, (ii) estimation, (iii) raw results, and (iv) validity checks. The resulting scales turn out to be highly valid, and provide an excellent guide to MPs' ideologies using data that is completely separate to the voting data that forms the bulk of the evidence in our paper. A1: Collection of Speech Data Speeches come from an original collection of every speech made about issues related to welfare in the House of Commons from 1987-2007, covering the period over which the Labour party moved 1 to the center under Tony Blair, adopted and enacted policies of welfare reform, and won office at the expense of the Conservatives. Restricting the speeches to a single issue area is useful for estimating ideologies because with multiple topics there is a danger of conflating genuine extremism (a tendency to speak in extreme ways) with a tendency or requirement to talk a lot about topics that are relatively extreme to begin with (Lauderdale and Herzog, 2016).