DOCSLIB.ORG

Raise Higher the Revolutionary Banner of Marxism-Leninism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Raise Higher the Revolutionary Banner of Marxism-Leninism RAISE HIGHER THE REVOLUTIONARY BANNER OF MARXISM-LENINISM FOREIGN LANGUAGES PRESS PEKING SPEECH BY LI HYO SOON, LEADER OF THE KOREAN WORKERS' PARTY'S DELEGATION TO THE SIXTH CONGRESS OF THE GERMAN SOCIALIST I.INITY PARTY Dear Comrades! In the name of the Central Committee of the Korean Workers' Party, I extend warm congratulations to the Sixth Congress of the German Socialist Unity Party and, through it, to aIl the members of your Party and the fraternal German PeoPle. The delegation of the Korean Workers' Party attending this congress'at the invitation of your Party, is very gtad to have an opportunity of witnessing directly the achievements of the struggle of the German working class and working people, who have inherited the rev- olutionary tradition of the great Marx and'Engels' The Korean people are well aware that the revolution- ary German working class, under the guidance of its Party, has traversed a road of long, glorious struggle for the realization of Marxist-Leninist ideals' In particular, the heroic struggle waged by the faith- ful sons and daughters of the German people, led by Comrade Ernst Thaelmann, for the freedom and libera- tion of mankind in the darkest period of Hitler fascist rule and their undaunted revolutionary spirit, still in- spire our struggle todaY. J l, il I I' ,l tory of socialism in Germany, and are contributions to Hitler fascism and the liberation After the defeat of our common cause of peace and socialism. of the country by the Soviet army, the people of demo- The Korean people rejoice over the achievements of cratic Germany, firmly taking power in their hands, the fraternal German people, as they would over their founded the German Democratic Republic, the first own. worker-peasant state in the history of Germany. In the big family of the socialist camp, the Korean The founding of the German Democratic Republic was people, boundlessly inspired by the support and encour- a great victory won by the German people in the strug- agement of the fraternal peoples, have won a greal vic- gle against fascism and militarism and for peace and tory in socialist revolution and socialist construction' socialism. It was a new turning point in the history of In defiance of al1 the difficulties under hard condi- German and Europe. tions after the war in which everything had been laid Since they started building a new 1ife, the people of in ruins, the Korean people created' a solid foundation democratic Germany have scored great success in their for a self-supporting national economy, tapping and mobi- socialist revolution and socialist construction, overcoming lizing to the maximurrr all their strength and potential with courage many difficulties created by the division and making effective use of the aid of fraternal coun- of their country. tries. They turned their country into a developed social- Socialist relations of production have already tri- ist industrial-agricultural state in a short space of time umphed in the towns and villages of democratic Germany following the war. is annually and the basic tasks in the period of transition frorn capi- Thus, the national economy of our country increased talism to socialism have been carried out. developing at a rapid rate. Last year we 20 per cent, in comparis'on wtth Thanks to the devoted labour struggle of the talented industiial production by national economic plan and industrious workers of democratic Germanv, the 1961, in the fulfilment of the main goal was the conquest of the Six Heights. German Democratic Republic has been made into a whose ' still closer around powerful socialist industrial state based on advanced Today the Korean people, rallying the Korean Workels' Party science and technology. the Central Committee of are vigorouslY advanc- Today the workers of democratic Germany, under the headed by owards the successful guidance of the German Socialist Unity Party headed ing in th fulfilment set forth bY the Fourth by Comrade Walter Ulbricht, are keeping up the strenu- of our Party, while at the same time consolidat- ous struggle for over-all socialist construction and the Congress ing previous successes. reunification of the country. The achievements of our people in the socialist con- successes of the fraternal people of democratic A11 the struction of the country are a solid material guarantee in socialist construction provide a firm material Germany for the reunification of the fatherland. They inspire the foundation for the reunification and the eomplete vic= Anti-American, national salvation struggle of the south Comrades, the international situation as a whole is Korean people. today developing in favour of the struggle for peace, The U.S. imperialist aggressors occupying the southern national independence and socialism. part of our country have turned it into their atornic and The might of the socialist camp has grown and strength- rocket base. They make continuotrs and intensive effort ened incomparably and the forces of peace and social- to arm the U.S. troops stationed there, as well as the ism in the international arena are prevailing over the puppet army, with a1I kinds of weapons of mass destruc- forces of imp,erialism and war. tion and are constantly committing provocations against But life shows that the imperialists are in no way the northern half of our Republic. willing of their own accord to step out of the arena of However, no machination on the part of U.S. imperial- history and the deeper modern monopoly capitalism is ism can block the road of our people. driven into predicaments, the more vicious it becomes. The Korean people will safeguard with every deter- This has been clearly proven recently by a series of mination the independence of their country and their adventurous, provocative actions and war threats of the socialist gains from any encroachment by the enemy. U.S. imperialists and other international reactionary They will make the U.S. imperialist aggressors withdraw forces. from south Korea and wili achieve the peaceful reunifica- They are running wild in attacking the socialist camp; tion of the fatherland. they are trying to strangle national Iiberation struggles The Korean and German peoples are building social- and the working class movement and foment a new war. ism. Standing face to face with the imperialists and In the east, the U.S. imperialists are creating a hotbed with the countries divided, they are reliably defending of war in sou-th Korea, Taiwan, south Viet Nam, and other eastern and western posts of the socialist camp. areas, reviving Japanese militarism, and making no secret The peoples of our two countries have always sup- of their scheme to use Japan as a "shock brigade" for ported and closely co-operated with each other in the aggression against I(orea and other parts of Asia. course of the struggle for the con-rmon cause and these The U.S. imperialists are creating a dangerous breed- relations of friendship are being consolidated and devel- ing ground for war in the heart of Europe by strongly oped still further. reinforcing the armed forces of the aggressive NATO and The fraternaL German people gave us selfless aid, rearming the West German rnilitarists. material and moral, during the fatherland liberation war They have made West Germany the centre of NATO o,f the Korean people and in the period of our post-war and a den of world reactionary forces. They are con- socialist construction. stantly threatening the security of the German Demo- Availing myself of this opportunity, I once again ex- cratic Republic and the rest of Europe. press warm gratitude to the fraternal people of demo- Such being the situation, it becomes most urgent to cratic Germany. conclude a German peace treaty and wage a decisive , ,/: struggle to restrain West German militarism revived by The guarantee of peace lies in uniting, increasing, and im- U.S. imperialism. strengthening in e\rery way all the forces against question The Korean Workers' Party and the entire Korean perialism and, particularly, the rnost important and might of the people fu1ly support the just s'tand of the Governrnent is to continually strengthen the unity peace force. of the German Democratic Republic and the Soviet soci,alist camp, the main anti-imperialist, past Union was alone in building on the conclusion of a German peace treaty In the the Soviet Government of imperialism. But and on the question of making West Berlin into a socialism within the encirclement has been formed and the demilitarized, free city. today a world socialist system united force of the socialis't camp stands face to face with Recently the U.S. imperialists created a provocative war threat in the Caribbean Straits and attempted to imperialism. emergence the world socialist system is the strangle the Cuban Republic. The of greatest gain of the working class and progres- However, the military "blockade operation" and historical sive mankind the world over, and its might is a decisive aggressive machinations of the U.S' imperialist pirates force in the struggtre for peace and socialism. were shattered in face of the united might and struggle The unity of the socialist camp is also the core and of the heroic Cuban people who enjoy the unanimous basis of the unity of the ranks of the international com- support of the socialist camp and the people of the world. munist and working class movdment. The U.S. imperialists have not yet given up their design The imperialists are therefore very rnuch afraid of the openly acting as pirates, to invade Cuba, but are sti1l unity of the socialist camp and are concentrating their of encroaching upon the sovereignty an'd independence main efforts on breaking this unity.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS
    Colloquium Paper January 12, 1984 STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration by Robert C. Tucker Princeton University with comment by Peter Reddaway London School of Economics and Political Science Fellows Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Draft paper not for publication or quotation without written permission from the authors. STALINISM VERSUS BOLSHEVISM? A Reconsideration Although not of ten openly debated~ the issue I propose to address is probably the deepest and most divisive in Soviet studies. There is good ground for Stephen Cohen's characterization of it as a "quintessential his­ torical and interpretive question"! because it transcends most of the others and has to do with the whole of Russia's historical development since the Bolshevik Revolution. He formulates it as the question of the relationship "between Bolshevism and Stalinism.'' Since the very existence of something properly called Stalinism is at issue here, I prefer a somewhat different mode of formulation. There are two (and curiously, only two) basically opposed positions on the course of development that Soviet Russia took starting around 1929 when Stalin, having ousted his opponents on the Left and the Right, achieved primacy, although not yet autocratic primacy, within the Soviet regime. The first position, Which may be seen as the orthodox one, sees that course of development as the fulfillment, under new conditions, of Lenin's Bolshevism. All the main actions taken by the Soviet regime under Stalin's leadership were, in other words, the fulfillment of what had been prefigured in Leninism (as Lenin's Bolshevism came to be called after Lenin died).
    [Show full text]
  • The Embattled Political Aesthetics of José Carlos Mariátegui and Amauta
    A Realist Indigenism: The Embattled Political Aesthetics of José Carlos Mariátegui and Amauta BY ERIN MARIA MADARIETA B.A., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2012 THESIS Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Art History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Chicago, 2019 Chicago, Illinois Defense Committee: Blake Stimson, Art History, Advisor and Chair Andrew Finegold, Art History Nicholas Brown, English Margarita Saona, Hispanic and Italian Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………………...1 BEYOND THE “SECTARIAN DIVIDE”: MARIÁTEGUI’S EXPANSIVE REALISM………..9 TOWARD A REALIST INDIGENISM: PARSING MARXISM, INDIGENISM, AND POPULISM………………………………………………………………………………………33 “THE PROBLEM OF RACE IN LATIN AMERICA”: MARIÁTEGUI AND INTERNATIONAL COMMUNISTS…………………………………………………………...53 “PAINTING THE PEOPLE” OR DEMYSTIFYING PERUVIAN REALITY?: AMAUTA’S VISUAL CONTENT…………………………………………………………………………….65 CONCLUSION…………………………….…………………………………………………….88 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………………..92 ii SUMMARY This thesis focuses on José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), a Peruvian critic and Marxist political activist who founded the Peruvian Socialist Party. Mariátegui also edited the journal Amauta, which featured literature, visual art, and theoretical and political texts from 1926 to 1930. This project aims to contribute an original understanding of the thought and editorial practice of this historically significant figure by recuperating his endorsement of realist
    [Show full text]
  • Karl Marx's Thoughts on Functional Income Distribution - a Critical Analysis
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Herr, Hansjörg Working Paper Karl Marx's thoughts on functional income distribution - a critical analysis Working Paper, No. 101/2018 Provided in Cooperation with: Berlin Institute for International Political Economy (IPE) Suggested Citation: Herr, Hansjörg (2018) : Karl Marx's thoughts on functional income distribution - a critical analysis, Working Paper, No. 101/2018, Hochschule für Wirtschaft und Recht Berlin, Institute for International Political Economy (IPE), Berlin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/175885 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Institute for International Political Economy Berlin Karl Marx’s thoughts on functional income distribution – a critical analysis Author: Hansjörg Herr Working Paper, No.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ideas of Marxism-Leninism Will Triumph on the Revisionism
    THE IDEAS OF MARXISM-LENINISM WILL TRIUMPH ON THE REVISIONISM W9 mo «853 19 6 2 (5x mm THE IDEAS OF MARXISM-LENINISM WILL TRIUMPH ON THE REVISIONISM 1962 >0 I .. THE DECLARATION OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE PARTY OF LABOUR OF ALBANIA At the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union N. Khrushchev publically attacked the Party of Labour of Albania. N. Khrushchev’s anti-marxist slanders and attacks serve only the enemies of com¬ munism and of the People’s Republic of Albania — the various imperialists and Yugoslav revisionists. N. Khrush¬ chev, laying bare the disputes existing long since between the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Party of Labour of Albania openly in the face of the enemies, brutally violated the 1960 Moscow declaration which points out that the disputes arousing between the fraternal parties should be settled patiently, in the spirit of proletarian internationalism and on the basis of the principles of equality and consultations. Publically attacking the Party of Labour of Albania, N. Khrushchev effectively began the open attack on the unity of the international communist and workers’ move¬ ment, on the unity of the socialist camp. N. Khrushchev bears full responsibility for this anti-marxist act and for all the consequences following from it. The Party of Labour of Albania, guided by the in¬ terests of the unity of the world communist movement and the socialist camp, with great patience, ever since our disputes arose with the Soviet leadership, has striven to solve them in the correct marxist-leninist way, in the way outlined by the Moscow Declaration.
    [Show full text]
  • The Communist Party Fights for Freedom
    The Communist Party Fights for Freedom President Botha and his National Party colleagues fear and hate the South African communist Party more than any other section of the anti-apartheid forces in this country. Why? Because the Communist Party stands for the direct opposite of everything the apartheid regime stands for. Instead of apartheid - the Communist Party stands for the unity and friendship of all sections of the South African people, in a united, democratic non-racial South Africa; and end to segregation and Bantustans. Instead of oppression and repression - the South African Communist Party stands for freedom and equality: freedom of speech, assembly, press, organisation and movement, equality of rights and opportunities, an end to pass laws, population registration and group areas. Instead of exploitation and profiteering by the bosses - the South African Communist Party stands for socialism: workers' ownership and control of means of production and distribution, an end to poverty and unemployment. The South African Communist Party has never hidden these aims. It has worked for socialism based on the principals of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism ever since it was founded at a conference of socialist organisations in Cape Town on July 30, 1921. A History of Struggle From the very beginning the Communist Party has been in the forefront of organisations and mobilising the black working class for revolutionary struggle to achieve a united, non racial and democratic South Africa. Side by side with ANC, the Communist Party has been at the head of the fight for national liberation. For decades the Communist Party was the only political organisation in South Africa which had no colour bar.
    [Show full text]
  • MARXIST-LENINIST IDEOLOGY, SOVIET FOREIGN POLICY and the STRUCTURE of the INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM of STATES by Alexandre Grichine B
    MARXIST-LENINIST IDEOLOGY, SOVIET FOREIGN POLICY AND THE STRUCTURE OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM OF STATES by Alexandre Grichine B.A., Blagoveshchensk State Pedagogical University, 1997. THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULLFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in INTERNATIONAL STUDIES THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA December 2004 Alexandre Grichine, 2004. Library and Bibliothèque et 1^1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l'édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 0-494-04633-3 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 0-494-04633-3 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce,Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve,sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l'Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet,distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non­ sur support microforme, papier, électronique commercial purposes, in microform,et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideology and Atheism in the Soviet Union Religion and Society 28
    Ideology and Atheism in the Soviet Union Religion and Society 28 GENERAL EDITORS Leo Laeyendecker, University of Leiden Jacques Waardenburg, University of Lausanne MOUTON DE GRUYTER • BERLIN • NEW YORK 1989 Ideology and Atheism in the Soviet Union by William van den Bercken MOUTON DE GRUYTER • BERLIN • NEW YORK 1989 Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) in a Division of Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin. The vignet on the cover this book represents the symbol of the Agathos Daimon, the snake of the Good Spirit, known from Greek astrological and magical texts. As its Town God, the Agathos Daimon was believed to protect Alexandria, which was famous world-wide for its library with precious manuscripts and books. Translated from the Dutch by H.Th.Wake Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Bercken, William Peter van den, 1946- Ideology and atheism in the Soviet Union. (Religion and society ; 28) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Atheism- Soviet Union. 2. Ideology. I. Title. II. Series: Religion and society (Hague, Netherlands); 28. BL2747.3.B47 1988 211'.8'0947 88-28526 ISBN 0-89925-384-9 (alk. paper) Deutsche Bibliothek Cataloging in Publication Data Bercken, William van den: Ideology and atheism in the Soviet Union / William van den Bercken. [Transi, by H.Th.Wake]. - Berlin ; New York : Amsterdam : Mouton de Gruyter, 1988 (Religion and society ; 28) ISBN 3-11-011406-2 NE: GT © Printed on acid free paper. © Copyright 1988 by Walter de Gruyter, Berlin. All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages.No part of this book maybe reproduced in any form - by photoprint, microfilm or any other means - nor transmitted nor translated into a machine language without written permission from the publisher.
    [Show full text]
  • From Marx to Markets: Reform of the University Economics Curriculum in Russia
    University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Economics Department Faculty Publications Economics Department May 1995 From Marx to Markets: Reform of the University Economics Curriculum in Russia Stanley L. Brue Pacific utherL an University Craig MacPhee University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/econfacpub Part of the Economics Commons Brue, Stanley L. and MacPhee, Craig, "From Marx to Markets: Reform of the University Economics Curriculum in Russia" (1995). Economics Department Faculty Publications. 21. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/econfacpub/21 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Economics Department at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Economics Department Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Copyright © 1995 Heldref Publications. From Marx to Markets: Reform of the University Economics Curriculum in Russia Stanley L. Brue and Craig R. MacPhee In June 1992, we taught a three-week seminar at Moscow State University that coincided with the beginning of a historic curriculum reform in Russia.' The re- form had two parts: (I) the replacement of the Marxist-Leninist three-year se- quence of courses in political economy with a sequence on market economics and (2) substantial revision of other course requirements for the economics degree. The occasion of our Russian visit was an invitation from Moscow State Univer- sity to present a seminar on the principles of market economics. The seminar demonstrated the typical content and teaching techniques used in the American micro-macro principles course.
    [Show full text]
  • Draft: Not for Citation Witi:Iout Permission of the Author
    DRAFT: NOT FOR CITATION WITI:IOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR NUMBER 143 MYTii Al'ID AUTHORITY IN EARLY SOVIET CULTURE Robert C. Williams Conference on THE ORIGINS OF SOVIET CULTURE Sponsored by Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies The Wilson Center May 18-19, 1981 MYTH fu~ AUTHORITY IN EARLY SOVIET CULT~RE Robert C. williams Washington University* Given this doctrine of experience, united with of symbolism, every religion, even that of paganism, must be held to be true. Pope Pius X, Pascendi Gregis September 1907 If truth is only an organizing form of human experience, then the teaching, say, of Catholicism is also true. V. I. Lenin, Materialism and Empiriocriticism April 1909 Marxism, the ideology of the most progressive class, must reject absolute kriowledge in any system of ideas, including its own. A. A. Bogdanov, Vera i nauka 1910 Early Soviet culture, like Bolshevism, was deeply divided. We may define this division in a number of ways: party versus proletariat; heroism versus utopianism; Leninism versus left Bolshevism; Jacobinism versus syndicalism; consciousness versus spontaneity; Narkompros versus Proletkult; organizatio~ versus experience; vanguard versus collective,l All such divisions ultimately come down to a central Bolshevik disagreement as to whether a socialist society should be grounded in myth or authority. *A paper presented at the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studiesr conference on "The Origins of Soviet Culture, 11 held at the 1>/oodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., May 18-19, 1981. 1 2 In speaking of myth and authority as two antagonistic and complementary poles of early Soviet culture I am distinguishing between two fundamental ways of organizing our experience: by finding personally satisfactory answers to ultimate questions; second, by accepting socially satisfactory answers to secular needs.
    [Show full text]
  • Marxism, Communism, Marxian Socio-Political Economic Theory and the Socialist World: Part-I
    Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol.7, No.5 Publication Date: May 25, 2020 D OI:10.14738/assrj.75.8178. Sehgal, M. L. (2020). Marxism, Communism, Marxian Socio-political Economic Theory and the Socialist World: Part-I. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 7(5) 70-90. Marxism, Communism, Marxian Socio-political Economic Theory and the Socialist World: Part-I M.L. Sehgal Ex: D.A.V. College, Jalandhar, Punjab (India) ABSTRACT Marxian model of economic, as enunciated in "Das-Capital" disapproved of the two classical models of economics proposed by Adam Smith and John Maynard Keynes though both had stood the test of the time. Marx’s Economic Theory encompassed the social, historical, and economic points of view based upon the thesis of Hegel's philosophy as well as its antithesis. Marx believed that the concept of relations of production as proposed by Capitalism was vague for the socio-cultural set up of a society. He said that Capitalism would not end up in a quiet death; rather it would have to be broken up with a 'Bang'; maybe by Violent Revolution. Rather than giving some weightage to machines, the paper, or the ’capital’, Marx would put all his eggs on the ‘Labor Class’ as he opined that the ‘Capitalist Class’ exploits the Labor Class. He would proclaim that the sole factor which decided the prices of the commodities was the value of the labor as determined by Labor Theory of Value (LTV) and not by the cost of machines and the capital put in for running the various operation of the establishment.
    [Show full text]
  • The National Question and Leninism
    University of Central Florida STARS PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements 1-1-1929 The national question and Leninism Joseph Stalin Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Book is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Stalin, Joseph, "The national question and Leninism" (1929). PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements. 286. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism/286 NATIONAL QUESTION and LENINISM Joseph Stalin The National Q~estion and Leninism BY JOSEPH STALIN - INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK NOTE Twenty odd years ago Joseph Stalin rtceivtd a number of letters raising problems in connection with the national question and asking him far eluadation. In March 1929, he wrote a letter addressetl to two of his correspondents which re- plied not only to the questions they had asked but to others as well. This reply, printed in this pamphlet, deals with the concept of "nation," the rise and development of nations, the future of nations and of national languages, and the Leninist policy on the nacianaI question. The Nationul Question and Unitah supplements the author's major study, Marxism and the National Question. The Concept of "Nation" (I hereceived your letters. They are similur to a whole ~~lsmberof letters on the same subject I have receiwd from other comrades during the pat few month. I have dedded, however, to answer you particuluriy, becutue you put things more bluntly and thereby help to achiew clarity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political (Non) Distinctiveness of Marxism-Leninism
    The political (non) distinctiveness of Marxism-Leninism Dr Giorgos Charalambous, University of Cyprus and Dr Dan Keith, University of Sussex Paper presented by Dan Keith at the Political Studies Association Annual Conference 25-27 March 2013, Cardiff the notion of communism does not have a determinate meaning but one which has to be viewed historically, rather than by definition, however complex Thompson (1998: 4) Introduction Despite a recent upsurge in publications on the European radical left, we know little about the current state of one of its most historically dominant strains; that of Marxism-Leninism. The study of these Marxist-Leninist parties has been subsumed in the exploration of the broader radical left tradition (Hudson 2012; 2000; March 2011; 2008; Bale and Dunphy 2011; Dunphy and Bale 2011; Dunphy 2004; Olsen et al. 2010; March and Mudde 2005). Studies of what March calls the ‘extreme left’ have focused largely on their electoral fortunes (March 2011, Lazar 2002). Recent attempts to ‘map’ the subgroups within the radical left have, classified these parties as 'Conservative Communists' and recognised that they are different from 'Reformed Communists' (March, 2008; 2011). Scholars have spent little time investigating whether parties that label themselves as Marxist-Leninist are actually a distinct group in terms of theory and practice (Backes and Moreau 2008). A systematic comparative analysis of Marxist-Leninist parties does not exist. Nevertheless, developing an understanding of them is important when they have at times been important in their countries’ histories, active in revolutions and in resistance movements fighting against dictatorships. During the cold war Western European Communist parties provoked controversy as the ‘enemy within’.
    [Show full text]