Leninism Or Trotskyism
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LENINISM TROTSKYISM BY G. E. ZINOVIEV I. STALIN L. KAMENEV PRICE 20 CENTS r PUBLISHED FEBRUARY 1925 FOR THE Workers Party of America BY THE DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. WASHINGTON BLVD., CHICAGO, ILL. LENINISM OR TROTSKYISM BY G. E. ZINOVIEV I. STALIN L. KAMENEV PRICE 20 CENTS PUBLISHED FEBRUARY 1925 FOR THE Workers Party of America BY THE DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. WASHINGTON BLVD.. CHICAGO. ILL. pllllllllllllllilllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllfllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllH | READY! I 1 To Fill Every Need of the American 1 1 Working Class for 1 | INFORMATION | | The Daily Worker Publishing Co. | | 1113 W. Washington Blvd., | | Chicago, 111. i S Publishers of: H 1 THE DAILY WORKER, contains the news of the world | = of labor. It is the world's only Communist daily appearing j| j£ in English. It is the only daily in America that fights for the = = interests of the working class. Participants of the struggle ^ 5 against capitalism find the DAILY WORKER indispensable ji 5 for its information and its leadership. || j SUBSCRIPTION RATES: I = 1 year—$6.00; 6 mos.—$3.50; Smos.—$2.00. |j 5 In Chicago: = 1 1 year—$8.00; 6 mos.—$4.50; 3 mos.—$2.50. = 1 THE WORKERS MONTHLY as the official organ of the | j= Workers Party and the Trade Union Educational League re- s S fleets the struggles of the American working class againsj 5 5 capitalism. Every month are printed the, best contributions =j = to American working class art and literature together witt 5 £j theoretical and descriptive articles on timely labor subjects = j= by the leading figures of the American and International = §= Communist movement. -
Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS
Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration by Robert C. Tucker Princeton University with comment by Peter Reddaway London School of Economics and Political Science Fellows Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Draft paper not for publication or quotation without written permission from the authors. STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration Although not of ten openly debated~ the issue I propose to address is probably the deepest and most divisive in Soviet studies. There is good ground for Stephen Cohen's characterization of it as a "quintessential his torical and interpretive question"! because it transcends most of the others and has to do with the whole of Russia's historical development since the Bolshevik Revolution. He formulates it as the question of the relationship "between Bolshevism and Stalinism.'' Since the very existence of something properly called Stalinism is at issue here, I prefer a somewhat different mode of formulation. There are two (and curiously, only two) basically opposed positions on the course of development that Soviet Russia took starting around 1929 when Stalin, having ousted his opponents on the Left and the Right, achieved primacy, although not yet autocratic primacy, within the Soviet regime. The first position, Which may be seen as the orthodox one, sees that course of development as the fulfillment, under new conditions, of Lenin's Bolshevism. All the main actions taken by the Soviet regime under Stalin's leadership were, in other words, the fulfillment of what had been prefigured in Leninism (as Lenin's Bolshevism came to be called after Lenin died). -
Marx, Historical Materialism and the Asiatic Wde Of
MARX, HISTORICAL MATERIALISM AND THE ASIATIC WDE OF PRODUCTION BY Joseph Bensdict Huang Tan B.A. (Honors) Simon Fraser University 1994 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULLFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN THE SCHOOL OF COMMUN ICATION @Joseph B. Tan 2000 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July 2000 Al1 rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. uisitions and Acguiiiet raphii Senrices senrices bibiiihiques The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Li'brary of Canada to BibIiothèque nationale du Canada de reproduceYloan, distriiute or sel1 reproduireyprêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microh, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous papa or electronic formats. la fome de micro fi ch el^ de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author tetains ownership of the L'auîeur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis*Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts iÏom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ABSTRACT Historical materialism (HM), the theory of history originally developed by Marx and Engels is most comrnonly interpreted as a unilinear model, which dictates that al1 societies must pass through definite and universally similar stages on the route to communism. This simplistic interpretation existed long before Stalin and has persisted long after the process of de-Stalinization and into the present. -
The Embattled Political Aesthetics of José Carlos Mariátegui and Amauta
A Realist Indigenism: The Embattled Political Aesthetics of José Carlos Mariátegui and Amauta BY ERIN MARIA MADARIETA B.A., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2012 THESIS Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Art History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Chicago, 2019 Chicago, Illinois Defense Committee: Blake Stimson, Art History, Advisor and Chair Andrew Finegold, Art History Nicholas Brown, English Margarita Saona, Hispanic and Italian Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………………...1 BEYOND THE “SECTARIAN DIVIDE”: MARIÁTEGUI’S EXPANSIVE REALISM………..9 TOWARD A REALIST INDIGENISM: PARSING MARXISM, INDIGENISM, AND POPULISM………………………………………………………………………………………33 “THE PROBLEM OF RACE IN LATIN AMERICA”: MARIÁTEGUI AND INTERNATIONAL COMMUNISTS…………………………………………………………...53 “PAINTING THE PEOPLE” OR DEMYSTIFYING PERUVIAN REALITY?: AMAUTA’S VISUAL CONTENT…………………………………………………………………………….65 CONCLUSION…………………………….…………………………………………………….88 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………………..92 ii SUMMARY This thesis focuses on José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), a Peruvian critic and Marxist political activist who founded the Peruvian Socialist Party. Mariátegui also edited the journal Amauta, which featured literature, visual art, and theoretical and political texts from 1926 to 1930. This project aims to contribute an original understanding of the thought and editorial practice of this historically significant figure by recuperating his endorsement of realist -
The Workers' Inquiry from Trotskyism to Operaismo
the author(s) 2014 ISSN 1473-2866 (Online) ISSN 2052-1499 (Print) www.ephemerajournal.org volume 14(3): 493-513 The Workers’ Inquiry from Trotskyism to Operaismo: a political methodology for investigating the workplace Jamie Woodcock abstract This article discusses different approaches to conducting a workers’ inquiry. Although there is a certain level of ambiguity in the term, it is taken to mean a method for investigating the workplace from the point of view of the worker. The article aims to examine the methodological concerns involved with conducting a contemporary inquiry and to consider the different debates that have emerged from its use. It examines a particular set of examples from Marx, the breaks from orthodox Trotskyism with the Johnson-Forest Tendency and Socialisme ou Barbarie, and early phase of Operaismo or Italian Workerism. It is intended as a specific intervention that aims to understand what can be learned from an unorthodox Trotskyist interpretation of a workers’ inquiry and how this moment can provide an inspiration for the rethinking and reapplication of Marxism, both in terms of theory and practice, to the changing world. Introduction The aim of this article is to consider what can be learned from a number of different attempts at workers’ inquiries. This will be neither an exclusive nor an exhaustive study, but examine particular moments of interest. The different groups that broke with orthodox Trotskyism and the later Italian tradition sought to critically reassess the changing world around them, something that remains an important task today. The current conjuncture in the UK is characterised by the continuing impact of austerity. -
The Personal, the Political, and Permanent Revolution: Ernest Mandel and the Conflicted Legacies of Trotskyism*
IRSH 55 (2010), pp. 117–132 doi:10.1017/S0020859009990642 r 2010 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis REVIEW ESSAY The Personal, the Political, and Permanent Revolution: Ernest Mandel and the Conflicted Legacies of Trotskyism* B RYAN D. PALMER Canadian Studies, Trent University, Traill College E-mail: [email protected] JAN WILLEM STUTJE. Ernest Mandel: A Rebel’s Dream Deferred. Verso, London [etc.] 2009. 460 pp. $34.95. Biographies of revolutionary Marxists should not be written by the faint of heart. The difficulties are daunting. Which revolutionary tradition is to be given pride of place? Of many Marxisms, which will be extolled, which exposed? What balance will be struck between the personal and the political, a dilemma that cannot be avoided by those who rightly place analytic weight on the public life of organizations and causes and yet understand, as well, how private experience affects not only the individual but the movements, ideas, and developments he or she influenced. Social history’s accent on the particular and its elaboration of context, political biography’s attention to structures, institutions, and debates central to an individual’s life, and intellectual history’s close examination of central ideas and the complexities of their refinement present a trilogy of challenge for any historian who aspires to write the life of someone who was both in history and dedicated to making his- tory. Ernest Mandel was just such a someone, an exceedingly important and troublingly complex figure. * The author thanks Tom Reid, Murray Smith, and Paul Le Blanc for reading an earlier draft of this review, and offering suggestions for revision. -
Karl Marx's Thoughts on Functional Income Distribution - a Critical Analysis
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Herr, Hansjörg Working Paper Karl Marx's thoughts on functional income distribution - a critical analysis Working Paper, No. 101/2018 Provided in Cooperation with: Berlin Institute for International Political Economy (IPE) Suggested Citation: Herr, Hansjörg (2018) : Karl Marx's thoughts on functional income distribution - a critical analysis, Working Paper, No. 101/2018, Hochschule für Wirtschaft und Recht Berlin, Institute for International Political Economy (IPE), Berlin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/175885 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Institute for International Political Economy Berlin Karl Marx’s thoughts on functional income distribution – a critical analysis Author: Hansjörg Herr Working Paper, No. -
The Ideas of Marxism-Leninism Will Triumph on the Revisionism
THE IDEAS OF MARXISM-LENINISM WILL TRIUMPH ON THE REVISIONISM W9 mo «853 19 6 2 (5x mm THE IDEAS OF MARXISM-LENINISM WILL TRIUMPH ON THE REVISIONISM 1962 >0 I .. THE DECLARATION OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE PARTY OF LABOUR OF ALBANIA At the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union N. Khrushchev publically attacked the Party of Labour of Albania. N. Khrushchev’s anti-marxist slanders and attacks serve only the enemies of com¬ munism and of the People’s Republic of Albania — the various imperialists and Yugoslav revisionists. N. Khrush¬ chev, laying bare the disputes existing long since between the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Party of Labour of Albania openly in the face of the enemies, brutally violated the 1960 Moscow declaration which points out that the disputes arousing between the fraternal parties should be settled patiently, in the spirit of proletarian internationalism and on the basis of the principles of equality and consultations. Publically attacking the Party of Labour of Albania, N. Khrushchev effectively began the open attack on the unity of the international communist and workers’ move¬ ment, on the unity of the socialist camp. N. Khrushchev bears full responsibility for this anti-marxist act and for all the consequences following from it. The Party of Labour of Albania, guided by the in¬ terests of the unity of the world communist movement and the socialist camp, with great patience, ever since our disputes arose with the Soviet leadership, has striven to solve them in the correct marxist-leninist way, in the way outlined by the Moscow Declaration. -
Trotsky and the Problem of Soviet Bureaucracy
TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY by Thomas Marshall Twiss B.A., Mount Union College, 1971 M.A., University of Pittsburgh, 1972 M.S., Drexel University, 1997 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2009 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Thomas Marshall Twiss It was defended on April 16, 2009 and approved by William Chase, Professor, Department of History Ronald H. Linden, Professor, Department of Political Science Ilya Prizel, Professor, Department of Political Science Dissertation Advisor: Jonathan Harris, Professor, Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Thomas Marshall Twiss 2009 iii TROTSKY AND THE PROBLEM OF SOVIET BUREAUCRACY Thomas Marshall Twiss, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2009 In 1917 the Bolsheviks anticipated, on the basis of the Marxist classics, that the proletarian revolution would put an end to bureaucracy. However, soon after the revolution many within the Bolshevik Party, including Trotsky, were denouncing Soviet bureaucracy as a persistent problem. In fact, for Trotsky the problem of Soviet bureaucracy became the central political and theoretical issue that preoccupied him for the remainder of his life. This study examines the development of Leon Trotsky’s views on that subject from the first years after the Russian Revolution through the completion of his work The Revolution Betrayed in 1936. In his various writings over these years Trotsky expressed three main understandings of the nature of the problem: During the civil war and the first years of NEP he denounced inefficiency in the distribution of supplies to the Red Army and resources throughout the economy as a whole. -
The Communist Party Fights for Freedom
The Communist Party Fights for Freedom President Botha and his National Party colleagues fear and hate the South African communist Party more than any other section of the anti-apartheid forces in this country. Why? Because the Communist Party stands for the direct opposite of everything the apartheid regime stands for. Instead of apartheid - the Communist Party stands for the unity and friendship of all sections of the South African people, in a united, democratic non-racial South Africa; and end to segregation and Bantustans. Instead of oppression and repression - the South African Communist Party stands for freedom and equality: freedom of speech, assembly, press, organisation and movement, equality of rights and opportunities, an end to pass laws, population registration and group areas. Instead of exploitation and profiteering by the bosses - the South African Communist Party stands for socialism: workers' ownership and control of means of production and distribution, an end to poverty and unemployment. The South African Communist Party has never hidden these aims. It has worked for socialism based on the principals of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism ever since it was founded at a conference of socialist organisations in Cape Town on July 30, 1921. A History of Struggle From the very beginning the Communist Party has been in the forefront of organisations and mobilising the black working class for revolutionary struggle to achieve a united, non racial and democratic South Africa. Side by side with ANC, the Communist Party has been at the head of the fight for national liberation. For decades the Communist Party was the only political organisation in South Africa which had no colour bar. -
Alasdair Macintyre and Trotskyism
BlackledgeKnight-09_Layout 1 12/29/10 8:07 AM Page 152 9 Alasdair MacIntyre and Trotskyism Alasdair MacIntyre began his literary career in 1953 with Marxism: An Interpretation. According to his own account, in that book he attempted to be faithful to both his Christian and his Marxist beliefs (MacIntyre 1995d). Over the course of the 1960s he abandoned both (MacIntyre 2008k, 180). In 1971 he introduced a collection of his essays by rejecting these and, indeed, all other attempts to illuminate the human condition (MacIntyre 1971b, viii). Since then, MacIntyre has of course re-embraced Christianity, although that of the Catholic Church rather than the An - glicanism to which he originally adhered. It seems unlikely, at this stage, that he will undertake a similar reconciliation with Marxism. Nevertheless, as MacIntyre has frequently reminded his readers, most recently in the prologue to the third edition of After Virtue (2007), his rejection of Marxism as a whole does not entail a rejection of every insight that it has to o ffer. MacIntyre’s current audience tends to be un - interested in his Marxism and consequently remains in ignorance not only of his early Marxist work but also of the context in which it was written. MacIntyre not only wrote from a Marxist perspective but also belonged to a number of Marxist organisations, which, to di ffering de - grees, made political demands on their members from which intellec tu - 152 BlackledgeKnight-09_Layout 1 12/29/10 8:07 AM Page 153 Alasdair MacIntyre and Trotskyism 153 als were not excluded. Even the most insightful of MacIntyre’s admirers tend to treat the subject of these political a ffiliations as an occasion for mild amusement (Knight 1998, 2). -
Raise Higher the Revolutionary Banner of Marxism-Leninism
RAISE HIGHER THE REVOLUTIONARY BANNER OF MARXISM-LENINISM FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS PEKING SPEECH BY LI HYO SOON, LEADER OF THE KOREAN WORKERS' PARTY'S DELEGATION TO THE SIXTH CONGRESS OF THE GERMAN SOCIALIST I.INITY PARTY Dear Comrades! In the name of the Central Committee of the Korean Workers' Party, I extend warm congratulations to the Sixth Congress of the German Socialist Unity Party and, through it, to aIl the members of your Party and the fraternal German PeoPle. The delegation of the Korean Workers' Party attending this congress'at the invitation of your Party, is very gtad to have an opportunity of witnessing directly the achievements of the struggle of the German working class and working people, who have inherited the rev- olutionary tradition of the great Marx and'Engels' The Korean people are well aware that the revolution- ary German working class, under the guidance of its Party, has traversed a road of long, glorious struggle for the realization of Marxist-Leninist ideals' In particular, the heroic struggle waged by the faith- ful sons and daughters of the German people, led by Comrade Ernst Thaelmann, for the freedom and libera- tion of mankind in the darkest period of Hitler fascist rule and their undaunted revolutionary spirit, still in- spire our struggle todaY. J l, il I I' ,l tory of socialism in Germany, and are contributions to Hitler fascism and the liberation After the defeat of our common cause of peace and socialism. of the country by the Soviet army, the people of demo- The Korean people rejoice over the achievements of cratic Germany, firmly taking power in their hands, the fraternal German people, as they would over their founded the German Democratic Republic, the first own.