LENINISM TROTSKYISM BY G. E. ZINOVIEV I. STALIN L. KAMENEV

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PUBLISHED FEBRUARY 1925 FOR THE Workers Party of America BY THE DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 1113 W. WASHINGTON BLVD., CHICAGO, ILL. LENINISM OR TROTSKYISM BY G. E. ZINOVIEV I. STALIN L. KAMENEV

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FEBRUARY, 1925

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Nothing Is Bigger Than the Party of Lenin

A PREFACE

The controversy between Trotskyism position that Comrade Trotsky takes and Leninism is not a new thing is the very opposite of what one would in the Russian Communist movement, expect. Very guardedly, very cau- It is nearly as old as the struggle be- tiously, in a sort of a roundabout way, tween Bolshevism and Menshevism, Comrade Trotsky attempts to convey and forms an important part in the the impression that it was not Trot- history of the revolutionary move- skyism that was proven wrong by his- ment of Russia. For over two decades tory but Leninism. Lenin and the Bolshevik Party waged Now, this is a very serious proposi- a determined struggle against the po- tion. If the events of the Russian litical outlook and conceptions of revolution have confirmed the correct- Comrade Trotsky and his followers, ness of Trotsky's position as against And it was only by defeating ideolog- the Leninist position, which is the po- ically Trotskyism as well as Menshe- sition of the Russian Communist (Bol- vism that the party of Lenin sue- shevik) Party, then why doesn't Trot- ceeded in finally establishing itself as sky say so openly and frankly? Why the only party of the workers and doesn't he demand in so many words poor peasants of Russia. a fundamental revision of the princi- Comrade Trotsky joined the Bol- pies of the Communist International shevik Party on the eve of the Nov- which are based upon Leninism and ember revolution. In doing so he not Trotskyism? tacitly acknowledged the fact that in Since 1903 Lenin and the whole the struggle between Trotskyism and Bolshevist fraction of the social-demo- Leninism the latter was proven cor- cratic labor party of Russia have been rect. This was how the Russian fighting Trotsky on every important party and later on the entire Com- problem that arose in the revolution- munist International interpreted and ary struggle of Russia. Trotsky's po- understood Trotsky's joining the sition between 1903-1905 was a sort party. Unfortunately, however, Com- of a middle of the road position be- rade Trotsky himself did not so under- tween the Mensheviks and Bolshe- stand his coming into the party. As viks. This center position, according was proven by later events, and par- to Lenin, was always helpful to the ticularly by his recently published Mensheviks and detrimental to the book "1917" and the preface to it, the Bolsheviks. In 1905 Lenin developed the historic vist guard along the road of Lenin- slogan of the revolutionary dictator- ism as against Trotskyism, ship of the workers and peasants. Comrade Trotsky's struggles in the As against this slogan Trotsky devel- Russian party are a constant danger oped the theory of "permanent revo- to the integrity of the Communist lution" with the slogan: Without a movement. czar but a workers' government. The discussion in the Russian party These were two diametrically opposed has proven that the whole party is conceptions of the nature of the Rus- solidly opposed to Comrade Trotsky's sian revolution and the tactics to be attempt to revise the Leninist basis pursued by the revolutionary party of of our movement. The same is the the working class. Lenin never made position taken by most of the parties peace with Trotsky's theory of of the Communist International, "permanent" revolution nor with his Naturally, the enemies of the Rus- slogan of a purely workers' govern- sian revolution and of the working ment. One of the basic principles of class generally are attempting to ex- Lenin was that the revolution in Rus- ploit this controversy (which, by the sia could succeed only thru an alii- way, is now closed and settled), to ance between the workers and peas- undermine the Soviet government and ants, led by the working class thru the prestige of the Communist Inter- its revolutionary party (the Commun national. To this we say: Let them ist Party), and expressed in the slo- go to it. If they can derive any com- gan: The revolutionary dictatorship fort from the way in which this con- of the workers and peasants, Lenin- troversy had been settled, the pleas- ism and Trotskyism never fought ure is all theirs. each other in a battle more bitter and Really, what are the most outstand- more fruitful than on this issue, ing facts in the outcome of this con- Since the revolution of 1917, this con- troversy as far as the non-Communist ception of a revolutionary alliance be- worker is concerned? They are tween the workers and poor peasants these. First, that the International became a fundamental principle of the Communist movement will not be Communist International—a principle separated from the proven revolution- which is applicable to every country ary path of Leninism. Second, that no with a large peasant or farming popu- man in the Communist movement is lation. On the other hand, Trotsky's big enough to override the will of the theory of permanent revolution, which movement. he still believes to be correct, is a The three articles by the Comrades complete negation of the above Len- Zinoviev, Stalin and Kamenev, pub- inist principle. The conflict between lished in this pamphlet, present an Leninism and Trotskyism on this point exhaustive treatment of the issues in- is irreconcilable. volved in the struggle between Lenin- From the recent discussion in the ism and Trotskyism. The study of Russian Communist Party, the follow- these issues will give the reader a ing facts become outstanding: deep insight into the fundamentals of Comrade Trotsky has never relin- Leninism and of the Communist In- quished his old position. ternational. It will enable the Ameri- He still believes in the correctness can workers to understand and thus of his theories as against the teach- come closer to the greatest move- ings of Leninsm. ments in human history—the Russian He will not make peace with the revolution and the Communist Inter- fact that the Russian Communist national. Party and the entire Communist In- ALEXANDER B ITT EL MAN. ternational are led by the old Bolshe- Chicago, Feb. 8, 1925. Bolshevism or Trotskyism? Where the Line of Trotskyism is Leading By G. Zinoviev Some Facts Regarding Brest and the First Party Conference after October. The Differences of Opinion in October and My Mistake at That Time. To replace Leninism by Trotskyism, events, some weeks afterwards, at the that is the task which Comrade Trot- commencement of the disputes over sky has set out to accomplish. In this the Brest peace, Vladimir Ilyitch, as respect he had already in 1922, in his the whole C. C. and all the leading book, "1905," attempted "to attain circles of the party are aware, regard- something by allusions." So long as ed these differences of opinion as com- Comrade Lenin held the threads in his pletely liquidated. hand, Comrade Trotsky decided not to In his speech on "Trotskyism or undertake a direct attack. Comrade Leninism," Comrade Stalin very right- Trotsky has now obviously decided ly remarks that in the September-Oc- that "the moment has arrived." Ac- tober period as a result of a number cording to all the rules of strategy, of circumstances, the revolution en- before one strikes the decisive blow, deavored to carry out every step un- one must prepare the way by artillery der the form of defense. This was fire. The attack upon the so-called to be understood after all the shilly right wing of Bolshevism is intended shallying connected with the Kornilof as a smoke screen, particularly re- period.' I, who at that time was liv- garding the October failures of the ing illegally, fell a victim to my fail- writer of these lines. ure precisely owing to this peculiarity It is an actual fact that at the be- of that phase of October. ginning of November, 1917, I commit- When Comrade Lenin reverted to ted a great error. This error was our error, three years after it had been freely admitted by me and made good committed, he wrote as follows: in the course of a few days. As, how- "Immediately before the October ever, these days were not ordinary revolution, and soon afterwards, a days but very fateful days, as this was number of excellent Communists in a time of extremest tension, the error Russia committed errors, of which was highly dangerous. one does not like to be reminded. Why In any event I will not minimize the not? Because it is not right, except extent of this error. on a special occasion, to refer to such It was precisely because of the ex- errors, which have been completely traordinary tension of these times made good. They showed hesitations that Vladimir Ilyitch so energetically in the period in question in that they opposed our error. All these extreme- feared that the Bolsheviki would iso- ly draconic punitive meansures, which late themselves and undertake too he at that time proposed against us, great a risk in holding aloof too much all the passionate chastising which he from a certain section of the menshe- infilicted, were of course thoroly jus- viki and of the social revolutionaries. tified. In the shortest time after these The conflict went so far that the com- 3 r

rades in question, as a demonstration, in the "History of the R. C. P." and resigned from all responsible posts, on numerous earlier occasions. both in the party and in the Soviet, to To consider the writer of these the greatest joy of the enemies of the lines as belonging to the "right wing" social revolution. The matter led to of the Bolsheviki, is simply absurd. the most bitter polemics in the press The whole of the Bolshevik Party is on the part of the C. C. of our party aware that I, working hand in hand against those who had resigned. And with Comrade Lenin in the course of after some weeks, at the most after nearly 20 years, never once had even some months, all these comrades per- a sharp difference of opinion with ceived their errors and returned to him, except in the one case men- their responsible posts in the party tioned. The epoch of the years 1914- and the Soviets." (Lenin, Collected 1917, from the commencement of the Works, Volume XVII., Page 373.) imperialist war up to the commence- Comrade Lenin makes no reference ment of the proletarian revolution in whatever to a "right wing." our country, was a not unimportant For myself, I endeavored more than epoch. Precisely in these years there once, before the party and before the took place the decisive regroupings whole Comintern, to deal with my er- in the camp of the international labor ror. I spoke of it, for example at the movement. The books, "Socialism opening of the 4th World Congress of and War" (1915) and "Against the October as follows: Stream," are sufficient witness that "Allow me to say a word regarding during that time I in no way came for- a personal matter. It seems to me ward as representative of a right wing that I, particularly now on the 5th an- of Bolshevism. niversary of the revolution, am called At the April conferences of 1917, upon to say that which I am about to the importance of which Comrade say. You are aware comrades that Trotsky misrepresents, I had not the five years ago I, along with some smallest difference of opinion with other comrades, made a great mis- Comrade Lenin. In the dispute be- take, which, as I believe, was the tween Comrade Trotsky on the one greatest mistake I have ever made in side and Comrades Kamenev, Nogin my life. At that time I failed to es- and Rykov on the other side, I was timate correctly the whole counter- wholly on the side of Comrade Lenin, revolutionary nature of the menshe- as was to be seen from a number of viki. Therein lies the nature of our my reports and speeches at the April mistake before October 1917. Altho conference. The whole dispute was we had fought against the mensheviki naturally confined within the limits for over ten years, nevertheless, I, of Bolshevism — as Comrade Lenin as well as many other comrades, could and the party regarded it—and only not at the decisive moment get rid of under the pen of Comrade Trotsky the idea that the mensheviki and does it assume the form of a strug- S. R., altho they were only the right gle of a "right wing" against the fraction and the right wing, neverthe- party. less formed a portion of the working Not the least differences of opinion class. As a matter of fact they were occurred between myself and Com- and are the "left," extremely skillful, rade Lenin during and after the July pliable and therefore especially dan- days. We had the opportunity to gerous wing of the international bour- test this at our leisure in the course geoisie. I therefore believe, comrades, of several weeks as long as I lived that it is our duty to remind all our together with Vladimir Ilyitch in hid- comrades. . . etc." ing. The difference of opinion was I spoke of our error in the most noticed by me at the beginning of widely circulated book from my pen, October, after the liquidation of the Kornilov period, after the article of which had appeared in the press re- Comrade Lenin, "On Compromises" garding our differences I wrote a (in this article Lenin proposed, un- short letter to the editor which was der certain conditions, an agreement published by the central organ with a with the mensheviki and the S. R.). comment of the editor that the dis- My error consisted in the fact that I pute was ended and that in essentials endeavored to continue the line of the we were and remained of one mind. article "On Compromises" some days (Pravda, Nov. 21, 1917.) later. In all only a few days, but the The unsigned leading article which days at the time counted as months. appeared in our central organ, Rabot- In the famous sitting of the Central shi Putj (The Path of the Workers), Committee of the 10th of October, at which appeared in place of Pravda, which the revolt was decided on, and on the day of the revolt, Oct. 25, was at which for the first time differences written by me. The second article of opinion regarding the time to be was likewise written by me and was fixed for the revolt and as to judging signed by me. In this last article we the prospects in the constitutional as- read: sembly arose between me and Kam- "It is a great task which confronts enev on the one side and the rest of, the second Soviet congress. The the members of the C. C. on the other events of history are following each side, the first political bureau of the other with breathless speed^ Theji C. C. for the leadership of the revolt final hour is approaching. The least was created. The seven following further hesitation brings the danger comrades were elected to the polit- of immediate collapse. . ." bureau: Lenin, Zinoviev, Kamenev, "The last hopes for a peaceful solu- Trotsky, Stalin, Sokolnikov and Bub- tion of the crisis are past. The last nov. In the no less important joint peaceful hopes which—I must confess meeting of the Central Committee and —up to the last days were cherished a number of Petrograd functionaries by the writer of these lines, have been on October 16, after the debates be- dispelled by facts." tween Comrade Lenin and ourselves, "All Power to the Soviets.—It is here 19 votes were cast for the motion of that everything is being concentrated Comrade Lenin in its final form; 2 at the present historical moment." were against and 4 neutral; while my In the number of our central organ, motion was introduced by Comrade Rabotshi Putj, which appeared on Oc- Volodarsky as an amendment to the tober 26, a short report was published motion of Comrade Lenin. My amend- of my first speech after the period of ment read that "in the next five days illegality in the sitting of the Petro: before meeting our comrades and be- grad Soviet on Oct. 25, the day of the fore discussion we must not arrange revolt. Here we read as follows: any revolt." My written motion,! which was submitted to the vote at The Speech of Zinoviev. this meeting, read: "Without post- "Comrades, we are now in the period poning the measures for investigation of revolt. I believe however that no and preparation, it be decided that no doubt can exist regarding the out- action be permitted before consult- come of the revolt—we shall be vic- ation with the Bolshevist section of torious ! the Soviet Congress." "I am convinced that the over- It was at this time that Comrade whelming portion of the peasantry Lenin wrote his famous article will come over to our side as soon as against us. I continued to work dil- they become acquainted with our pro- igently for the Pravda. When the posals regarding the land question. action was finally decided on, in order "Long live the social revolution, to silence the exaggerated rumors which is now beginning. Long live the Fetrogard working class who still formally invited them to participate in achieve the final victory. the government. The refusal of the "Today we have paid our debt to left S. R., even tho it was only limited the international proletariat and de- to a certain time and subject to cer- livered a terrible blow to the war, a tain conditions, places on them the blow at the breast of all imperialists, full responsibility for the agreement the greatest blow at the breast of not being arrived at." (Pravda, No. the hangman, Wilhelm. 180. Vol. 4, Nov. 17, 1917.) "Down with the war; long live inter- This paragraph of the resolution, national peace!" which was doubtless written by Com- Sharp differences arose in our cir- rade Lenin, must be specially noted cle again in the first days of Novem- by the reader in order the better to ber (according to old calendar) at the understand that which follows: moment when the right S. R. and In the Pravda (the central organ of mensheviki were already shattered our party was on October 30 again and when it was the question whether named the Pravda) we read in No. we would not succeed in bringing 180, of Nov. 4, the following extract over the left S. R. and the best sec- from my speech which I delivered at tion of the mensheviki to the side of the session of the Central Executive the Soviet power. In these days I Committee of the S. R. and of the so- had to take part with other comrades cial democrats on Nov. 2, 1917: in the famous negotiations with the "In the name of the C. C. of the Rus- then existing organization of the rail- sian social democratic labor party (at waymen. These negotiations led to a that time our party was not yet a complete agreement of the C. C. of Communist Party), I declare that the our party with the then Central Ex- comrades of the S. R. (it was the ecutive Committee of the Workers' question of the left S. R. whom the and Peasants' Councils. These differ- C. C. of our party, with Comarde Len- ences lasted actually from two to| in at the head, tried at that time to three days, but during this time they induce to participate in the first So- were exceedingly heated. viet government) should not have On Nov. 2, 1917, the C. C. of our started to criticize us Bolsheviki while party, in the presence of Comrade Lenin, adopted a resolution which, events were taking place in the among other things, stated: streets of Moscow regarding which "The C. C. confirms that, without our Moscow delegates have reported having excluded anybody from the today. (At this time the struggle for Second Soviet Congress it is even the Soviet power was still going on now fully prepared to note the return in Moscow.) On this occasion we re- of the Soviet members who have re- mind the comrades of the S. R. that signed (as is known the right S. R. before we published the composition and the mensheviki withdrew from cf our government we called upon the Second Soviet Congress) and to them to take part in the government, recognize the coalition with those who but they declared that they would have withdrawn from the Soviets, take part in the work of the govern- that, therefore the assertions that the ment, but for the time being would Bolshevik! will not share power with not enter the government." anybody are absolutely devoid of At the session of the Petrograd So- foundation. viet of Nov. 3, 1917, the writer stated: "The C. C. confirms that on the day "Comrades, there are among us of the formation of the present gov- comrades from the Red Army, soldiers ernment, a few hours before its form- and sailors, who in a few hours will ation, it invited to its session three hasten to the aid of our Moscow representatives of the left S. R. and comrades and brothers. (Loud and prolonged applause.) The revolution- able to help, that we now have the ary military committee wished two possibility of throwing our victorious days ago to send help, but met with troops on the Moscow front. obstacles precisely from those quart- "Long live the comrades proceeding ers from which one could only have to Moscow—all Russia is watching expected support. I speak here of them." some leading circles of the railway On the evening of Nov. 3, and on employes, who in these hours so fate- the morning of the 4th, our negotia- ful for the revolution have adopted a tions with the left S. R. and with that 'nuetral' attitude. In these terrible conference which had invited the hours, however, one cannot be 'neither leaders of the railway workers' un- hot or cold'—I do not wish to speak ion, arrived at the most critical stage. .too sharply, but you yourselves will At this moment we committed the understand comrades, how the future greatest errors. The famous declara- will judge the facts. tion of some comrades, among them "Just recently a transport of troops myself, in the C. C. of the Bolsheviki to Moscow was held up. When the and the Council of the People's Com- leaders of the railway workers' union missaires (regarding the resignation were asked how they act in this man- of our responsible posts owing to the ner, they replied: 'We have also obstinacy of our C. C.) was signed on held up transports from the other Nov. 4, 1917, and on Nov. 7, 1917, my side.' "Letter to the Comrades" was pub- "We must appeal to the lower sec- lished in the Pravda (No. 183). In tions of the railwaymen and explain this letter we said: (I quote the most to them what 'neutrality' means un- important part.) der present conditions. I do not "The Central Committee of the All- doubt that 99 per cent of the lower Russian Soviet Congress placed in the sections of the railway employes and foreground a definite plan of agree- workers will side with the fighting ment (the resolution of Nov. 3), which soldiers and workers. A whole num- I fully agree with, as it demands the ber of central committees are sitting immediate recognition of the decrees on the fence. Unfortunately, among regarding the land, peace, workers' these is the central committee of the control, and the recognition of the So- railway workers. No one could have viet power. foreseen that the leading organ of the "In reply to the resolution of the railway workers would preserve 'neu- C. E. C. the mensheviki submitted a trality' whilst workers and soldiers number of preconditions. The C. E. C., were fighting on the barricades. This as it did not wish to place any diffi- state of affairs must be ended. The culties in the way, adopted a resolu- railway proletariat must stand like tion proposed by us which removed one man on the side of the fighting the hindrances in the way of these workers and soldiers, they must help negotiations. them to break the resistance of the "In spite of this the other side bourgeoisie and of the landowners. . . would not make any concessions to "Greetings to the comrades who are the C. E. C. The conditions submitted hastening to the help of the revolu- by the latter were rejected by the tionaries in Moscow (long and stormy mensheviki and the S. R. The at- applause). Now we are giving back tempt to arrive at an agreement was to Moscow what it gave the revolu- consistently carried out in spite of all tion in 1905. At that time the Mos- obstacles; it led, however, to no re- cow proletariat began the revolt, and sult. It is now evident that the men- delivered the first blow against despot- sheviki and the S. R. did not want an ism. We are happy that we are now understanding and only sought for a pretext to wreck it. was not until six months after the Oc- "Now all the workers and soldiers tober revolt that it became evident will know who bears the responsibil- that the left S. R. had also become a ity for the wrecking of the agreement. counter-revolutionary force. In Octo- Now—I am convinced—also the left ber, 1917, however, they were express- S. R. will throw the blame for the ly invited by Comrade Lenin and our wrecking of the understanding upon C. C. to participate in our first Sovietj the mensheviki and into our govern- government, as they were then con- ment. nected with a large section of the "In the present state of affairs I ad- peasants and with a portion of the here to the proposition of the com- workers. In fact, even the negotia- rades and withdraw my declaration tions with the leaders of the railway- regarding resignation from the C. C. men's union were, as the reader has "I appeal to my immediate comrades. seen, conducted with the approval of Comrades. We made a great sacri- the C. C. fice when we openly raised a protest The result of the exposure of the against the majority of our C. C. and mensheviki and of the S. R. on the demanded the agreement. This agree- occasion of the railway workers' con- ference was, that the left S. R., whom ment, however, was rejected by Comrade Lenin had formerly in vain the other side. We are liv- called upon to participate in the So- ing in a serious, responsible time. viet government, now entered into it; It is our duty to warn the party altho some days before the left S. R. of errors. But we remain with the had the intention even to resign from party, we prefer to commit errors the C. E. C., which under the condi- along with the millions of workers and tions then existing would have meant soldiers and to die with them than a severe blow for the Bolsheviki and to stand aside from them at this de- would have hindered the winning of cisive historical moment. the peasantry. There will and shall be no split in In Pravda, of Nov 4, we read: our party. "The fraction of the left S. R. in the Since Nov. 8, I participated as prev- C. E. C. submitted an ultimative dec- iously in the work of our C. C. On laration regarding the necessity of Nov. 9, I spoke in its name at the All- drawing up of a platform in the name Russian Peasants' Congress, and on of the C. E. C. The C. E. C. agreed Nov. 10, at the session of the Petro- to this demand and in the name of grad Soviet. Here I said that we the C. E. C. a platform was drawn up." would recognize the constituent as- It was just the rejection of this sembly, "if the constituent assembly platform by the mensheviki and the would give expression to the actual S. R. at the conference convened by will of the workers, soldiers and peas- the railway leaders which led to the ants." change in the tactics of the left S. R. Naturally, now after seven years, it in favor of the Soviet power. seems monstrous to every member of| At this time there was published in our party how one could deceive him- the Pravda a number of resolutions self with regard to the real forces of from the most important in which we the leaders of the railwaymen and find the following: those alleged internationalists from "Whilst we regard the agreement of the camp of the S. R. and mensheviki the socialist parties as desirable, we grouped round the railway leaders. workers declare that the agreement Of course, in order to understand the can only be reached on the basis of situation one must place oneself in the following conditions. . . " (These the position obtaining at the time.—It conditions were practically the same as our representatives had submitted out causing great damage. to the railway men's conference.) These differences were swept away In our attitude during these days by the avalanche of fresh events— there was again reflected the hesita- they remained isolated with the lead- tion of these workers—in this respect ing circles of the party. A few days our error was not a personal, not an passed and the error was admitted by accidental error. those who had committed it and the Now, seven years afterwards, do not general staff of the party and the the words in the resolution of our whole party could proceed to the solu- Central Committee that "the asser- tion of actual tasks. These differences tion that the Bolsheviki would not have left behind such little traces in share power with anybody is devoid the party that at the first party con- of all foundation" sound monstrous ference (seventh) which took place af- from our present standpoint? And ter the October revolt (which dealt ye!, these words were written down already with the question of the Brest "by Comrade Lenin on Nov. 3, 1917, Peace), nobody mentioned a single and approved by our C. C. Everyone word regarding these differences. who reflects over these facts, every- Nobody reproached us regarding one who remembers that the left S. R. this error, altho it so happened that I, at that time represented an import- on behalf of the C. C., had to fight en- ant section of the peasants, everyone ergetically against Comrade Trotsky who reflects at all over the conditions and the "left," (*) and it is clear at that time, will understand the ex- that the party under the fresh impres- tent and the character of our error. sion of the differences, would have at- It was a great, but nevertheless not tacked the guilty ones if they had es- a "social democratic" error. timated this guilt as Comrade Trot- We, of course do not say that in sky does now. order to prove that our error was a Comrade Trotsky now says in the small one. We stood outside of the "Lessons of October," seven years af- C. C. of the party only for three days ter these events, that our attitude to —from the 4th to 7th of November. the question of the Brest Peace was In spite of this error, as we already one of capitulation. What did Trot- said at the opening session of the 4th sky himself say on this 7th party con- World Congress of the Comintern, gress some weeks after the October was the greatest error we made in our differences: life. The only thing we wish to prove "Before the last journey to Brest- is that it is not correct to draw from Litovsk we discussed during the whole this error the conclusion that there time the question of our further tac- existed a "right wing" in Bolshevism. tics. And there was only one vote Every one who experienced those! in the C. C. in favor of immediately historical days knows that these dif- signing the peace: that of Zinoviev. ferences, how much they strained the (We assert that there was not only relations of such near comrades and one vote, but also Lenin, Stalin and friends, left no bitter feeling behind. Sverdlov said the same thing; Com- Everybody adopted a sincere attitude rade Kamenev was arrested in Fin- towards the others without attempting lond. G. Z.) What he said was, from to "make use of" these errors for his standpoint, quite correct. I was "diplomatic," fractionist purposes. Everybody understood that only the ( *) It is interesting to mention the exceptional moment led to exceptional result of the election of the new C. C. means of solving differences, which at this party conference. The writer arose like a whirlwind but which, like of these lines received only one vote a whirlwind soon calmed down with- less than Comrade Lenin. fully in agreement with him. He said, 147-148.) Against Trotsky and against that hesitation would only render the "left" Communists, there was di- worse the peace conditions, and that rected the resolution of Lenin and they mu&t be signed at once." (Min- Zinoviev (Minutes Page 3), and as re- utes of the 7th Party Conference, gards resignation from the C. C. in Page 79.) general, Comrade Lenin said the fol- If the proposal to sign the Brest lowing words: Peace was a "capitulation," then Com- "I also found myself in a similar sit- rade Lenin was -a "capitulator." (As uation in the C. C. when the proposal a matter of fact, the tactics of Trot- was adopted not to sign the peace, sky at that time would have led to and I kept silent without closing my the downfall of the revolution, i. e., to eyes to the fact that I could not take an actual capitulation.) If Comrade over responsibility for this. Every Trotsky himself spoke in the above member of the C. C. is free to repudi- mentioned way as to this affair, who ate responsibility without resigning can give credit to his present ultra- from the C. C. and without creating a polemic remarks? Is it not evident scandal. It is, of course, permissable that all this has been discovered af- under certain conditions, and is some- terwards? times even unavoidable; but whether At the 7th Party Congress the de- that was necessary just now, with bates turned upon quite other ques- this organization of the Soviet power tions. It was Comarde Trotsky this which enables us to control in so far time who submitted a declaration re- as we do not lose contact with the garding his resignation from all re- masses, there can only exist one opin- sponsible posts.** (Minutes Page ion." At the 7th Party Congress Comrade Trotsky, who at that time had only (**) "The party conference, the been six months in our party, pro- highest authority of the party, has yoked the first Trotsky crisis. Since indirectly repudiated the policy which that time, unfortunately, these crises I, with other comrades from our occur periodically. Brest-Litovsk delegation followed, and which from two sides had a certain in- ,, Revision of Leninism under the ternational repercussion; both among the working class and among the rul- Flag of Lenm- ing class. This policy rendered the The last attack of Comrade Trot- name of the members of this delega- sky (the "Lessons of October") is tion the most hated by the bourgeoisie nothing else than a fairly open at- of Germany and Austria. Today the tempt to revise—or even directly to whole German and Austro-Hungarian liquidate—the foundation of Leninism, press is full of accusations against the It will only require a short time and Brest-Litovsk delegation, and particu- this will be plain to the whole of our larly against me personally; they de- party and to the whole International, clare that we are responsible for the The "novelty" in this attempt con- collapse of the peace and for all the sists in the fact that, out of "strateg- further unfortunate results. Whether ical" considerations, it is attempted this is the view of the Party Confer- to carry out this revision in the name ence or not, it has by its last vote con- of Lenin. firmed this assertion and I therefore We experienced something similar resign every responsible post with, at the beginning of the campaign of which the party has hitherto entrust- Bernstein and his followers, when ed me." (Speech of Comrade Trot- they began the "revision" of the foun- sky at the 7th Party Conference, dation of Marxism. The ideas of March 1918.) Marx were already so generally recog- 10 nized in the international labor move- which began in a country where the ment, that even their revision, at peasantry perponderate. Lenin was least at the beginning had to be un- from head to foot a proletarian revo- dertaken in the name of Marx. A lutionary. But he knew at the same quarter of a century was necessary time that he had to work in a coun- before the revisionists could finally try in which the peasantry predomin- throw aside their mask and openly ated, and in which the proletariat pronounce that, in the field of theory, therefore can only be victorious when they had entirely broken away from it adopts a correct attitude towards Marx. This took place in a most the peasantry. After Lenin already open manner, in literature, only in the in the revolution of 1905 had issued year 1924, in the recently published the slogan of "the democratic dicta- collection of articles devoted to the torship of the proletariat and of the 70th birthday of Kautsky. peasantry," he did not cease for a The-ideas of Leninism at present single moment to be a proletarian rev- predominate to such an extent in the olutionary; he made no concession to international revolutionary movement bourgeois democracy (the mensheviki, —and particularly in our country— among them Comrade Trotsky, ac- that the "critics" of Leninism con- cused Comrade Lenin at that time sider it necessary to have recourse that he, who called himself Marxist, to similar methods. They undertake was an ideologist of bourgeois dem- the revision of Leninism "in the name ocracy), but he was the only one who of Lenin," citing Lenin, emphasizing not with mere words, but by deeds, their fidelity to the principles of Len- prepared the way for the socialist inism. This "strategy" however does revolution in a situation when bour- not help. It is already seen through; geois democracy was still a force and by the Leninist party. It only needs was capable of shattering czarist des- a few weeks and all the sparrows on potism. the house-tops will be twittering over Lenin felt himself at that time to the collapse of this remarkable strat- be the recognized leader of the prole- egy. Comrade Trotsky has overlooked tarian revolution—and this he was one trifle: that our party is so Lenin- in fact. He knew and believed that ist and so mature that it is capable of the Bolshevik Party, that is, the gen- distinguishing Leninism from Trot- uine advance-guard of the proletariat, skyism. would help the working class as far The attack on Comrade Trotsky is as possible on the road to the realiza- an attack with inadequate means. tion of its class aims, that is to pro- Nobody will succeed in liquidating ceed on the road to the victory of the the foundations of Leninism, or carry- proletarian revolution. He knew that ing out even a partial revision of the he and his party, in every country, principles of Leninism, or even suc- would do everything possible to ex- ceed in getting Trotskyism recognized tract from this situation the maximum! as a "justifiable tendency" within Len- for the final aim of the proletarian inism. Nobody will succeed in convinc- revolution. He so understood the con- ing the party that we now need some nection between the bourgeois-demo- sort of synthesis of Leninism and cratic and the proletarian-socialist Trotskyism. Trotskyism is as fit to revolution, that the first precedes the be a constituent part of Leninism as second, that the second solves in pass- a spoonful of tar can be a constituent ing the questions of the first, that the part of a vat of honey. second confirms the works of the first. What is Leninism? Leninism is the And as Lenin knew this, he man- Marxism of the epoch of the imperial- euvered with the mastership of a gen- ist wars in the world revolution, ius in three revolutions, always at the 11 head of the working class, always works of Lenin: From "The Friends concretizing his tactics so that every of the People," along with "Develop- suitable historical situation is used ment of Capitalism," to "What is to be to its fullest limits in the interests of Done?" along "Two Kinds of Tactics" his class. Lenin was, on Oct. 24, 1917, to the "State and Revolution" with not the same man that he became on "The Renegade Kautsky." These are Oct. 26, 1917. "Who laughs last, the most important literary sign posts laughs the longest" wrote Lenin some of Leninism. days before the October revolution in Let us consider what these sign an article on the party program. posts indicate? "The Friends of the Therefore Lenin defended at that People" and "The Development of time among other things the necessity Capitalism" constitute a penetrating of retaining the minimum program. analysis of the theory of Marxism and But on the morrow, after the victory the most concrete, profound study of of the October insurrection, the in- economics and of the social structure genious commander of the working of that country in which Bolshevism class was not the same as he was one commences to come into action. day before this victory. My class has "What is to be Done?" along with "Two become stronger, the enemies of my Kinds of Tactics" is the incomparable class have become weaker, the forces criticism of social democratic optim- of the workers' revolution have in- ism, the unsurpassed elucidation of creased, hence therefore, more press- the role of the workers' party in the ure, more boldly forwards! That is revolution together with the laying the real Lenin! He knows that it is down of the tactics of the proletariat a very difficult way along which one in a peasant country on the eve of has to lead millions of workers, be- the bourgeois-democratic revolution hind whom, if we wish to be victor- which one must endeavor so to carry ious, there must follow the millions thru that it begins as soon as possible and millions of peasants of our coun- to develop into the socialist revolution try. The "State and Revolution" and the From the great slogan: "demo- "Renegade Kautsky" are the applica- cratic dictatorship of the proletariat tion of Leninism to the world arena, and of the peasantry" (1905-1907) via are along with the book "Imperial- the "dictatorship of the proletariat ism, the Latest Stage of Capitalism" and the poorest peasants" (1917) to the most profound analysis of the the actual "dictatorship of the prole- latest imperialism and the laying tariat" which will be realized on the down of the tactics of the already be- basis of "alliance with the peasantry" ginning socialist revolution, which —that is the road of Leninism. grows out from the first, i. e., the From menshevism of the Axelrod bourgeois-democratic revolution. type (1903-1905) via the "permanent" Compare all this with Trotskyism! (1905-1907) variation of menshevism, If Lenin is the classical type of the to the complete abandonment of the proletarian revolutionary, Trotsky is revolution and its substitution by the the "classical" type of the intellectual menshevik free coalition (1909-1914), revolutionary. The latter has of to the policy of vacillations (block course certain strong features, he suc- with Tzeidse and fight against the ceeds sometimes in combining with Zimmerwald Left) during the war the proletarian mass, but that which (1914-1917)—that is the road of old forms the nature of his political aci Trotskyism. tivity is the intellectual revolutionar- If one considers the literary history ism. of Bolshevism, one can say that it is We give below a compressed politi- essentially contained in the following cal description of the life of Trotsky- 12 ism which possesses the authority of particular sharp expression in the two coming from the pen of Lenin: last named works. "He, Trotsky, was in the year 1903 What was the book: "Our Political a menshevik, left this party in 1904, Tasks?" This book which appeared returned to the mensheviki in 1905 with the dedication of the menshevist and paraded round with ultra-revolu- patriarch, P. A. Axelrod, was the most tionary phrases. In 1906 he again vulgar menshevist book which the his- abandoned this party; at the end of tory of menshevist literature has ever 1906 he again defended the election known. In this book Comrade Trot- alliance with the cadets and in the sky came to the conclusion of a lib- spring of 1907 he stated at the Lon- eral labor policy. don Conference that the difference be- And what was the book: "Our Rev- tween him and Rosa Luxemburg rath- olution," the most left of the books of er constituted a difference of individu- Trotsky in the first epoch? In this al shades of opinion than a difference) book (see also his book "1905") there of political tendency. Today Trotsky was laid down the notorious theory borrows some ideas from the one frac- of the "permanent revolution" which tion and tomorrow from the other and Comrade Trotsky is now attempting therefore considers himself as a man to impose upon Bolshevism. This ! standing above both fractions." (Len- "theory" was regarded by Comrade i in's Collected Works, Vol. XI, Part II. Lenin and all the Bolsheviki as a Page 308-309.) variety of menshevism. Not every- ; "Never in a single serious question body will remember that in this "left" of Marxism has Trotsky had a firm book in which Comrade Trotsky to a opinion, he always squeezes himself certain extent defended the "workers" in a division between this or that revolution against the Bolshevik idea difference of opinion and always runs of a democratic dictatorship of the from one side to the other. At pres- proletariat and the peasantry. Trot- ent he is in the company of the sky wrote: 'Bund' and of the liquidators." "But how far can the socialist pol-j Thus wrote Lenin in an article in icy of the working class go under the the revue, Enlightenment, published economic conditions of Russia? One in 1914. can say one thing with certainty: it "However well meant the intentions will much rather encounter political of Martow and Trotsky may be sub-' hindrances than be supported by the I jectively, objectively they support by technical backwardness of the coun- j their tolerance Russian imperialism." try. Without direct state support of Thus wrote Lenin in the Socialdem- the European proletariat the working okrat, No. 1, October, 1916. class of Russia will not be able to Let us compare the literary sign maintain power and transform their posts of Bolshevism with those indi- temporary rule into a long enduring cating the road to development of socialist dictatorship. One cannot Trotskyism. These are the following doubt this for a moment." (Trotsky:1 books of Comrade Trotsky: "Our "Our Revolution," 1904. Russian edi- Political Tasks" (1903), "Our Revolu- tion, Page 277-288.) tion" (1905-1906), then his collabora- What is the meaning of the state tion to the liquidatory journal, Nasha support of the European proletariat? ! Sarja (Our Dawn), then a bright mo- In order to possess the possibility of * ment—the book over Kautsky (1919) affording state support to the Russian —which was followed by the "New revolution, the European proletariat Course," and "The Lessons of Octo- would first have to capture power in ber" (1923-1924). The retrograde de- Europe. In the year 1905, and in gen- i velopment of Comrade Trotsky finds eral up to the war 1914-1918, there 13 r

could be no talk of this. But Trot- merely from the class relations but sky preached the "permanent" revolu- from those temporary conditions cre- tion in the year 1905. ated by the war. What is to be inferred from this? "As a result of the war the peasantry Only this that Trotsky in the year appeared in the organized and armed 1905 either did not seriously believe form of the army comprising many in any permanent revolution or that millions. Before the proletariat could he preached the permanent revolution organize itself under its own flag in. in 1905 only under the condition that order to draw the masses of the vil- the European proletariat afforded us lage behind it, the petty bourgeois "state support," which meant that revolutionaries found a natural sup- Trotsky "postponed" the workers rev- port in the peasant army exasperated olution in Russia until the victory of by the war. With the weight of this the proletarian revolution in Europe. army of millions which everything In the latter case Trotsky appears as immediately depended the petty bour- the representative of the most stereo- geois revolutionaries exercised press- typed social democratic standpoint: ure upon the proletariat and at first Let "them" first make the revolution drew it after them. That the course and then "we" will "immediately" of the revolution could have been dif- make the workers' revolution. ferent with the same class bases is Trotsky wrote in those times a best proved by the events which pre- great deal as to a victorious Russian ceded the war." (Lesson of October, revolution being only possible as a Page 18-19.) part of a victorious international revo- The road from February till Octo- lution, for western European capital ber 1917, resulted, as you can see, not supported czarism with loans, etc. only from the class relations, but also There was a grain of truth in this and from those temporary (!) conditions here Trotsky only repeated that which created by the war. What is the the Bolsheviki said. But Trotsky as meaning of this brain wave? It as- usual conceived this connection of the sumes that the war did not arise from Russian revolution with the interna- the class relations, that is to say it tional revolution too mechanically. was a mere chance event. Now, the Comrade Trotsky did not grasp the Russo-Japanese war, out of which concrete way of the revolution in our grew 1905, the general rehearsal of country. He does not even yet grasp 1917—was it also a chance? Was the actual importance of the peasantry that not also created by the tempor- in our revolution. If any proof were ary conditions? What profundity of necessary for this, Trotsky has pro- thought! vided this in his last work, "The Les- If there had been no imperialist sons of October." We quote the fol- war—and Leninism teaches that the lowing : imperialist war is the inevitable out- "It was precisely the unripeness of come of imperialism, as the latest the revolution under the thoroly stage of capitalism, therefore of the unique conditions created by the war course of the class war; if Russia had which delivered the leadership over not been a peasant country and there- to the petty bourgeois revolutionaries fore its vast army had not been a which consisted in the fact that they peasant army of a dozen millions; if defended the historical claim of the this peasant army had not been rend- bourgeois to power. This, however, ered desperate by the imperialist war does not mean that the revolution which the bourgeoisie had to conduct; could only follow that road which it if the weight of more than hundred followed from February to October, millions of peasants had not exercised 1917. This last road resulted not pressure upon the whole course of 14 the social-political life of the country] A collaborator of Comrade Trotsky —then the development of the revolu- and the "editor" of his book, 1917, tion would have proceeded according Comrade Lenzner, asserts in all seri- to Trotsky and the astonished human- ousness that already in the articles ity would have experienced the written by Trotsky at the beginning apotheosis of Trotskyism. of March, 1917, in America in the It apparently has never occurred to paper, Novy Mir (New World), he an- our author that "if ifs and ands were ticipated the attitude to the questions pots and pans" if there had not been taken by Comrade Lenin in his fam- an imperialist war with all its inevit- ous "Letters from Abroad." Comrade able consequences, there would prob- Trotsky did not even know what the ably never had been the revolution of question was whilst Comrade Lenin 1917, and no such relatively easy vic- in his truly famous "Letters from tory. Our author is also obviously un- Abroad" already submitted to the aware that precisely the development Russian working class the scheme of of the revolution from February to the real October worked out in almost October, 1917, confirmed "in passing" all details. the already obvious truth that the But this is only half the trouble. whole Trotskyism with its theory of The present trouble is that Comrade' its "permanent" revolution was noth- Trotsky can say nothing better than ing else than a cleverly thought-out if there had been no imperialist war intellectual scheme which was cut ac- and if the peasantry had not predom- cording to the requirements of men- inated in our country, then Trotsky- shevism. ism would have been right as opposed Let us refer once more to Comrade to Leninism. Lenin: Is any further proof necessary that "Hence their (the mensheviki) mon- Comrade Trotsky understood the Bol- strous, idiotic, renegade idea that the shevist attitude to the question of the dictatorship of the porletariat and of peasantry as little as he understands the peasantry contradicts every it now? course of economic development. With The "Lessons of October" have us there appears at every crisis of our clearly shown one thing: that even epoch (1905-1909) a general democratic now in the eighth year of the proletar- movement of the mushik and to ig- ian revolution Comrade Trotsky has nore this, would be a profound error not grasped the true nature of Lenin- which in fact would lead to menshe- ism, and that he now as previously is vism." Thus wrote Lenin in Decem- revolving round in the same circle— ber, 1909. in the question of the peasantry—in But Comrade Trotsky even in the the question which is the chief source year 1924 does not understand that of the false conclusions of Comrade the role of the mushik in such a crisis Trotsky beginning from his error of as 1917 was not by chance not re- Brest to his error in the question of moved from the course of the class the trade unions in 1921, ending with struggle. his errors at the present time. It is obvious that it has also never * * * occurred to our author that the course In the "Lessons of October" there! of the great revolution between Feb- are almost as many erroneous asser- ruary and October, 1917, wonderfully tions as there are assertions at all. confirmed Leninism, .among other Therefore the Communist Youth had things in that section in which Lenin little difficulty in detecting that Com- with the theoretical ruthlessness pe- rade Trotsky confounded Lenin with culiar to him, deals with the Trotsky- Hilferding (in the question of the con- ist variety of menshevism. stituent assembly and the so-called 15 combined type of the constituent as- Hence it comes that such important sembly and the Soviets.* Hence it episodes of the revolution as the ques- comes that Comrade Sokolnikov dem- tion of the July demonstration, as the onstrated to Comrade Trotsky that fight for Kronstadt and even the ques- the "left" errors of Comrade Bogdat- tion of the July days are described by jev were ascribed by the esteemed au- Comrade Trotsky after the manner of thor of the "Lessons of October" to Suchanov and the paper, Denj (The Comrade Lenin (the history of the Day, bourgeois), and not as they act- demonstration of April 1917.) Hence ually occured. Hence it comes that it comes that Comrade Kuusinen can the question of the tactics of the Bol- easily prove by means of documents sheviki with regard to the preliminary that Comrade Trotsky in the question parliament and the democratic con- of the German revolution** said the ference are dealt with in an equally exact contrary in January, 1924, to incorrect and biased manner. what he now says in the "Lessons of These "small" errors have been suf- October." ficiently refuted by authoritative wit- nesses of the events. Perhaps we (*) For the rest we learn from the shall be able on another occasion to second part of "1917" that as late as give an exact description of some of Oct. 29, 1917, Comrade Trotsky him- the very important episodes of the self on behalf of the Council of Peo- revolution. ple's Commissionaires wrote in an ap- peal : "The only thing which can save the country is the constitutional as- sembly which consists of representa- III. tives of the working and exploited classes of the people." It is permitted Was There a Right Wing in the Bol- to ask in which respect this is better shevist Party? than the "combined type?" ("1917," We must give a clear answer to this second part page 133.) question. Everybody who is familiar (**) One example suffices: "We with the real history of Bolshevism have seen there (in Germany) in the will, without hesitation, give the fol- second half of the past year a classical demonstration of the fact that a most lowing answer: There was none and extraordinary favorable revolutionary there could be none. situation of world historical import) There could be no right wing be- ance can be missed," thus wrote Com- cause the Leninist fundamental prin- rade Trotsky in September, 1924, in ciples of the structure of the Bolshe- the "Lessons of October." vist party excluded every possibility "If the party (the C. P. of Germany) of a right and of a left wing. had declared the revolt in October There could be no right wing be- (last year) as the Berlin comrades cause the first split between Bolshe- have proposed, it would now be lying viki and mensheviki had already tak- with a broken neck." We read these en place in 1903 on the eve of the words in the draft thesis of comrades first revolution of 1905. Radek and Trotsky in January, 1924. In such a question one cannot have Comrade Lenin wrote regarding the two opinions, one in January, 1924, Italian socialist party that even its and another in September, 1924. If first splitting from the extreme chau- however, one has two opinions regard- vinists which took place some years ing such a question, one must not so before the world war—that even this attack the E. C. C. I. as Comrade Trot- superficial split which was far from sky has done. being complete, helped it in the first 16 period of the imperialist, war, in the there is no such deception. That year 1914, to adopt a more commend- which for the Second International able standpoint than the standpoint was a fortunate exception, must and of those social democratic parties who will be a rule for the Third Interna- up to the year of 1917, and even later tional. The proletariat will always— remained united. Every one who has so long as capitalism exists—be in read the articles of Comrade Lenin contact with the petty-bourgeoisie. It from the years 1914-1915 on German is unwise, sometimes to reject a tem- social democracy ("Against the porary alliance with them, but to Stream") will remember how passion- unite with them, to be united with ately Lenin advocates the splitting of the opportunists can at present only the German social democracy, what be defended by the enemies of the great hopes he placed on this split, proletariat in the present epoch." how he explained the complete col- ("Against the Stream" p. 36.) lapse of German social democracy Whoever thinks over these words among other th.ings as being due to will understand why in a party which the belated split between the left was formed by Comrade Lenin in the and right wings. fight against the mensheviki and "The type of the socialist parties against Trotsky there could exist no of the epoch of the Second Interna- right wing. tional was the party which tolerated "Our Russian party has long since opportunism in its midst, which dur- broken with the opportunist groups, ing the ten years of the period of and elements . . . The dead weight peace continually grew in numbers of opportunism was not able to drag but which hid itself and adapted it- down our party into the deep. And self to the revolutionary workers from this circumstances rendered it pos- whom it took over its Marxist term- sible—as the split of the Italian party inology and avoided every clear de- —to fulfill its revolutionary duty." finition of principle. This type out- So wrote Lenin in "Socialism and lived its time. War." (Second chapter.) "In Italy the party was an exception Comrade Trotsky must understand for the epoch of the Second Interna- all this and then he will understand tional; the opportunists with Bisso- why one cannot speak of a right wing lati at the head were expelled from of the Bolshevist party which was the party. The result of this crisis created by Lenin in a "fierce" strug- was excellent . . . We, in no way, gle against all non-Bolshevist frac- idealize the Italian socialist party and tions, groups and tendencies. do not guarantee that it will prove to Whoever understands anything of remain firm in the event of Italy com- the theory, of the tactics and of the ing into the war. We are not speak- organizatory principles of Leninism ing of the future of this party, we cannot claim that a right wing exist- are speaking now only of the pres- ed in the Bolshevik party. Bolshevism ent. We affirm the indisputable fact differed fundamentally in that it could that the workers of the majority of not permit and did not permit the the European countries were deceived party to be organized as a block of by the ficticious unity of the oppor- all possible tendencies, as a block of tunists with the revolutionaries and a right, of a left wing, of a center, that Italy is a happy exception—a etc. country where at the present moment Think over what Comrade Lenin 17 r

has written for .example regarding The overwhelming majority of these the period of the emigration time of reconcilers are at present in our the party. He said: The great va- ranks and nobody thinks of asserting riety of political tendencies in emigra- today that they recollect there being tion—mensheviki, S. R. anarchists, in any way a sort of right tendency maximalists, which were again divid- in the party. Their most prominent ed into sub sections, had the effect leader was I. F. Dubrovinsky, and no- that all non-Bolshevist elements were body who knew him would pretend withdrawn, as by a plaster, from the that he represented in any way a right body of the party. The same was the wing. From one prison to another, case in the period of legal and illegal from one banishment to another, went existence of our party between Feb- such comrades as Dubrovinsky and ruary and October, 1917. At that time Nogin; and in the period between the we saw the same variety and multipli- one prison and the other they made city of political parties, fractions and many passing errors regarding ques- minor fractions, which inevitably ab- tions of organization. Of course, these sorbed everything that was not thoro- comrades could have fallen victims to ly Bolshevik. In this manner the Bol- opportunism if their errors had un- shevik party became a crystallization dergone a logical development. This point only for Bolsheviki. Hence our however, did not happen. Lenin put party was one indivisible whole. the question bluntly: Either expulsion It involves a complete ignorance of or submission to the decisions of the Lenin and of Leninism to admit the Bolshevik leadership, possibility that Lenin, even if only That does not mean that in the for a short time, had tolerated the long years of the history of Bolshe- existence of a right wing in the Bol- vism there were never any differenc- shevik party. And what is still more es and various tendencies between the important is, that Leninism is irrecon- most prominent functionaries of the cilable with the existence of a right party. There were, of course, such wing in the Bolshevist party. differences. In 1906 Kamenev advo- It could be argued that there were cated the boycott of the Duma (a Bolshevik "reconciliators" who great- "left" attitude), while Comrade Lenin ly resembled a right wing of Bolshe- recommended participation in the vism. Duma. In the plenum of the C. C. Yes, that is a fact The Bolshevik in 1910 (the last joint plenum with "reconciliators" played an episodal the mensheviki) a section of the Bol- role at the commencement of the split sheviki attempted unity with Trotsky, between the Bolsheviki and the men- whilst Comrade Lenin and other Bol- sheviki (1903-1904), and then also in shevik leaders, (among them the pres- the years of the counter-revolution ent writer) were emphatically against (1910-1911). But at the moment of this attempt. These, however, were this hesitating attitude of the Bol- only episodal differences of opinion. shevik "reconciliators" it came essen- But the differences which we had tially to a direct split between us with the people grouped round the and them. The Bolshevik party, un- paper "Vperjod" (Forward) in 1908 der Lenin's leadership, was ready to and which lasted for some years, amputate this small fragment from its could not be regarded as episodal. body, and this it did in order to re- These alleged "left" people, as a mat- main a homogeneous Bolshevik party. ter of fact, defended opportunist tac- 18 tics, that is, they abandoned the fun- the "Pravda" in the first days after damental basis of Bolshevism. The the February revolution, before the group was expelled from our organiza- arrival of Comrade Lenin. tion and only those have returned who Can one from this infer the exist- have thoroly recovered from the ence of a right wing in the Bolshevist "Vperjod" sickness. party, which Comrade Trotsky at- Also those differences cannot be tempts to represent as a "social demo- characterized as being episodal which cratic," "semi-menshevist" wing. On- arose in connection with the war, ly he who does not know the Bolshe- and which extended only to a few vist party can say such a thing, who prominent Bolsheviki at me beginning judges the party from the outside, of the imperialist war. Bolshevism as who for fifteen years has fought a whole adopted a thoroly correct at- against this party, and who in 1924 titude towards the imperialist war and again declares war against the party. was conscious of the world-historical There were serious differences slogan: "Conversion of the imperial- among the Bolsheviki in the period ist war into civil war." A few im- from April to September, 1917. Groups portant Bolshevist functionaries, for could have been formed out of these example, I. Goldenberg, vacillated re- differences if the comrades who had garding the question of the charac- erred had not confessed their errors, ter of the war, and it came to an or- if events had not quickly liquidated ganizatory break with these comrades. these errors, if the party had not Goldenberg was not able to return to unanimously repudiated these errors, the party until 1921, after he had if the party had not had a Lenin. thoroly recognized his fault. Then a split would have occurred, but What is the explanation of some of in no event would a right wing have the errors committed in the first days been formed. of the February revolution? The gen- eral staff of the Bolsheviki, after years There were sharp differences among of imperialist war and white terror, the Bolsheviki in October and Novem- came together from various parts of ber, 1917. During this time the pres- the earth, after the central function- ent writer was among those comrades aires of the Bolsheviki had lived se- who had erred. If the errors had not parated from their best friends. All been immediately recognized as such, were overwhelmed by the world his- if the party had not unanimously cor- torical events. Many things turned rected these errors, and again, if the out differently from what had been party had had no Lenin, then these expected. In the first days of the sharp differences could have led to revolution the Bolsheviki themselves serious results. But as a matter of were in the minority among the Petro- fact the contrary of all this occurred. grad workers. The mood of the sol- The first split between the Bolshe- diers, whom Lenin later called "hon- viki and the mensheviki began in est defenders of their country," creat- 1903. Since about 1910 the Bolshevist ed great tactical difficulties for us. party has had a completely indepen- We asked ourselves how we could ap- dent organizatory life. Between 1903 proach these masses, how we could and 1910 Bolshevism experienced a at least get them to listen to us. All period of insufficient organizatory this led to those difficulties which growth. From 1910 to 1917 this could were responsible for the errors of no longer be the case. There was 19 r

and could be no right wing in the among them many very active mem- Bolshevist party. bers, as for instance Comrade Trot- zky. A considerable portion of these IV. comrades have been completely assim- Is the Formation of a Right Wing in ilated by our party and now are good Bolsheviki. But we must not disguise the R. C. P. Possible at the the fact that the annihilation of the Present Time? S. R. and the mensheviki as legal par- A really serious question. Our re- ties does not serve to promote the ply to this is: Yes, an attempt is now homogeneous composition of our being made to create such a right party. wing in the R. C. P. and in the Com- Third: Our country is passing thru intern. The leading figure in these efforts is Comrade Trotzky. The real a transition period. Up to October, problem is whether we can tolerate 1917, the situation was in many re- the formation of such a wing, and if spects more difficult, but clearer. The not, how we can avoid it. party was confronted with an imme- From whence can a right wing, a diate task: the overthrow of the bour- right fraction, a right tendency arise? geoisie. The present situation is more It would be absurd to explain this by complicated. The Nep, the bourgeois the personal responsibility of this or environment, all these factors render that comrade. No, there exist indis- our situation extremely complicated. putable objective pre-conditions there- Never in the history of the struggle for. of the international working class was What constitute the essential differ- a workers party in such complicated ences between the present state of af- transition period. fairs in our party and the position of Fourth: The social composition of our party before the October revolu- the party has become heterogeneous. tion? Up to October, 1917, our party was al- First: The mensheviki, the S. R. most entirely a party of workers. Af- the anarchists and the remaining ter 1917, the situation has changed. groups have disappeared from the We have at present over a hundred open political life of our country. In thousand peasant members, some the interest of the successful carry- thousands of members from the high- ing out of the proletarian dictatorship, er educational institutions, and many the victorious working class, under thousands of Soviet employes. the lead of our party, had to render What is the meaning of all our ef- illegal the S. R. the mensheviki, the forts to purge our party, the Lenin anti-Soviet section of the anarchists, recruitment? The aim of all these and other groups opposed to the idea efforts is to render the composition of of the dictatorship of the proletariat. the party as homogeneous as possible, Only the Russian C. P. is legally ac- to prevent a dilution of its social com- tive. Today it cannot be otherwise. position. With such a state of affairs it is un- All these together create the pre- avoidable that many elements enter requisites under which the formation our party, who, in the event of the of a right wing is possible in the party existence of other legal paarties, would created by Lenin—and is now with- not be with us. out Lenin. Second: We have ideologically When we deal with the attacks of shattered two important parties which Comrade Trotzky upon the Bolshevist during two decades were our rivals; C. C. with the greatest objectivity, the S. R. and the mensheviki. Some then we see that their content is the ten thousand members of these par- following: During these years Com- ties have come over to our party, rade Trotzky gave expression to ev- 20 erything which is not strictly Bolshe- employees, upon the intelligenzia, etc. vist, and which feels itself cramped The system of levers which secures within the frame of the old Lenin tac- the dictatorship of the proletariat is tics. Trotzky is sincerely convinced complicated (Soviets, trade unions, that the old methods of Leninism can etc.). But it does not follow from this no longer today fulfill their task, when that the party can become a block the party is acting in such a vast of tendencies, a sort of "parliament of arena. According to his opinion, the opinions." party must become a block of various It is a matter of course that the Bol- tendencies and fractions. shevik Party in the year 1924, cannot We all know that all those process- simply copy the Bolshevik Party of, es which are developing in our coun- say 1914, or even of 1917. We cannot try are reflected in our party, which limit ourselves merely to admitting is in possession of power and which workers into our party as members. has suppressed all the other, anti- By means of the Lenin recruitment we Soviet parties. We Leninists draw did everything possible in order to from this the conclusion that it is all increase the number of industrial the more necessary to preserve the workers in our party. For some years greatest possible homogeneity of the we held back the influx of peasants party, the greatest firmness of leader- into our party. But we have now come ship and the greatest possible devo- to the conclusion that we must again tion to Leninism. To maneuver, some- admit a considerable number of pea- times even to make concessions, is un- ants. A workers party which gov- avoidable. But it is necessary that erns the state in a peasant country, the party shall always remain Bol- must have among its members a cer- shevist. Trotzky, on the other hand, tain percentage of peasants. draws different conclusions from the The regulation of the composition of complexity of our present situation. our party is a complicated and diffi- It seems to him that the earlier "sec- tarianism," steel-firmness, is leading cult task. It is closely connected with the country to the edge of the abyss. the most difficult and sometimes the According to his view, the party must most delicate political problems. The become a combination of various tend- party must maneuver in this connec- encies and fractions, and that it shall tion. At the present epoch the party not immediately conduct the state and cannot be so homogeneous as it was economic apparatus, but leave more before the seizure of power. scope for bourgeois specialists, etc. Therefore, the policy, and also the This idea of Comrade Trotzky would leadership of the party, must be as in the present international and inner- Bolshevik as it has been hitherto, as political situation, logically lead in the Lenin has taught us. The working best case to the substitution of the class realizes its hegemony in the re- Bolshevik Party by a "broad" "labor volution, and the party is the leading party," after the model of the English MacDonald labor party in a "Soviet advance guard of the class possessing edition." It is quite possible that Com- this hegemony. rade Trotzky has not thought out his From this there arises the question idea to its logical conclusion, but he of the inner orientation of the party. is steering in this direction, unless The Bolshevist Party of 1924 must he returns to Bolshevism. base itself upon the picked troops of A party which has to work under its members, upon the workers. No such conditions needs a number of other section outside the workers can transmission belts to secure its influ- serve as the barometer for the policy ence upon the peasantry, upon the of our party. 21 Must we therefore permit the exist- inent comrades (let us say comrades ence or the formation of a right wing A and B). Both comrades are the 'in our party? most disciplined and excellent com- We must not! rades. Comrade A, however, came It does not in the least follow that be over to Bolshevism at another time cause we have to be content with a and by other ways than comrade B. non-sufficiently homogeneous social Comrade A came from the peasant composition of our party, that because movement. Comrade B came from we have to attract a certain number the workers' movement, he has been a of non-workers into our party, we can Bolshevik for twenty years. Our party water down the policy of the party, needs both. When, however, comrade that the leadership of the party must A begins to develop within the party also be heterogenous. On the con- in a certain manner, as so often hap- trary! Precisely because the party, pens, and begins to demand that the under the present conditions, cannot policy of the party shall be based, not be so homogeneous in its composition upon the workers but upon the pea- as it was before the seizure of power, sants, or when he begins to demand the policy of the party must, more that the general staff of the party strictly than ever, base itself upon the should be transformed into a block workers; and precisely therefore, the of various groups—what would our leadership of the party must be spe- party say to this comrade A in this cially firm and Leninist. event? Something similar, but in a more The objective conditions under serious form, is now being done by which our party must work at present Comrade Trotzky. He is giving ex- are such that there exists the dan- pression to everything in the party ger of the formation of a right wing. which is not Bolshevik. He who wishes to remain true to the spirit of Leninism must exert all his Can the party tolerate this? Is it forces in order to help the party to to be wondered if the party admin- withstand these tendencies. With a isters such a severe rebuke to Com- skillful and correct applibation of the rade Trotsky? principles of Leninism to the present situation, we will succeed in prevent- V. ing the formation of a right wing in our party. Whither is the Present Development Those comrades, however, who, like of Trotsky Leading? Comrade Trotzky, not only do not re- Comrade Trotsky, as an obvious in- sist these tendencies, but become their dividualist, has of course many fea- representatives, those comrades who tures of character which are only oppose the Leninist central committee characteristic for him personally. which clearly perceives the danger Comrade Trotsky often sets up such a political platform that only one per- and has to maneuver in a complicated son can stand on it: Comrade Trot- situation, thereby become the enemies sky himself, as upon this platform of Leninism. there is no room for anybody else. It Whether this is their intention or would be a mistake, however, to see in not, it is all the same. Whether they this standpoint of Trotsky only the clearly recognize this or not, it is also individual. There is no doubt that he all the same. represents a fairly broad section of Let us take, for example, two prom- the factor of our situation. 22 Since 1922, but even more since ment of Comrade Trotsky, if we test 1923, there has been an indisputable his latest political evolution in all increase in the prosperity of the coun- its details during the last two or three try, an indisputable improvement in years, it is not difficult to encounter the material situation and the mood of apparent contradictions; and some- the workers. At the same time we times it may seem as if Comrade see from all HIP expressions of Onn- Trotsky were criticising the C. C., not rade Trotsky that precisely during from the right but from the left. Was these years his political mood has be- it not Comrade Trotsky who accused come worse. The curve of the polit- the C. C. and its representatives in ical mood of the broad masses of the the Comintern that they had "missed" workers of our country is in an up- the German revolution? Is that then ward direction, the political mood of not a "left" criticism? But when we Comrade Trotsky is in a downward di- bear in mind that along with the "left" rection. phrases of Comrade Trotsky there Comrade Trotsky is beginning to stands the fact that Trotsky, during see things in ever darker colors. He the whole of 1923, supported the right prophesies the decline of the country wing of the C. P. of Germany, and on on the eve of an indisputable improve- the other hand the fact that the right ment in the economic situation, he elements of all sections of the Com- makes false diagnoses and proposes intern during last year's discussion wrong remedies, he loses more and supported the standpoint of Trotsky more of his followers, etc. Let us then the question is seen in quite call to mind that Comrade Trotsky, at another light. When we remember the time of his first encounter with that even in January, 1924, the draft Comrade Lenin and the Leninst C. C., resolution of Comrade Trotsky, Radek at the time of the dispute over the and Piatakov contained passages, ac- Brest peace, still had a considerable cording to which if the C. P. of Ger- portion of the party on his side. At many in October, 1923 had entered the time of the second encounter with upon a revolt it would today be a Lenin, in 1921 (trade union discus- heap of ruins, then it becomes clear sion), Comrade Trotsky still had that Comrade Trotsky here, as in all about a fifth of the delegates to the the other questions which he deals party conference on his side, and this with in the "Lessons of October", has in the presence of Lenin. During last not been in any way consistent. year's discussion Trotsky's following In the activity of Comrade Trotsky was already much smaller, but never- there is much that is individual, much theless there were still hundreds of that is the mere reflection of passing comrades who were prepared consis- moods, much that is brilliant. His tently to defend his platform. In the platform is not yet finally settled. His present attack of Comrade Trotsky political standpoint shimmers in all against the C. C. the comrades defend- the colors of the rainbow. Our task ing the platform of Comrade Trotsky consists in understanding what sub- can be counted on the fingers. And stance there is in all this, what is the this is not a mere chance. basis of all this; and we maintain that This fact alone shows that Comrade the basis consists of something which Trotsky in recent years, of course is not Bolshevist and not Leninist. without wishing it himself, has given From whence comes this variety of expression, not to the mood of the that Comrade Trotsky's political de- velopment is not yet ended, and that proletarian masses, but often involun- it is taking place in a time of transi- tarily to the mood of other sections of tion, in the period of the new Eco- the population. nomic Policy. If we pursue the line of develop- Through all the variety, through all 23 the improvisations of Comrade Trot- ists had been solved, not according to sky there comes to light one definite Lenin but according to Trotsky, it tendency. would have meant the greatest polit- Let us imagine for a moment what ical concession to the new bourgeoisie would be the state of our country if 4. In the questions of the inner life our party, instead of energetically re- of the party we would have had to sisting the proposals of Comrade Trot- recognize that, not the workers at sky, had accepted his most important the benches but the youths in the proposals since 1921. This would have high schools constitute the barometer meant: of the party; the youths in the high 1. The trade unions would have be- schools, among whom there are ex- come state institutions, there would cellent proletarian elements, but have taken place the notorious "fu- among whom there are not a few peo- sion" of the trade unions with official ple who are connected by a thousand state and economic organs. The trade social ties to the petty bourgeoisie unions, which today constitute our and, through them, to the Nep and the broadest basis and embrace 6 mil- new bourgeoisie. lion workers and employees, would 5. We should not have carried out have been converted into a bureau- the currency reform because, accord- cratic appendage of the official ma- ing to Trotsky, "first" industry had chine. In other words, we would to be restored, and then the currency have created a basis for menshevism reform was to be taken in hand. It and undermined with our own hands is not necessary to mention that if the dictatorship of the proletariat. we had accepted this "ingenious" pro- posal, the weight of the socialist ele- 2. The party would have become ex- ment upon the economy of our coun- cluded from the immediate leadership try would only have been reduced and of the economic and state organs. The the new bourgeoisie would have there- Soviet apparatus would have become by become stronger. more independent. "The emancipa- 6. As regards the question of our tion of the Soviets from the party" relation to the peasantry, we should would not merely have remained on have committed the greatest errors. paper, in the writings of the emi- Instead of the beginning of an alliance grants, but would have been partly with the peasantry, we should be al- realized. It is hardly necessary to together estranged from them. The point out to a Bolshevik that such a peasantry, alienated by our errors, tendency would have had innumerable would have sought another political fatal consequences. leader, and of course would have 3. The bourgeois specialists would found it in the new bourgeoisie. have won a far greater influence in all No comrade will be able to say that branches of our work, and not only on we have invented the above six points. the military field. It is almost su- Every serious Bolshevik will have to perfluous to point out that that was admit that the struggle between the one of the most important features of Leninist C. • C. and Comrade Trotsky the political platform of Comrade turns precisely upon these points, and Trotsky, and one of the most impor- not upon the question of "personal tant points of his differences with prestige", as the philistines think. our party. What would be the state of affairs Of course it is absolutely necessary in our country if, in these six ques- that we attract honest specialists into tions, we had followed the road urged our work, and that we create such an by Trotsky? It would have become a atmosphere as will enable them to Russia of the Nep, in the sense and to render useful service for our cause. the extent which the ideology of the If, however, the question of special- new bourgeoisie reckoned upon. And the prospects of the transformation of bourgeoisie. In one word, it is a bour- Russia of the new economic policy geoisie with a keen class-conscious- into a socialist Russia would have ness; an adaptable bourgeoisie, which been very remote, and would even has become more clever through the have entirely vanished. experiences of the revolution and bet- If we add to all this the opportunist ter understands the importance of the errors of Comrade Trotsky in the workers' party and the currents with- questions of international politics, in this party. (over-estimation of the democratic- We must not disguise the fact: the pacifist era, over-estimation of the social composition of our state appar- miraculous peace-making quality of atus is such, that an important part of American super-imperialism, under- the personnel of this apparatus must estimation of the counter-revolution- be considered as an agency of this ary nature of social democracy, under- new bourgeoisie. The same must be estimation of the duration of fascism) said regarding a certain section of the and the fact that he supported all students and of the intelligenzia in right, semi-social democratic elements general. in the various sections of the Comin- To demand from the Bolshevist tern, then it is clear in what direction Party in the years 1921 to 1924, in the Comrade Trotsky is drawing our period of transition, the before men- party. tioned six points, means nothing less In this heaping up of one error than to help, even if unwillingly, the upon another Comrade Trotsky has new bourgeoisie. his own "system". As a whole that system is: right deviation. Comrade Trotsky has taken a wrong The new bourgeoisie of our country turning. He wants to fight against is precisely a new and not the old the exaggerated "sectarianism" of the bourgeoisie. It has seen a variety of old Bolsheviki, which appears to him things and has also learned something as "narrow-mindedness", and in re- from the "Lessons of October". It ality he is fighting against the bases of saw the masses in action. It saw the Bolshevism. As a matter of fact, of ruthless handling of the bourgeoisie course without wishing it, he is ren- by the Bolsheviki in the first period of dering the class enemy an invaluable the October revolution, and the con- service. cessions of the Bolsheviki to the bour- We ask the former and present fol- geoisie in 1921, when these same lowers of Comrade Trotsky, whether ruthless Bolsheviki were compelled to they are aware that every attack of introduce the new economic policy. It Comrade Trotsky against the Bol- now knows the value of the real re- shevik C. C. since 1921 has been hailed lation of forces which, among others throughout the whole of the non-bol- consists in the international bour1- shevik camp with ever-increasing joy? geois environment of the first Soviet Marx has already said that one can country. It has its new intelligenzia, express the feeling of the petty bour- educated for the most part in our edu- geoisie without oneself being a small cational establishments. It has shop-keeper. Of course, Comrade Trot- learned to penetrate into the struggle sky has the best intentions. But the of tendencies within our own party, way to hell is paved with good inten- it has learned to take advantage of tions. Comrade Trotsky must once Soviet legality. and for all give up "saving" our party It is a bourgeoisie which has passed from alleged errors. He must under- through the fire of the greatest revo- stand and admit his own political lution; a bourgeoisie which under- errors, which for the greater part stands how to bring about its alliance arise from the remnants of his political with the leaders of the international ideology of the time from 1903 to 1917, 25 when Comrade Trotsky was an open tion from Leninism and thinking opponent of Bolshevism. He must more deeply into the fundamentals of cease from stirring up periodical Leninism. "crises", with the regularity and the punctuality of a calendar, every year, Of course, the party must insist that and recently every six months. He party discipline is also binding for must understand that nobody will suc- Comrade Trotsky; and we are con- ceed in crushing Leninism by force vinced that the party will be able to insist on this. The more clearness under Trotskyism. In one word, it there is in the party regarding the must be understood that Bolshevism question of Leninism and of Trotsky- remains Bolshevism. •ism, the less ground there will be for What is to be done? Split? Non- such an attempt as Comrade Trotsky sense! There can be no talk of such has undertaken. The less response a thing! Our party is more united there is in the party to this attempt, than it ever was. the less desire he will have to re- Disciplinary measures? That is also peat it. And the response this time absurd! Nobody needs this; some- is very small. Comrade Trotsky has thing else is necessary at present. so changed the form of his "platform" It is necessary that the party secure that there is only room for one man itself against a repetition of the "at- upon it—Comrade Trotsky himself. tacks" upon Leninism. Serious party During the last discussion Comrade guarantees are necessary that the de- Trotsky declared the student youth to cisions of the party shall be binding be the reliable "barometer". We did for, Comrade Trotsky. The party is not agree with him then and we do not a debating society, but a party, not agree with him now. But it must which moreover is in a very compli- be stated that even this, not entirely cated situation. The slogan of the ideal, barometer has not responded present day is: this time as in recent years, which Bolshevizing of all strata of the proves that the student youth do not party! Ideological struggle against wish to replace Leninism by Trotsky- Trotskyism! ism. And before all: enlightenment, en- The best means to hold Comrade lightenment and again enlightenment! Trotsky back from further errors, Our party consists for the greater which will estrange him still further part of relatively new members. It from Bolshevism, is for the whole is necessary that the party study the party as one man to repudiate his dev- question of Leninism and Trotskyism. iation, and then we hope he will soon It is necessary that the party clearly retrieve his errors. see that here it is a question of two It is to be hoped that Comrade Trot- fundamentally different systems of sky, when he perceives the harmful- tactics: ness of this tendency and the unanim- It is not merely a question of the ity of the party against his enormous past history of the party. It is here a errors, will turn back from his wrong question of two methods of dealing path. with present-day politics, which are Comrade Lenin more than once closely connected with such cardinal formulated the "law" of the political questions as the question of the re- evolution of Comrade Trotsky. If lation between the working class and things are going well, Comrade Trot- the peasantry. And we cannot avoid sky approaches the Bolshevist line) thanking Comrade Trotsky that he has when things are going bad, then Com- at any rate provided the party with a rade Trotsky inclines to the right. In good opportunity of analysing a devia- order to keep him back from turning 26 to the right, the ideological defense Bolshevist party will receive a new of the whole party is necessary. and more powerful steeling, and true The party will say its final word, Leninism will become the ideological and once again the premature hopes equipment of the whole party down to of the enemy will be disappointed. The the last member.

27 Speech by Comrade Stalin At the Plenary Meeting of the Communist Section of the Central Trade Union Council on November 19, 1924

OMRADES! I will confine myself not connected with our party and na- to unmasking a few legends which turally could not know the history of Chave been spread by Comrade Trotsky our conspirative meeting on Oct. 10, and others of the same opinion as to the so that he fell into Mr. Suchanov's October revolution, the part played by trap, writes about it in his book "Ten Comrade Trotsky in the revolution, as Days That Shook the World." Thi to the party and the preparations for tale is printed and repeated in a whole October, etc. In doing so I shall treat series of brochures which originate Trotskyism as a singular ideology from the pens of Trotsky's adherents, which is quite irreconcilable with Len- among others in one of the latest bro- inism, and speak of the duties of the chures about October written by Com- party in connection with the recent li- rade Syrkin. terary undertakings of Comrade Trot- These rumors are supported in an sky. increased degree by the latest literary enterprise of Comrade Trotsky. It is The Facts as to the October hardly . necessary to prove that all Revolution. these and similar "Arabian Nights" First of all as to the October revolu- do not correspond to the facts, that tion. Strong rumors are being spread nothing of the sort happened or could among the members of the party, that have happened at the meeting of the the C. C. as a whole is said to have C. C. We might therefore pass over been opposed to the insurrection in these rumors, for indeed many un- October, 1917. The tale usually goes founded and silly rumors are manufac- that on Oct. 10, when the C. C. passed tured in the studies of persons in op- a resolution regarding the organiza- position or not connected with the par- tion of the revolt, the majority of the ty. We have, as a matter of fact, done C. C. pronounced against the revolt, so until recently, for instance, by but that just then a workman forced paying no attention to the mistakes of his way into the committee and said: John Reed and not troubling to cor- "You have passed a resolution against rect them. But after the recent enter- the revolt, but I tell you that it will prises of Comrade Trotsky, it is really take piace in spite of everything." The impossible to pass over these legends C. C. is said to have been alarmed by for efforts are being made to educate these threats, to have discussed anew the youth on the lines of these legends the question of the revolt, and to have which have unfortunately already met decided to organize it. with some success. I feel therefore, This is no simple rumor, Comrades. compelled to confront these silly ru- The well-known John Reed, who was mors with the actual facts. 28 Let us take the minutes of the meet- party knows that he would not for a ing of the C. C. of our party from moment have agreed to have comrades Oct. 10-23, 1917. Present: Lenin, Zin- with social democratic leanings in the oviev, Kamenev, Stalin, Trotsky, party, let alone in the most import- Swerdlov, Uritsky, Dzershinsky, Kol- ant posts. lontay, Bubnov, Sokolnikov, Lomov. How is it to be explained that the The question to be discussed is the party escaped a split? It is explained situation at the time and the insurrec- by the fact that these comrades were tion. After the debate, a resolution old Bolsheviki who stood on the gen- of Comrade Lenin's as to the revolt, eral foundation of Bolshevism. In is put to the vote. The resolution what did this general foundation con- was passed with a majority of 10 sist? In a conformity of views as to votes against 2. It seems therefore the fundamental questions, the ques- perfectly clear that the C. C. resolv- tions as to the character of the Rus- ed by a majority of 10 against 2 votes sian revolution, as to the driving force to proceed immediately with the prac- of the revolution, the role of the pea- tical work for the organization of the sants, the principles of party leader- insurrection. At this meeting, the C. ship, etc. Without such a general C. chose a political central committee foundation, a split would have been with the title of a political bureau, inevitable. No split took place and consisting of Lenin, Zinoviev, Stalin, the differences of opinion only lasted Kamenev, Trotsky, Sokolnikov and a few days, and that because Com- Bubnov to lead the revolt. rades Kamenev and Zinoviev were These are the facts. Leninists, were Bolsheviki. These minutes immediately destroy Let us now pass on to the legend several legends. They destroy the as to the special part played by Com- legend that a majority of the C. C. rade Trotsky in the October revolu- pronounced against the insurrection. tion. Comrade Trotsky's partisans vi- They also destroy the legend that the gorously spread rumors that the inau- C. C. was faced by a split on the ques- gurator and the only leader of the Oc- tion of the insurrection. It is evident tober revolution was Comrade Trot- from the minutes, that the opponents sky. These rumors are specially of immediate revolt—Comrades Kam- spread by Comrade Lenzner, editor of enev and Zinoviev, joined the organ Trotsky's works. By the fact that for the political direction of the revolt, Comrade Trotsky systematically ne- just as did those who were in favor of glects to mention the party, the C. it. There was not and cannot be any C. and the Petrograd committee, and question of a split. is silent as to the leading part played Comrade Trotsky asserts that in the by these organizations in the work persons of Comrades Kamenev and of the revolution, putting himself in Zinoviev we had in October a right the foreground as its central figure, wing, almost a wing of social demo- he himself, intentionally or uninten- crats, in our party. In view of this tionally, promotes the spread of the it seems difficult to understand how it rumor as to the special part played could happen that the party escaped by him in the revolution. a split; how it could happen that, in I am far from denying the undoubt- spite of the differences of opinion, the edly important part played by Com- comrades in question were placed by rade Trotsky in the revolution. I must the party at the most important posts, however say, that Comrade Trotsky were elected to the political central neither did nor could play any special committee of the insurrection, etc. part, that he, as chairman of the Pet- Lenin's intolerance of social demo- rograd Soviet only carried out the will crats is well known in the party; the of the party authorities in question 29 r

who supervised everyone of his steps. the C. C. Anyone who knows the me- To member of the petty bourgeoisie, chanism of the party leadership of the such as Suchanov, all this may appear Bolsheviki will understand without strange, but the facts, the actual facts much difficulty, that it could not have completely confirm my .statement. been otherwise, for had Comrade Trot- Let us take the minutes of the fol- sky begun to act contrary to the will lowing meeting, of the 16th of Octo- of the C. C., he would have been de- ber. Present: the members of the C. prived of his influence on the course C. plus representatives of the Petro- of things. All the talk about the spe- grad committee, plus representatives cial part played by Comrade Trotsky of the military organization, of the fac- is a legend which is spread by officious tory committees of the trade unions, "party" gossips. of the railwaymen. Among those pres- This, of course, does not mean that ent were, besides the members of the the October revolution did not have its C. C., Krylenko, Schotman, Kalinin, instigator and leader. But this was Volodarsky, Schlapnikov, Lazis and Lenin and no other—the same Lenin others. The question for discussion is whose resolutions were accepted by the insurrection from the purely prac- the central committee in deciding the tical point of view of organization. question of the revolution, the same Lenin's resolution as to the insurrec- Lenin who was not hindered by ille- tion was passed by a majority of 20 gality from becoming the instigator votes against 2, 2 refraining from vot- of the revolution in spite of the asser- ing. The practical central committee tions of Comrade Trotsky. It is fool- for the organizing direction of the re- ish and ridiculous to endeavor by gos- volt was elected. Five comrades were siping about illegality to erase that in- elected to this committee: Sverdlov, dubitable fact that the leader of the Stalin, Dsherhinsky, Bubnov, Uritzky. praty, V. I. Lenin, was the instigator The duties of the central committee of the revolution. consisted in directing all the practical These are the facts. organs of the insurrection in accord- Granted, they say, but it cannot be ance with the instructions of the C. C. denied that Comrade Trotsky fought As you see, something "terrible" hap- well in the October period. Yes, it is pened at this meeting of the C. C., i. e. true, Comrade Trotsky really fought the "inaugurator," the "central figure," bravely in October. But in October, the "only leader" of the insurrection, not only Comrade Trotsky fought Comrade Trotsky, was not elected a bravely, so did even the left social re- member of the practical central com- volutionaries who at that time stood mittee, whose duty it was to direct the side by side with the Bolsheviki. Al- insurrection. together it must be said that it is not How can this be reconciled with difficult to fight bravely in a period the opinion in general circulation as of victorious insurrection, when the to the special part played by Comrade enemy is isolated and the insurrection Trotsky? It is indeed somewhat ie growing. In such moments even the "strange" as Suchanow or Comrade backward ones become heroes. But Trotsky's adherents would say. Strict- the battle of the proletariat is not al- ly speaking, there is however, nothing ways an attack, not always exclusive- "strange" in it, for Comrade Trotsky, ly a chain of successes. The fight of a comparatively new man in our party the proletariat has its trials, its de- at the time of October, neither did nor feats. A true revolutionary is one who could play a special part, either in the not only shows courage in the period party or in the October revolution. of victorious insurrection, but who He, like all the responsible function- fights well in a victorious attack of aries, was only an agent of the will of the revolution, and the same time 30 shows courage at a moment of retreat is suffering defeat. The revolutior of the revolution, in a period of defeat is not exhausted with October. Oc- of the proletariat; who does not lose tober is only the beginning of the pro- his head nor fall out, if the revolution letarian revolution. It is bad to run fails and the enemy succeeds; who, off the rails when the revolution is in in the period of the retreat of the re- the process of development, it is volution, does not fall a victim to pa- worse when it happens in the hour of nic and despair. severe trial of the revolution, after The left social revolutionaries did power has been seized. It is no less not fight badly in the October period important to hold fast to the power when they supported the Bolsheviki. on the day after the revolution, than Who however, is not aware that these to seize it. Since Comrade Trotsky "brave" warriors were seized with ran off the rails in the Brest period, panic in the Brest period when the the period of severe trial for our revo- attack of German imperialism threw lution, when it was almost a case of them into despair and hysterics? It is yielding up the power, he ought to a sad but indisputable fact that Com- understand his pointing out the mis- rade Trotsky, who had fought well in takes made by Kamenev and Zinoviev the October period, lost his courage in October, is entirely out of place. in the Brest period, the period of tem- porary failure of the revolution, to such an extent that in this difficult The Party and the Preparations for moment he was not steadfast enough October. to resist following in the footsteps of Let us now pass on to the ques- the left social revolutionaries. There tion of the preparations for October. is no doubt that the moment was a If one listens to Comrade Trotsky, one very difficult one, that it was neces- is tempted to think that the Bolshevist sary to display an iron self-possession Party during the whole period of Oc- so as not to be worn out, to give way tober only did just what turned up, at the right moment and to accept that it was devoured by internal dis- peace at the right moment, to protect sensions, and that it hindered Lenin the proletarian army against the in every possible way and that, had it thrust of the German imperialism, to not been for Comrade Trotsky, no one preserve the peasant reserves and, af- knows how the revolution might have ter having in this way attained a ended. It is rather amusing to hear breathing space, to strike out at the these strange statements of Comrade enemy with renewed force. But alas, Trotsky about the party, who in the Comrade Trotsky did not display such same "preface" to volume III. states courage and such revolutionary stead- that "the chief weapon of the prole- fastness at this difficult moment. tarian revolution is the party," that In Comrade Trotsky's opinion, the "without party, beyond the party, in- chief lesson.of the proletarian revolu- dependently of the party, by a substi- tion of October is "not to run off the tution of the party, the proletarian re- rails." This is wrong, for the asser- volution cannot win," from which ar- tion of Comrade Trotsky contains only gument Allah himself could not un- a small part of the truth as to the derstand how our revolution could lessons of the revolution. The whole have been victorious, since "its chief truth as to the lessons is to avoid weapon" was inadequate and yet no "running off the rails," not only in victory is possible "independently of the days of the revolutionary attack, the party." It is not however, the but also in the days of retreat of the first time that Comrade Trotsky revolution, when the enemy has gain- serves us up such strange fare. We ed the upper hand and the revolution must take it for granted that the en- 31 r

tertaining speeches about our party the new conditions of the fight was belong to the usual peculiarities of necessary. The party (its majority) Comrade Trotsky. Let us glance approached this re-orientation very briefly at the preparations for October cautiously. It adopted the policy of a according to the various periods. pressure of the Soviets on the provi- sional government in the question of peace, but did not at once make up 1. The Period of Re-Organization of its mind to take the further step from the Party (March—April). the old slogan of the dictatorship of The fundamental facts of this per- the proletariat and the peasantry to iod are: a, the fall of czarism; b, the the new slogan of the power of the formation of the provisional govern- Soviets. This double-faced policy was ment (dictatorship of the bour- calculated to convince the Soviets geoisie); c, the rise of soldiers' and thru the concrete questions of peace workmen's Soviets (dictatorship of the of the genuinely imperialistic nature proletariat and the peasantry); d, the of the provisional government, and double government; e, the April de- thus to tear them away from the lat- monstration; f, the first crisis of ter. This was an entirely mistaken power. policy; for it produced pacifist illu- The characteristic feature of this sions, supplied water to the mills of period is the fact that side by side, social patriotism and rendered the re- concurrently and simultaneously, volutionary education of the masses there exist both the dictatorship of difficult. This mistaken attitude I the bourgeoisie and that of the prole- shared at that time with other mem- tariat and the peasantry, the latter bers of the party, and I only renounc- showing confidence in the former, be- ed it altogether in the middle of April lieving in its efforts for peace, volun- after I had subscribed to Lenin's tarily conferring the power on the theses.* bourgeoisie and thus turning itself in- A re-orientation was necessary. This to its appendage. Serious conflicts re-orientation was given to the party between the two dictatorships had not by Lenin in his famous theses of April. yet arisen. Instead of this there was I will not enter into detail as to these a "contact commission." theses, as they are known to every- This was the greatest change in the one. Were there at that time differ- history of Russia and a hitherto unex- ences of opinion between the party perienced turn in the history of our and Lenin? Yes, there were. How party. The old pre-revolutionary plat- long did these differences of opinion form of the direct overthrow of the last? Not more than a fortnight. The government was clear and definite, but conference of the organization of the was no longer suited to the new condi- whole town of Petrograd (second half tions of the fight. It was now impos- of April), which accepted Lenin's sible to aim directly at the overthrow theses, was a turning point in the de- of the government, for it was bound velopment of our party. The state up with the Soviets which were under conference at the end of April only the influence of the social patriots, completed the work of the Petrograd and the party would have had to car- conference in a measure appropriate ry on an unbearable fight against both to the state gathering, by the united the government and the Soviets. But it was also impossible to carry out *It is well-known that Comrade Zinov- a policy for the support of the pro- iev, whom Comrade Trotsky would visional government for this was a like to turn into an "adherent of Hil- government of imperialism. ferding" entirely shared Lenin's point A re-orientation of the party under of view. 32 attitude of the party, nine-tenths of to this analogy, so evidently accepts the party round itself. it with thanks. But first of all, Com- Now, after seven years, Comrade rade Trotsky's letters "in no way re- Trotsky shows malicious joy at long semble" Lenin's letters, either in spir- passed differences of opinion among it or in their conclusions, for they the Bolsheviki, by representing these fully reflect Comrade Trotsky's anti- differences of opinion almost as a fight Bolshevist slogan: "No czar, but a of two parties within Bolshevism. But labor government," a slogan which, first of all, Comrade Trotsky exagge- means the revolution without the pea- rates in an outrageous manner and in- santry. It is only necessary to look flates the whole subject; for the Bol- thru these two groups of letters to shevist Party has outlived these dif- convince oneself of this fact. Second, ferences of opinion without being in how can it be explained in this case the least shaken. In the second place that Lenin thot it necessary two our party would be a caste and not days after his return from abroad to a revolutionary party if it did not draw a line of separation between admit different shades of opinion in himself and Trotsky? its midst, but it is well-known that Who does not know of Lenin's re- there were differences of opinion peated declarations, that Trotsky's amongst us also in the past, thus for slogan "No czar, but a labor govern- instance, in the period of the third ment" is an attempt to "overlook the Duma, which however, did not inter- peasant movement which is not yet fere with the unity of our party. Third- out of date," "that this slogan is play- ly it will not be superfluous to ask ing with the seizure of power by the what was Comrade Trotsky's attitude labor government"?* What can Lenin's at that time, he who now takes malic Bolshevist theses have in common ious pleasure in long past differences with the anti-Bolshevist scheme of of opinion. Comrade Trotsky, with his "playing with the seizure of power"? And The so-called editor of Trotsky's where do these people get the pas- works, Comrade Lenzner, maintains sion with which they compare a miser- that the American letters of Comrade able hovel with Mont Blanc? Why did Trotsky (March) "completely antici- Comrade Lenzner have to add, to the pate" Lenin's "Letters from Abroad" many legends about our revolution (March) which form the foundations another legend about "the anticipa- of Lenin's April theses. He writes tion" of Lenin's famous "Letters from verbatim: "completely anticipate." Abroad," by the American letters of Comrade Trotsky makes no objection Comrade Trotsky?**

*See Lenin's works, vol. XIV. page contrary to the truth. I am far from 31-32 (Russian edition). See also the denying the important part played by reports at the conference of the whole Comrade Trotsky in the civil war. I of Petrograd and at the imperial con- must, however, declare with all firm- ference of the R. C. P. (Middle and ness, that the honor of being the or- end of April, 1917). ganizer of our victories falls on no in- **We must consider as one of these dividual but on the great-community legends the wide-spread version that of the advanced workers of our coun- Comrade Trotsky was the "only" or try, the Russian Communist Party. the "chief organizer" of the victories Perhaps it will not be superfluous to at the fronts in the civil war. In the quote a few examples. You know that •interest of truth, comrades, I musf Koltschak and Denikin were regarded declare that this version is absolutely as the chief enemies of the Soviet re- 33 2. The period of the revolutionary of the crisis and the destruction of mobilization of the masses (May-Au- that unstable equilibrium between the gust). Fundamental facts of this per- Soviets and the provisional govern- iod: a. The April demonstration in ment, which in the previous period Petrograd and the formation of a coal- had, for better or worse, continued to ition government with the participa- exist. The double rule was unbear- tion of the "socialists"; b, the demon- able for both sides. The fragile con- stration on May 1, in the most import- struction of the "contact commission" ant centers of Russia with the slogan saw its last days. The "crisis of pow- of the "democratic peace"; c, the June er" and the "ministerial leap frog" demonstration in Petrograd with the were at that time the most fashion- chief slogan: "Down with the capital- able expressions. The crisis at the ist ministers!"; d, the June offensive front and the disintegration behind on the front and the failures of the the front did their work in that they Russian army; e, the armed July de- strengthened the extreme wings and monstration in Petrograd and the re- wedged in the social compromisers signation of the ministers of the cadet and social patriots on both sides. The party from the government; f, the revolution was mobilized, which brot bringing up of counter-revolutionary about the mobilization of the coun- troops from the front, the destruc- ter-revolution. The counter-revolution tion of the editorial office of the on the other hand fanned the flame of "Pravda," the fight' of the counter- the revolution by intensifying the re- revolution against the Soviets and the volutionary conflagration. The ques- formation of a new coalition govern- tion of the transference of power to a ment with Kerenski at its head; g, the new class became the question of the sixth party session at which was giv- day. en the slogan for the preparation of Were there at that time differences an armed insurrection; h, the counter- of opinion in our party? There were. revolutionary imperial council and the But, contrary to the statements of general strike in Moscow; i, the unfor- Comrade Trotsky who attempted to tunate attack of Kornilov on Petro- discover a "right" and a "left" wing grad, the revival of the Soviets, resig- of the party they were of a purely ob- nation of the cadets and formation of jective nature. That is to say, they the "directorium." were differences of opinion of a kind As the characteristic feature of this without which no active party life and period we must regard the sharpening no real party work can exist. public. You know that our country them on to the southern front. Heat- only breathed freely after the victory ed debates took place. The C. C. did over these enemies. And history says not agree with Comrade Trotsky and that our troops defeated these two found that the Urals with their works, enemies, Koltschak as well as Deni their network of railways, should not kin in opposition to Trotsky's plans. be left in Koltschak's hands, because Judge for yourselves! he could there easily bring his troops 1. Re Koltschak. It was in the into order, collect large farmers round summer of 1919. Our troops attacked him and advance to the Volga, but that Koltschak and operated before Ufa. first of all Koltschak should be driven Meeting of the C. C. Comrade Trotsky back over the ridge of the Urals into proposed to stop the attack on the the Siberian steps, and that only then line of the Bjalaja river (before Ufa), should the transference of troops to to leave the Urals in Koltschak's the south be proceeded with. The C. hands, to remove part of our troops C. declined Comrade Trotsky's plan. * from the eastern front and to throw The latter resigned. The C. C. did 34 Comrade Trotsky is wrong when he differences of opinion within the C. C. maintains that the April demonstra- in connection with the armed July tion in Petrograd brought about dif- demonstration. Comrade Trotzky is ferences of opinion within the C. C. simply using his imagination when he The C. C. was in this question abso- assumes that some members of the lutely unanimous and condemned the leading group of the C. C. "must have attempt of a group of comrades, to arrest the "provisional government" regarded the July episode as a harm- at the moment when the Bolsheviki ful adventure." Comrade Trotzky, were in the minority both in the Sov- who at that time was not yet a mem- iets and in the army. If Comrade Trot- ber of the C. C. but only our Soviet sky had not written his "history" of representative in parliament, could October according to Suchanow's ma- not of course know that the C. C. only terial but on the basis of the actual regarded the July demonstration as a documents, he could easily have con- means for getting information about vinced himself of the incorrectness of the opponent, that the C. C. (and Len- his assertion. in) did not wish to turn nor think of Comrade Trotsky is undoubtedly turning the demonstration into an in- wrong when he asserts that the "right" members of the C. C. desig- surrection at a moment when the So nated as an "adventure" the attempt, viets of the chief towns were still in at "Lenin's initiative" to organize a favor of the social patriots. It is quite demonstration on June 9. If Comrade possible that some of the Bolsheviki Trotsky had not written in accordance actually pulled long faces in connec with Suchanow's information, he tion with the July defeat. I know for would certainly have known that the instance that some of the Bolsheviki demonstration of July 9 was postpon- who were arrested were even ready ed in complete agreement with Lenin to leave our ranks. But to draw con- and that Lenin defended the post- clusions from this against some who ponement in an important speech at are said to have been "rights," to the well-known meeting of the Petro- grad committee (see minutes of the have been members of the C. C., is to Petrograd committee). distort history in a reckless manner. Comrade Trotzky is entirely in the Comrade Trotzky is wrong when he wrong when he speaks of the "tragic" declares that in the Kornilov days,

not accept his resignation. The com- called from the southern front to a mander in chief, Wazetis, a partisan meeting of the C. C. The C. C. de- of Comrade Trotsky's plan, retired. clared the situation to be disquieting His place was taken by a new com- and resolved to send new military mander in chief, Comrade Kamenev. functionaries to the southern front From this moment onward, Comrade and to recall Comrade Trotsky. These Trotsky declined any direct participa- functionaries demanded "non-interfer- tion in the transactions on the east- ence" on the part of Comrade Trotsky ern front. on the southern front. Comrade Trot- 2. Re Denikin. The affair took sky withdrew from immediate partici- place in autumn, 1919. The attack pation in the action on the southern against Denikin failed. The "steel front. The operations on the south- ring" round Mamontow, Uhe stormirg ern front, up to the taking of Rostow of Mamontow) was an obvious failure. on the Don and of Odessa by our Denikin took Kursk. Denikin ap- troops, proceeded . without Comrade proaches Orel. Comrade Trotsky war Trotsky. 35 some of the heads of the party showed that Lenin, who wished to concentrat' a tendency to form a block with the the attention of the party on the prep- social patriots in order to support arations for the insurrection outside the provisional government. Of the Soviets, warned it against allow course the same so-called "rights" are ing itself to be seduced by the Soviets meant, the comrades who disturb as in his opinion, the Soviets which Trotzky's sleep. Trotzky is wrong; had already been rendered nauseous documents exist, such as the central by the social patriots, had become organ of the party at that time, which hopelessly barren. The C. C. and th' upset Comrade Trotzky's statements. 6th party session took a more cautious Comrade Trotzky refers to a letter of line and decided that there was no Lenin's to the C. C. with a warning sufficient reason for thinking it im- against supporting Kerensky. But possible to revive the Soviets. Kor Comrade Trotzky fails to understand nilov's advance showed that this de Lenin's letters, their significance, their cision was right. In any case, this dif- object. Sometimes Lenin purposely ference of opinion had not actual sig- anticipates in his letters and places nificance for the party. Lenin sub- in the foreground those possible mis sequently admitted that the line tak- takes which might occur, criticises en by the 6th party session had been them in advance, so as to warn the the right one. It is interesting that party and deter it from mistakes, or Comrade Trotzky did not cling to this he sometimes exaggerates a "trifle" difference of opinion and did not ex- and "makes a mountain out of a mole- aggerate it to a "monstrous" degree. hill" for the same educational pur- A united and consolidated party pose. which stands in the center of the rev- A party leader, especially when he olutionary mobilization of the masses, is in an illegal position cannot act this is the picture of the situation of otherwise, for he must see further our party at that period. than his companions and it is his duty to warn against every possible mistake, even "trifles." But to draw 3. The Period of the Organization a conclusion as to "tragic" differences: of the Attack (September-October). of opinion from these letters of Len- The fundamental facts of this period in (and there are plenty of such let- are: (a) the summoning of the demo- ters) and to blazon it forth, shows a cratic council and the collapse of thj lack of understanding of Lenin's let- idea of a block with the cadets; (b) ters, a lack of knowledge of Lenin. the going over of the Soviets of Mos- This no doubt explains the fact that cow and Petrograd to the Bolsheviki; Comrade Trotzky sometimes entirely (c) the Soviet Congress of the north- fails to hit the mark. To resume: ern district and the resolution of the There were in the days of Kornilov's Petrograd Soviet against the transfer advance, as a matter of fact, absolute of troops; (d) the resolution of the ly no differences of opinion in the C. C. C. of the revolutionary military C. committee of the Petrograd Soviet;, After the July defeat, it is true: (e) the resolution of the Petrograd a difference of opinion did arise be- garrison regarding the system of the tween the C. C. and Lenin as to thr commissoners of the revolutionary mil- fate of the Soviets. It is well known itary committee; (f) the formation of 36 armed Bolshevist fighting forces and hidden its acts of aggression under the arrest of members of the "provin- the cloak of defense so as to attract cial government"; (g) the seizure of all the more easily the undecided ele power by the revolutionary military ments into its sphere of influence. committee of the Petrograd Soviet This must also explain the apparent and the formation of the Soviet of the defensive character of the speeches people's commissioners by the second articles and slogans of this period, Soviet Congress. which none the less, in their intrinsic As the characteristic feature of this value, bare a throughly offensive char- period we must regard the rapid acter. growth of the crisis, the complete con Were there at this period differences fusion of the ruling circles, the isola- of opinion within the O. C.? Yes, tion of the S. R. and of the menshe- there were, and those not unimport- viki and the wholesale going over of ant ones. I have already mentioned the vascillating elements to the Bol- the differences of opinion as regards sheviki. the insurrection. They were fully ex An original pecularity of the revolu plained in the minutes of the C. C. of tionary tactics of this period must be October 10, and 16. We must now pointed out. This peculiarity consists give more' attention to three ques- therein that the revolution attempted tions: the questions of the participa- to carry out every, or almost every tion in the "preliminary parliament," step of its attack under the appear- of the part played by the Soviets in ance of defense. There is no doubt the insurrection and the time for the that the refusal to permit the trans- insurrection. This is all the more fer of troops was a serious aggressive necessary because Comrade Trotzky, act of the revolution; nevertheless in his eagerness to put himself in a this attack was undertaken under the conspicious place, unintentionally mis- slogan of the defense of Petrograd represents Lenin's attitude towards against a possible attack of the ex- the last two questions. ternal enemy. There is no doubt that There is no doubt that the differ- the formation of the revolutionary ences of opinion as to the question of military committee was a still more the preliminary parliament were of a serious step in the attack against the serious nature. What was, so to provisional government; nevertheless speak, the object of the preliminary it was carried out under the slogan of parliament? That of helping the bour- the organization of the Soviet control geoisie to push the Soviets into the over the activities of the military staff. background and to lay the founda There is no doubt that the open go- tions of bourgeois parliamentarism. ing over of the garrison to the rev- Whether the preliminary parliament, olutionary military committee and the in the revolutionary situation which organization of the network of Soviet had become so complicated, was able commissioners indicated the beginning to carry out this task, is another of the insurrection; nevertheless these question. Events have shown that this steps were taken under the slogan of object was unattainable, and the pre the defense of the Petrograd Soviets liminary parliament itself represented against possible attacks of the coun a miscarriage of the Korniloviad. ter-revolution. There is however, no doubt that this It is as though the revolution had was the aim pursued by the menshe- 37 r viki and the social revolutionaries of the form of the insurrection. Corn- when they created the revolutionary rade Trotzky makes it appear as tho parliament. What can, under these had Lenin been followed, the party circumstances, have been the share would in October have seized power of the Bolsheviki in the preliminary "independently of the Soviet and be- parliament? Nothing else than the in hind its back" (Trotzky "On Lenin," tention to deceive the proletariat as page 71 of the Russian edition). In to the real charactetr of the prelimin the subsequent criticism of this non- ary parliament. This chiefly explains sense which is ascribed to Lenin, that passion with which Lenin, in hit Trotzky "dances and plays" and final letters, scourges the adherents of the ly ends with the condescending sen- preliminary parliament. tence: "This would have been a mis- The participation in the prelimin take.' Comrade Trotzky here tells a ary parliament was. doubtless a seri- lie about Lenin; he misrepresents ous mistake. It would however be Lenin's view as to the part of the So- wrong to take for granted, as does viets in the insurrection. We quote a Comrade Trotzky, that the partisan? heap of documents which prove that of participation entered the prelimin Lenin proposed the seizure of power ary parliament with the object of or- by the Soviets, by those of Petrograd ganic work, to "guide the labor move or Moscow, and not behind the back ment into the channel of social dem of the Soviets. For what purpose did ocracy." This is quite wrong. Thir Comrade Trotzky need this more than is not true. If it were true the party strange legend about Lenin? would not have succeeded in correct Comrade Trotzky comes off no bet- ing this mistake by the demonstrat ter when he "expounds" the attitude ive exit from the preliminary parlia of the C. C. and of Lenin to the ques- ment. The Jiving force and the rev- tion of the date for the insurrection, olutionary power of our party were ex- Comrade Trotzky communicates facts pressed, among other ways, in that it with regard to the famous meeting was able so speedily to make good its of October 10, and maintains that at mistake. And now allow me to cor- this meeting "a resolution was passed rect a slight inexactness which has to the effect that the insurrection crept into the report of the "editor" of should take place not later than Octo- Trotzky's works, Comrade Lenzner ber 15" (Trotzky "On Lenin," page 72. concerning the committee of the bol- Russian edition). It looks as tho the shevist fraction which decided the C. C. had fixed the day of the revolu- question of the preliminary parlia- tion for October 15, and had then it- ment. Comrade Lenzner states that self made the resolution of no effect at this meeting there were two re- by postponing it to October 25. Is porters, Kamenev and Trotzky. This this true? No, it is untrue. In this is untrue. As a matter of fact there whole period, the C. C. only passed were four reporters: two for the boy two resolutions altogether concern- cott of the preliminary parliament in£ the insurrection, one on the 10th, (Trotzky and Stalin) and two for par- and one on the 16th of October. Let ticipation (Kamenev and Nogin). us look at these resolutions. But Comrade Trotzky is seen in a The resolution of the C. C. on Octo- still worse light when it comes to ber 10 is as follows: Lenin's attitude towards the question "The C. C. finds that for the follow- 38 Ing reasons an armed insurrection is (he C. C. and the Soviets will in due on the agenda: the international sit- time make known the right moment uation of the Russian revolution (mu and the suitable means for the insur tiny in the German navy, the increas rection." ing growth of the socialist world rev You see, that Comrade Trotsky't olution in the whole of Europe, the memory played him false as regards fear that the imperialists would mak< the elate fixed for the insurrection and peace in order to choke the revolu- the lesolution of the C. C. concerning tion in Russia), the military situatior the insurrection. (the unquestionable determination oi the Russian bourgeoisie and of Keren- Comrade Trotsky is absolutely ir. sky & Co. to hand over Petrogmd to the wrong when he maintains thai the Germans), the conquest of r Lenin underestimated the legality oi majority in the Soviets by the prole the Soviet, that Lenin had not under tarian party, all this in connection stood the serious significance of the with the peasant insurrection and with seizure of power by the All-Russian the transference of the confidence oi Soviet Congress on October 25, thai the masses of the people to our party just for this reason Lenin had insisted (elections in Moscow), finally the ob on the seizure of power before Octo vious preparations for the second Kor ber 25. This is untrue. Lenin pro niloviad (removal of the troops from posed the seizure of power before Oc Petrograd, transfer of Cossacks to tober 25 for two reasons. Firstly, be Petrograd, the encircling of Minsk by cause it was to be feared that the cossacks, etc.). counter-revolutionaries might at any "The C. C. thus finds that the insur moment hand over Petrograd to the rection has unavoidably and complete Germans, which would have cost the ly matured, and therefore calls upon rising insurrection blood, and that all organizations of the party to act therefore every day was precious. accordingly and to judge and solve al] Secondly, because of the mistake oi practical questions (concerning the the Petrograd Soviet in fixing and pub- Soviet congress of the northern terri- licly announcing the day for the in- surrection (October 25), which coulc" tory, the removal of troops from Petro- only be made good by the insurrection grad, the coming into action of thos< actually taking place before the day from Moscow, Minsk, etc.) from this legally fixed. point of view." The resolution of the conference The fact is that Lenin regarded the between the C. C. and the responsible insurrection as an art and must have functionaries on October 16 is as fol- known that the enemy who (thanks to lows: the lack of caution of the Petrograd "This Phfoembly welcomes and warm- Soviet) was informed as to the day ly supports the resolution of the C. C of the insurrection, would undoubtedly and calls upon all organizations and make every effort to prepare for this all workers and soldiers to support the day, that it was therefore necessary armed insurrection in every way and to steal a march on the enemy, i. e. with all intensity, and to support the to begin with the insurrection neces- central committee which has been ap- sarily before the day formally fixed. pointed for this purpose by the C. C., This chiefly explains the passion with it expresses its full conviction that which Lenin in his letters upbraids 39 those who regard the date, October 25, omy and not a new quarrel about old as a fetish. questions? Why does Comrade Trot- Events have shown that Lenin was sky want to drag the party back to entirely in the right. It is known that new discussions? the insurrection was begun before the Comrade Trotsky declares that all All-Russian Soviet Congress. It is this is necessary for the "study" of known that the power was actually October. But is it not possible tc seized before the opening of the All- study the history of October without Russian Soviet Congress, and that it once more attacking the party and its was seized, not by the Soviet congress leader, Lenin? But what kind of a but by the Petrograd Soviet, by the "history" of October is this which be- revolutionary military committee. The gins and ends with the dethronement Soviet congress only took over the of the chief leaders of the October power from the hands of the Petro revolution, with the dethronement of grad Soviets. For this reason Com the party which organized and car rade Trotsky's long dissertations on ried out this revolution? the significance of the legality of the No, this is no case of the study of Soviets are certainly quite superflu- October. This is not the way to study ous. October. This is not the way the his- A living and powerful party, at the tory of October is written. There is lead of the revolutionary masses, who obviously another "intention." And storm and overthrow the bourgeois according to all evidence, this "inten- powi.'r, this is the condition of our tion" is, that Comrade Trotsky is, with party at that period. his literary attacks making another This is the truth as to the legends (one more!) attempt to prepare the ogardicg the preparation for October. conditions for replacing Leninism by Trotskyism. Comrade Trotsky feels i' "absolutely" necessary to divest the Leninism or Trotskyism. party and its cadres, which carried We have already spoken of the leg- out the revolution, of their glory so as ends about the party and about Lenir to pass from the dethronement of the which Comrade Trotsky and his fol party to the dethronement of Lenin- lowers have disseminated. We have ism. The dethronement of Leninism unveiled and refuted these legends. is, however, necessary in order to rep Now, however, the question arises: for resent Trotskyism as the "only" "pro- what purpose did Comrade Trotsky letarian" (no joke!) ideology. All this want all these legends as to the prep- of course (yes, of course!) under the arations for October, as to Lenin and flag of Leninism so that the process Lenin's party? Why were the recent of being dragged over may be "as literary - attacks of Comrade Trotsky painless as possible." en the party necessary? What is the This is the essence of Comrade sense, the purpose, the aim of these Trotsky's most recent literary attacks. attacks, at present when the party For this Comrade Trotcky's literary does not wish to discuss, when the attacks strain the question of Trot- party is overburdened with a large skyism to breaking point. amount of urgent tasks, at present What then is Trotskyism? when the party needs united work for Trotskyism has three distinguishing the restoration of its internal econ- features which place it in irreconcil- 40 able opposition to Leninism. What the sphere of organization, the theory are these characteristic features? of an association of revolutionaries Firstly. Trotskyism is the theory and opportunists, of their groups and of the "permanent (uninterrupted) grouplets in the bosom of one united revolution." But what is Trotsky- party. The history of Comrade Trot- ism's conception .of the "permanent sky's "August block" is surely known revolution"? It is the revolution with- to you, in which Martov's adherents out consideration of the small peas- and Otsowists (those in favor of the antry as a revolutionary force. Com- withdrawal of the duma delegates): rade Trotsky's permanent revolution liquidators and Trotskians, having is, as Lenin says, the "neglect" of the formed a "real" party, work comfort- peasant movement, a "game for the ably together. It is known that the seizure of power." Where does the aim of this strangely patched party danger of this lie? In that such a was the destruction of the Bolshevist revolution, if one took the trouble to party. What then were at that time realize it, would end with a complete our "differences of opinion"? In that breakdown, as it would deprive the Leninism saw the guarantee of the de- Russian proletariat of its ally, the velopment of the proletarian party in small peasantry. This explains the the destruction of the "August block," fight which Leninsm has been carry whereas Trotskyism saw in this block ing on against Trotskyism since the the foundation for the creation of a year 1905. "real" party. How does Comrade Trotsky esti- Again, as you see, two opposed mate Leninism from the point of view lines. of this fight? He regards it as a Third. Trotskyism is a mistrust of theory which contains in itself "anti- the leaders of Bolshevism, an attempt revolutionary" features. (Trotsky to discredit and dethrone them. I "1905", Russian edition, page 285.) know no current in the party which could be compared with Trotskyism in On what is this angry remark against its discrediting of the leaders of Len- Leninism based? On the fact that inism or of the central institutions of Leninsm always has defended and the party. What for instance is Com- still does defent the idea of the dic- rade Trotsky's "amiable" remark tatorship of the proletariat and the about Lenin worth, when he describes peasantry. Trotsky does not confine him as a "professional exploiter of ev- himself to this angry remark. He goer ery backwardness in the Russian further when he states: workers' movement?" (See the "The whole construction of Lenin- already quoted letter to Tscheid- ism is at present built up on lies and se.) This is however by no means the most "amiable" remark of all the contains the poisonous germ of its "amiable" remarks of Comrade Trot- own disintegration" (See Comrade sky. Trotsky's letter to Tscheidse of Feb How was it possible that Comrade 25, 1913). Trotsky who bore such an unpleasant As you see we are confronted by burden on his back, yet found him- two opposed lines. self during the October movement in the ranks of the Bolsheviki? This Secondly. Trotskyism is a distrust happened because Comrade Trotsky of the doings of the Bolshevist party, at that time relieved himself (literally of its unity, of its hostility to the op- relieved) of his burden and hid it in portunist elements. Trotskyism is, ir a cupboard. Without this "operation," 41 serious co-operation with Comrade would do Trotskyism no harm to pay Trotsky would have been impossible. attention to this lesson of October. The theory of the "August block," i. But this lesson, as we have seen, e., the theory of unity with the men- has not agreed well with Trotskyism. sheviki had been destroyed and cast The point of the matter is that the away by the revolution, for how could old burden of Trotskyism, winch was there be any question of unity when hidden away in a cupboard in the there was an armed fight between the days of the October movement, has. Bolsheviki and the mensheviki? Com- now been dragged to light in hope of rade Trotsky had no alternative than disposing of it, all the more so as the to recognize the fact of the usefulness market here has widened. Undoubt- of this theory. edly, we have in the recent literary The same unpleasant affair "hap- attacks of Comrade Trotsky an at- pened" with the permanent revolu- tempt to return to Trotskyism, to tion, for none of the Bolsheviki "overcome" "Leninism" and to drag thought of seizing power immediately forward and apply all the special pe- on the day after the February revo- culiarities of Trotskyism. lution; Comrade Trotsky should have The new Trotskyism is not a simple known that the Bolsheviki, to quote continuation of the old Trotskyism, it Lenin's words, would not allow him has become somewhat ragged and "to play with the seizure of power." threadbare, it is in its spirit incom- Trotsky had no alternative but to ac- parably milder and in ita form more knowledge the policy of the Bolshe- moderate than the old Trotskyism, but without doubt, it retains fundamental- viki in the question of the struggle ly all the peculiarities of the old Trot- for influence in the Sovieis, tne strug- skyism. The new Trotskyism does gle for the conquest of the peasantry. not make up its mind to fight openly As for the third characteristic of Trot- against Leninism, it prefers to work skyism (the mistrust of the Bolshevik under the general flag of Leninism leaders) it of course had to retire in- and protects itself under the slogan of to the background in view of the ob- the interpretation, the improvement vious breakdown of the first two char- of Leninism. This for the reason that acteristics. it is weak. We cannot regard it as Could Comrade Trotsky in such a an accident that the rise of the new situation do anything but hide his Trotskyism coincided with the mo- burden in a cupboard and go to the ment of Lenin's death. Under Len- Bolsheviki, he who, without even tne in he would not have dared to take pretence of a serious group behind this step. , him, came to the Bolsheviki as a poli- tical bankrupt, robbed of his army? Of course, he could do nothing else! What Are the Characteristic Features of the New Trotskyism? What lesson is to be learned from this? There is only one lesson: The 1. The question of the permanent long co-operation of the Leninists with revolution. The new Trotskyism does Comrade Trotsky was only possible net consider it necessary openly to thru his completely renouncing his defend the permanent revolution. It old burden, thru his completely iden- "simply" affirms that the October re- tifying himself with Leninism. Com- volution has fully confirmed the idea rade Trotsky writes on the lessons of of the permanent revolution. From October but he forgets that in addi- this it draws the following conclu- tion to all the other lessons tnere is sion: The correct and acceptable one more lesson of October which I features of Leninism are those which have just told you, and that this is of existed since the war, in the perioc1 primary importance for Trotskyism. It of the October revolution, and on 42 the other hand the incorrect and un- reminded of it.. Modern Trotskyism acceptable features are those which has invented a new, less scandalous existed before the war, before the Oc- and almost "democratic" theory of tober revolution. Hence the theory of the opposition of the old cadres to the Trotskians as to the division of the youth of the party, in order to Leninism into two parts: The pre- undermine the party, war Leninism, the "old," "worthless" Trotskyism recognizes no unified Leninism with its idea of a dictator- and indivisible history of our party, ship of the proletariat and the pea- Trotskyism divides the history of our santry, and the new post-war Lenin- party into two unequal parts, tne part ism of October, which they intend to before, and the part after October, adapt to the demands of Trotskyism. The part of the history of our party Trotskyism needs this theory of the before October is in reality no his- division of Leninism as a first, more tory, but a "preliminary history," an or less "acceptable" step which should unimportant or at least only slightly facilitate the subsequent steps in the important period of preparation for fight against Leninism. our party. That part of the history But Leninism is no eclectical theory of the Part? a"er October is the which is cemented together out of really genuine history or our party, various elements and which permits There old> "prehistoric,' ummport- of being divided. Leninism is an in- ant cadres of our party, here tne new, divisible theory, which arose in the real, "historical" party. It is hardly year 1903, has experienced three re- necessary to point out that this ori- volutions and now marches forward Sinal scheme of the party History Is as the war banner of the world's pro- a scheme for the undermining of the letariat. "Bolshevism," says Lenin, umty between the old and the new "has existed as a current in political Cadres of our party, a scheme for the life and as a political party, since the destruction of the active Bolshevist year 1903. Only the history of Bol- Party. shevism in the whole period of its ex- We need not waste any words in istence can satisfactorily explain how Proving that the party cannot recon- it could, under the most difficult con- cile ltself to this strange tneory. ditions, work out and preserve the iron discipline which is necessary for ^ . _ , , the victory of the proletariat" (see 3- The Quest.on of Bolshev.sm. Lenin "Infantile Sickness.") Boishe- The old Trotskyism made efforts to vism and Leninism are essentially belittle Lenin more or less openly one. They are two names for one without fearing the consequences, and the same object. Therefore the Tne new Trotskyism proceeds more theory of the division of Leninism cautiously. It makes efforts to carry in two parts is a theory or tne de- on the Part of the old Trotskyism in struction of Leninism, a theory of a the f°rm of praising Lenm, of prais- replacement of Leninism by Trotsky- inS his greatness. I think it worth jsm while to quote a few examples. We need not waste words In prov- The party knows Lenin as a ruth- ing that the party cannot reconcile less revolutionary. It also knows, itself to these strange theories. however, that Lenin was cautious, did 2. The question of the nature of not love intriguing politicians, and not the party. The old Trotskyism under- infrequently held back too sharp ter- mined the Bolshevist Party with the rorists, including Trotsky himself, aid of the theory (and practice) of with a firm hand. Comrade Trotsky unity with the mensheviki. But this treats this theme in his book "On theory has so utterly become a scan- Lenin." But from his characterlza- dal, that one does not care to tie even tion it would seem that Lenin only 43 pretended, as "he emphasized on ev- Ilyitsch, every time that I visited (he ery suitable occasion the inevitability staff. of terror." (Page 104 of tne Russian "That is obviously true; but they edition.) The impression resulting will certainly betray us." is, that Lenin was the most blood- "We will attach a commissar to thirsty of all the bloodthirsty Bolshe- each of them." viki. Why did Comrade Trotsky need "Two would be better still," ex- this unnecessary and in no way Justi- claimed Lenin, "but stalwart ones. It fied laying on of color? is surely impossible that we have no The party knows Lenin as an ex- stalwart Communists." emplary comrade who did not care to Thus began the formation of the answer questions on his own respon- supreme military council. (Trotsky: sibility, impulsively, without tne lead- "On Lenin," page 106, Russian edi- ing committee, without carefully feel- tion.) ing his way and after cautious ex- That is how Comrade Trotsky amination. Comrade Trotsky deals writes history. with this side of the question also in Why did Comrade Trotsky need his book. But he gives us a picture these Arabian night entertainments not of Lenin, but of some Chinese which compromise Lenin? Surely not mandarin, who decides at random the to magnify the party leader, V. I. most important questions in the si- Lenin? We can hardly think so. lence of his study, as tho he were Il- The party knows Lenin as the luminated by the holy spirit. greatest Marxist of our time, the pro- You wish to kijow how our party foundest theoretician and the most decided the questii n of the dissolution experienced revolutionary who was of the constituent assembly? Hear not guilty of even a shade of Blan- Comrade Trotsky: quism. Comrade Trotsky treats this "The constituent assembly must of side of the question also in his book. course be dissolved," said Lenin, "but His characterization however, reveals what then about the left social revolu- no j;iant Lenin, but some kind of a tionaries?" Old Natanson reassured Blanquist dwarf, who advises the par- us, however. He came to us "to talk ty in the October days "to seize the things over," and said immediately power with their own hands indepen- after the first words: dently of the Sovfet and behind its "Well, if it comes to that, as far as back." I have already said that this I am concerned, dissolve the consti- characterization does not contain a tuent assembly by force." word of truth. "Bravo," cried Lenin, full of joy, Why did Comrade Trotsky need this "what is right, must remain right. glaring . . . inexactness? Is it not But will your people agree to it?" an attempt to slight Lenin "just a "Some of us are vacillating, but I little"? believe that in the long run they will These are the characteristic fea- agree," answered Natanson. (See tures of the new Trotskyism. Trotsky "On Lenin," page 92, Russian) Wherein lies the danger of the new edition.) Trotskyism? In that Trotskyism, ac- Thus is history written. cording to Us whole inner content, You want to know how the party shows every sign of becoming a cen- decided the question of the supreme ter and meeting place of non-prole- war council. Listen to Comrade Trot- tarian elements, which are striving to sky: weaken and disintegrate the dictator- "Without serious and experienced ship of the proletariat. military leaders, we shall not emerge When then? you will ask. What are from this chaos," said I to Vladimir the immediate duties of the party in 44 r

connection with the new literary at- admit of no splits. As for reprisals, I tacks of Comrade Trotsky? am distinctly opposed to them. We Trotskyism now steps forward need no reprisals now, but a develop- with the object of dethroning Bolshe- ed battle of ideas against the resurrec- vism and undermining its principles. tion of Trotskyism. The duty of the party is to bury Trot- We did not desire this literary dis- skyism as a line of thought. cussion nor did we strive for it. Trot- Reprisals against the opposition skyism forces it upon us by its anti- and the danger of a split are spoken of. This is nonsense, comrades. Our Leninist attacks. Well then, comrades, party is strong and powerful. It will we are ready! (Loud applause.)

Speech by Kamenev The following is a written version of it is not possible to consider the inter the speech given by me on Nov. 18, pretation of these lessons as the priv- at the session held by the Moscow ate affair of this or that writer. At committee, enlarged by the active the Lessons of October appears witn party functionaries, and repeated on the countenance of the party, and the Nov. 19, at the session of the Com political bureau of our party, wmcn— munist fraction of the trade union and this is no secret—is the leading council, and on Nov. 21 at the confer party in the Comintern, then it is pei- ence of military functionaries.—L. K. fectly clear that we are threatened Dy Comrades! the danger of having such proclaims, tions, such "lessons," accepted as texl The subject of my speech will be book by not only our youthful mem- Comrade Trotsky's latest publication the article which appeared on the evt bers, but also by the whole Comintern of the seventh anniversary of the Oc- And the form assumed by Comrade tober revolution, and entitled by it: Trotsky's work shows it to aim at be author, "The Lessons of October," ing a textbook for the Comintern. Trotsky presents the party with All who have read the article arc books fairly frequently. Hitherto we bound to see that it appeals not only have not thought it necessary to pay to our party, but the international pro- much attention to these books, altho letariat as well, and to the Commun it is not difficult to find in many ot ist Parties of all countries. And thus them various deviations from Bolshe- it is not a matter of private opinion vism, from the official ideology of our but a political conflict concerning the party. But this book must be accord whole party. Should any comrades ed special attention, and subjected tc maintain that the conflict aroused by a thoro analysis, the more that Com- Comrade Trotsky's book is merely a rade Trotsky has selected the theme conflict between Trotsky, Bucharin, of the Lessons of October for his last Zinoviev, Stalin and Kamenev, a dif- publication. ference of opinion between literates, As our whole party, the whole Com- these comrades would prove that they munist International, the whole inter- are unable to grasp the real interests national labor movement, and the of the party. Comrades holding such whole working youth, are learning the lessons taught by the October revolu an opinion can only do so because tion, and will continue to learn them they would like to utilize the party 45 conflicts for the purpose of forming in October itself are misrepresented some third group based on the slo- Here I cannot dwell upon the detail? gan: "The literates are quarreling required for the restoration of histori- among themselves, but it has nothing £al tr"th' or, ?n, the confronting of tn Hn with no " Comrade Trotsky s assertions by doc- u> ao wim us. umentary evidence. What I want to No one has the right to stand aside deal with here is the general question in this conflict. It concerns one of the of the social and political import of most far-reaching questions of our in the attitude adopted by Comrade Trot ner life, and of the life of the Comin sky, and the significance of this atti tern. The question is: Can the party tude when considered in the light of recommend the proletariat to accept the previous positions taken up by the lessons as taught by Comrade Comrade Trotsky, and of the rok Trotsky's book, or should the party played by Comrade Trotsky, exercise the whole of its authority We have hitherto abstained from m warning the proletariat against thr tti this question, for easily com- teaching of the "Lessons of October"? prehensible reasons. But now we can I am not desirous of here entering avoid it no longer for Comrade Trot- into a long controversy with this ar skV) in thus raising the question of tide of Comrade Trotsky's. Comrad October, the question of the role Trotsky is an excellent writer, and his played by our party and by Lenin in gifted pen has done the party much the creation of the ideology underly valuable service. But here it serves jng the October revolution, himself interests hostile to the party, here it forces us to deal with the questior does not serve bolshevism, but the from all the standpoints which have cause of those seeking to disintegrate been adopted by Comrade Trotsky and discredit Bolshevism—both the during the history of the Bolshevist Bolshevism embodying the ideology of Party. the proletarian revolution and the Bol- i am thus obliged to deal with thr shevism organizing the fighting force concrete question of Trotskyism and of the proletariat. And Comrade Bolshevism, and in doing this I refer Trotsky does this by means of an ex to Comrade Trotsky's latest utterance ceedingly artistic, but essentially in- merely as one of the clearest and correct and inaccurate description of most instructive examples of the gen the whole of the events between Feb eral line pursued by Comrade Trots- ruary and October. I have no doubl ky. but that the party will call upon a We must first of all ask ourselves: number of its writers, among those Does any general line really exist? who participated in the events of thisr What do we understand under the period and took immediate part m the term "Trotskyism"? Is it a question struggle leading up to the October Of Comrade Trotsky's personality, or revolution, and that these will refute of general and by no means personal the various misrepresentations made phenomena pertaining to the history by Comrade Trotsky with reference to of the labor movement in Russia dur- decisive moments in the history of our ing the last twenty years? What party during this epoch. fcave we to deal with here? With 3 The April demonstration is misrep- personality, with an indiv.iduality, or resented, the April conference is mis- with some generalization, some trend represented, the events in June called into being by the general con- and July are misrepresented, the ditions of the evolution of the labor events in connection with the prelim- movement in a petty bourgeois coun- inary parliament are misrepresented try? With an accidental phenomena,, and finally the course taken by events or with a phenomena based upon a 46 past which we cannot forget? If you nermost essence signifies a struggle turn to Comrade Lenin's works lor a in the sense that it originated, grew reply to this question, you will find and attained its firm foothold in the that up to the time of the February midst of an uninterrupted and cou- revolution, and again, with a brief lu- stant struggle against every influenc terruption, after the year 1918, scarce- exercised by the, bourgeoisie on the ly a work appeared from Comrade proletariat. Lenin's pen in which Trotskyism wat not dealt with systematically. Why? The most concentrated expression of the policy of bourgeois influence on the proletariat is afforded by menshe I vism. The thirty years of the history of Bolshevism is the history of thirty Trotskyism and the Party Before the years of struggle against menshevism Revolution of 1Q17 Leninism is the teaching of the strug Revolution of 1917. glQ Qf the proletariat against the bour-

Our party originated in a petty bour- geoisie- Precisely for this reason geois, capitalistically backward coun Leninism is therefore at the same try. Our proletariat existed undej tim? he teaching of the struggl more backward conditions than any a^ainst menshevism. other proletariat in Europe. It was The forms in which the bourgeoisie surrounded by more agrarian and pet- has exercised its influence over the ty-bourgeois elements than any other proletariat have changed with the proletariat. And the question of hoV changes of the historical epoch. AntJ this proletariat succeeded in the midst the forms and methods of menshevisir of czarist despotism, in creating ana have changed accordingly. What has welding together a party destined to remained unchanged is the "wild' lead the whole international labo Leninist struggle against menshevism movement, this is the main question Lenin's ability to distinguish the true of the self-knowledge essential to the character of menshevism in very party. changing form, and to recognize the This question of our origin and de- essential hostility of menshevisr velopment has frequently been raised against the Bolshevist ideology and in the party itself, and the party has the development of the Bolshevist made it clear to itself why and in what Party. Everyone knows this, or at manner the proletariat of Russia (to least it may 'be assumed that every- use the old word), in a backward agrar- one ought to know it Everyone com- ian country, and under the despotism prehends that those who are not 'fully of the czar, has been enabled to create conscious that Bolshevism signifies a that Leninism which today is the systematic struggle against menshe- guidmg star of the whole international vism> understands nothing whatever proletariat, of the proletariat of cour of Bolshevism, nothing of the history tries much further developed in cap- of Bolshevism, and nothing of the rea- italism and much further advanced u T> i V, • v, \, • * in economics than Russia. One thing sons w*y Bol^evism ^ been victor- is certain: Under these conditions £us- But everyone does not know, the party of the revolutionary prole- thou%h £ ,has been ass"med till re- lariat, the party of the Bolsheviki, cently that everyone was bound to .could only'originate in the form of **™&*^e^f^^^a constant, systematic, and unceasing ^^ated grew, and conquered in a struggle against the petty bourgeois constant and systematic struggle element striving to subordinate tne against menshevism; it originated, working class. Bolshevism in its in- grew, and conquered in a constant and

47 systematic struggle against Trotsky- creation of the Bolshevist Party, and ism. to the development of Bolshevist ideo- Why? Because Trotskyism, during logy, the ideology of proletarian revo- the whole of the period in which our lution and Bolshevist proletarian or- party was preparing for the decisive ganization. To Lenin, Trotsky was class struggle of the proletariat the wordy embodiment of an element against the bourgeoisie, and in which hostile to the proletariat, an element Leninism was the source of the teach- showing talent at times and at other ing of the proletarian revolution and times entirely superfluous and extrav- welded the party together as leader agant; he regarded Trotsky as little of the revolution—during the whole of as a personality as he regarded Mar- this time Trotskyism played no other tov, Tschernov, and Axelrod as per- role than that of an agent of menshe- sonalities. To him these were again vism, a glossing over of menshevism, simply the embodiment of certain so- a masking of menshevism. cial phenomena. This systematic Everyone who studies the history struggle against Trotskyism and anti- of the party in the works of the party Bolshevist current is to be found in in the works of Lenin—and we have every volume of Lenin's works up to not, nor shall we ever have, a better the time when Trotsky joined our and profounder textbook on the his- party. At this point there is an in- tory of the party and the revolution, terruption, followed by the resumption or one richer in matter and the con- of this struggle—in another form. clusions to be drawn from it—will be inevitably convinced that during the The Period of the First Revolution whole of his struggle for the party (1905). and for the revolution, and during the Up to the time of the 2nd Party whole of his struggle against the men- Congress, up to the split between Bol- sheviki, Lenin regarded Trotsky (tak-i sheviki and mensheviki, Comrade ing the line followed by him for de- Trotsky worked for the Leninist cades in its totality, and his separate Iskra, like Martov, Potressov and actions) exclusively as an agent of other mensheviki. Comrade Trotsky's menshevism, as a servant of menshe- zeal for the execution of Lenin's plans vism, as a tool employed by menshe- even led to his receiving the nick- vism for the purpose of gaining influ- name of "Lenin's cudgel," at the first ence in this or that section of the meetings of the party congress. An working class. To Lenin, Trotsky honorable role! But for Comrade and Trotskyism were characteristic Trotsky's political history this role and not accidental phenomena, caused is less characteristic than the fact by the pressure exercised by the bour- that he immediately changed roles as geoisie, in precisely the same manner soon as the mensheviki appeared on as the other phenomena hostile to the the scene at the later sessions of this really proletarian party, the many1 same congress. other groups and sub-groups, fractions The .organizatory rupture between and sub-fractions, whole and semi- the mensheviki and the Bolsheviki tendencies, which the working class took place at the Party Congress on have had to combat when creating the question of the election of the their own party. Central Committee of the party. To Lenin, Trotsky was entirely un- Three members had to be elected to interesting as a personality after the the C. C. With respect to two mem- year 1903. For Lenin and for the bers the mensheviki and the Bolshe- party he has been the typical embodi- viki were in agreement. As third ment of one of those historical cur- member the mensheviki wanted the rents which have run counter to the "Lenin's cudgel" of yesterday, but 48 Lenin would not agree at any price. gans brought out by Parvus, and re- The mensheviki would not give way jected them. With reference to Trot- at any price. It is probable that sky's pamphlet he merely expressed Lenin and Martov had both form- his regret that the "revolutionary so- ed a correct estimate of the de- cial democrat," Parvus should deem it gree in which the "cudgel" was "Len-. possible to concur "with Trotsky" and I in's." Lenin had the majority at the his "revolutionary phrases." Lenin j congress and Trotsky was not elected. had not another word to say about | Upon this, Comrade Trotsky, in col- Comrade Trotsky and his "original" ] laboration with Martov, Axelrod, and theory. (See Lenin, complete works, others, formed the fraction of the Russian edition, Vol. 7, page 130.) mensheviki, broke the decisions of the And now Comrade Trotsky is en- j party congress, headed the boycott deavoring to lay precisely this pam- 1 against the central authorities of the] phlet before the party as certificate "• party under Lenin's leadership, and of his revolutionary past, and is trying ; wrote a political pamphlet against to prove that Lenin was only right in Lenin—one of the most arrogant and so far as he shared the standpoint of offensive productions in menshevist Trotsky's pamphlet. We shall deal literature, in which Lenin's whole pol- with this in detail later on. icy is explained as mere greed of During the whole period of the first power on the part of a "candidate for revolution, when the working masses the post of dictator." The whole set had for the first time the opportunity of mensheviki, headed by Martov, Dan, of testing in action the various the- and others, recommended the press to ories of the Russian revolution and propagate this pamphlet as far as pos- their resultant tactical methods, and sible. This was the beginning of the when Lenin defended the Bolshevist history of menshevism, and of the his- scheme of revolution in desperate bat- tory of Comrade Trotsky in the party. tle, he did not think it once necessary Trotsky, now become sword-bearer to add anything to his characteriza- to Martov and Axelrod, lost all inter- tion of Trotsky's principles, or to the est as a political figure in the eyes of designation of "revolutionary Lenin. Lenin entered into lengthy phrases." and systematic conflicts with the men- Lenin knew that Trotsky's "left sheviki, with Piechanov, Martov, Ax- phrases" on the "permanent revolu- elrod, Martinov; he explained and re- tion" would certainly have no effect vealed their standpoint to the work- upon the actual course taken by the ers; but he held it to be superfluous labor movement revolution, and would to lose time in contentions with their not in the least prevent Comrade co-worker, Trotsky. Trotsky from remaining in the men- "Piechanov must be combatted, Mar- shevist organization, co-operating in tov's arguments must be refuted, and the menshevist central organ, and col- we can contend against the extreme laborating politically with the menshe- opportunist, Martinov, but it is not viki. Lenin had the Marxist habit of worth while to lose time in contend- judging people, parties and fractions ing against Trotsky"—so said Lenin according to their deeds, and not ac- at that time to his fellow workers. cording to their words. But when, in the summer of 1905, During the whole epoch of the first Comrade Trotsky tried to draw him- revolution (1905 till 1907), which gave self out of the menshevist bog by the proletariat its first opportunity of presenting the ideas of Parvus on appearing in the arena as mass force "permanent revolution" in his own and of expressing its class policy wording, then Lenin entered into a de- and relations to other classes by actu- tailed discussion on the ideas and slo- al action, there was a bitter struggle 49 between two tactics only, between two the dust by all the mensheviki, had political trends only, between two to be defended. At this moment, the schemes of Russian revolution only, most difficult of all for the Bolshevist between menshevism, which under-es- Party, since the whole atmosphere en- timated or neglected the peasantry gendered by the crushing of the revo- and aimed at an understanding be- lution took effect against the Bolshe- tween the working class and the bour- viki, and aid was given on all sides geoisie, and Bolshevism, which called to menshevist and liquidatory tenden- upon the peasantry to support the cies (liquidatory both with regard to working class, both in its struggle party and the revolution)—at this mo- against czarism, and in its struggle ment Comrade Trotsky, who at the against the bourgeoisie on behalf of time of the rising revolution com- the dictatorship of the proletariat and bined with Parvus in wanting "to be the peasantry. This struggle between absolutely more revolutionary than Bolsheviki and mensheviki during the the .others," should obviously have first revolution, essentially a struggle rushed to the help of the Bolsheviki. for the direction to be assumed by the At least this was the course taken by revolution, as also the whole of the Plechanov, who had been our op- first revolution itself, contained all the ponent in principle from 1905 till elements of the struggle ended in the 1907; the old revolutionist could not second revolution in 1917. The Par- bear to stand aside, and in the face ^vus-Trotsky theory played no part of general apostasy he rushed into the whatever in either the first or the sec- fight side by side with the Bolsheviki, ond revolution. It remained the em- under the slogan of "General Differ- pty phrase foreseen by Lenin, and had entiation," that is, a general separa- nothing to do with the actual course tion of proletarian revolutionists from taken by the class struggle. It has the menshevist liquidators.* Trotsky not been preserved in the living events acted differently. of the actual struggle, but solely in the dusty files of old menshevist During this period of beginning newspapers. Therefore Lenin never counter-revolution, Comrade Trotsky lost a word, during the revolution, in stepped forward for the first time at the refutation of this theory. the London party Congress. At this congress the Bolsheviki were fighting against the menshevist liquidators, es- The Period of Counter-Revolution. pecially against the fraction of the The tide of revolution ebbed. The second Duma, headed by men now party reorganized for diffcult and tedi- well known to us, Dan and Zeretelli. ous work in the atmosphere of coun- The Bolsheviki criticised this Duma ter-revolution. The "left phrases" en- fraction as a fraction which, repre- tirely lost effect. The foundations for senting the menshevist standpoint, new tactics had to be saved—the ban- was attempting to tread the path of ner of the revolutionary tactics of the West European social democratic par- proletariat and the principles of their liamentarism. We are only too well illegal organization—from the coun- aware that this is a hothouse in which ter-revolutionary pogroms, the destruc- the most poisonous fruits of treachery tion of proletarian organizations, the against the working class find the orgies of apostasy, the atmosphere of most fertile soil. The Bolsheviki exhaustion in the working class, and the treachery and malicious joy at the failure of the revolution. The banner * Plechanov's revolutionary enthu- of the revolutionary policy of the siasm was however not maintained working class, derided and trodden in for very long. L. K. 50 criticized severely the very first step played by Comrade Trotsky during being taken in this direction. the difficult process of creating a Comrade Trotsky of course defend- Bolshevist Party, that is, during the ed the menshevist fraction against the process of creating the theory and attacks of the Bolsheviki. Lenin char- organization for the leadership of the acterized his standopint as follows: proletarian revolution. "Trotsky spoke on behalf of the Center; he expressed the views of the May, 1910. 'federation.' (The federation is the most opportunist and unprincipled or- This is the date of the formal sep- ganization which ever existed in the aration of the Bolsheviki, the final party; lack of principle is even more mental and organizatory withdrawal characteristic of it than opportunism. of the Bolsheviki from the supporters It was the organization of the artis- of bourgeois influence upon the prole- ans, and reflected their unproletarian tariat, from the menshevist liquidat- spirit.) He attacked us for submit- ors headed by Martov and Axelrod, ting the draft of an 'unacceptable' and from the "Otsovists," led by the resolution. He threatened with an subsequent renegade, Alexinsky. Len- actual split. Is this not monstrous? in writes (Complete works, XI.-2, pp. . . . The fact that it is possible for 49 to 53): a question to be put in such a man- "The representatives of the two ex- ner shows in itself that our party treme tendencies, both of which are contains something foreign in it. . . subject to bourgeois ideology, and This is not a standpoint based on both of which are equally hostile to principles, it is the lack of principle the party, agree with one another in characteristic of the 'Center'— and their contest against the Bolsheviki. at the same time, naturally, of its de- The resolution proposed by fender, Trotsky." (See Lenin, com- Trotsky differs in form only from the plete works, vol. 8, pages 387 to 388.) effusions of Axelrod and Alexinsky. Its Comrade Lenin found equally terms are exceedingly 'cautions' and trenchant terms in which to charac- aim at expressing a 'super-fractional' terize Comrade Trotsky's standpoint justice. But what is its actual im- at the time when our party summed port? The 'Bolshevist leaders' are up its experiences won in 1905, and to blame for everything—this 'phil- established on this basis the founda- osophy of history' does not differ in tion for the whole future of the party. any way from that of Axelrod and The words uttered by Lenin at this Alexinsky. . ." time reached into the future, and fore- "It is not difficult to see," continues saw the role which Comrade Trot- Lenin, "how the empty, hollow phrases* sky was destined to play in our party of Trotsky's resolution serve for the during the next decade. defense of the same standpoint as This was Comarde Trotsky's first that adopted by Axelrod and Co., and deed after the revolution of 1905. Alexinsky and Co. Here lies the great From this time onwards until the year and abysmal difference between the 1917 Comrade Trotsky acted unceas- conciliatory pose of Trotsky and Co., ingly as defender of the mensheviki in reality the most faithful servants against the Bolsheviki, as adversary of the liquidators and Otsovists, and of the Bolshevist Party steeling itself! forming the more dangerous evil for in the struggle of that time; and he the party that they are skilled at con- was invariably regarded by the party cealing their true character behind as an adversary. clever and artificial phrases, and be- Let us follow Lenin still further, hind apparently anti-fractional and and see how he characterized the role pro-party declarations, and between 51 that really party standpoint which ments here get everything they re- stands for the purging of the party quire: liberty for their fractions, glor- from all liquidators and Otsovists." ification and concealment of their ac- The irreconcilable Struggle for the tivity, skillful advocacy defending principles of Bolshevism continued. them before the working class. It is All the enemies of Bolshevism joined precisely from the standpoint of 'fun- hands and attacked the Bolsheviki, damental principles' that we have to the party, and its central authorities.| regard this bloc as adventurism in the Lenin, dealing with the significance exactest meaning of the word. Trot- of this struggle and Trotsky's part in sky does not venture to assert that he it, wrote as follows at the end of 1910 finds in the mensheviki, in the Otso} (XI.-2, pp. 182, 183, 187): vists, real Marxists, real defenders "Martov's article and Trotsky's res- of the established principles of social olution are backed up by certain prac^ democracy. But it is just this neces- tical actions directed against the sity of continual dodging which is party. Martov's article is merely a characteristic of the adventurer. The literary form clothing the campaign bloc formed by Trotsky with Potres- undertaken by the mensheviki for the sov and the group around the Vperjod purpose of causing schism in our C. C. (Forward) is just an adventure Trotsky's resolution pursues the same judged from the viewpoint of 'funda- menshevist aims: the destruction of mental principles.' This assertion is the central authorities (of the Bol- sheviki) so hated by the liquidators, no less important from the standpoint and with this the destruction of the of the tasks of party politics. . . The party as an organization. It is not suf- experience of a year has shown ficient merely to expose these anti- that in reality it is precisely the Pot- party actions on the part of the men-f ressov group, precisely the Vperjod sheviki and Trotsky; they must be set who incorporate the influence ex- combatted." ercised by the bourgeoisie on the pro- You will see, comrades, that many letariat. . . Thirdly and finally, things have happened in our party Trotsky's policy is an adventure in an and many of the things which may ap- organizatory sense." pear new to our younger comrades are by no means so new to older ones, 1911. or to the younger comrades who havef The struggle for the party and its studied Lenin's works attentively. ideas continued. Trotsky continued "There is nothing new under the sun." his anti-party policy. Lenin supple- Lenin continues: mented his characterization. In June, "We therefore declare, on behalf of 1911, Lenin writes as follows (XI-2. p. the whole party, that Trotsky is car- 322): rying on an anti-party policy, that he "All Bolsheviki must now gather is undermining the legality of the more closely together, strengthen party and entering on a path of ad- their fraction, determine their party venture and schism. . . Comrade line with greater accuracy and clarity, Trotsky preserves silence on this in- collect all scattered forces, and take contestable truth (about the anti- up the fight for the R. S. D. L. P. party groups), because the real aims (Russian social democratic labor of his policy cannot stand the truth. party) purged of the supporters of These real aims are: an anti-party bourgeois influence upon the proletar- bloc. Such a bloc is being supported iat." and organized by Trotsky. . . It goes without saying that Trotsky sup- And he immediately adds: ports this bloc, for the anti-party ele- "Such people as Trotsky, with his 52 puffed-up phrases on the R. S. D. L. P., This chracterization: the disguise with his kowtowing to the liquidators of right actions in left pseudo-revolu- who have nothing whatever in com- tionary phrases, was for Lenin the dis- mon with the R. S. D. L. P., are now tinguishing feature of Trotskyism, re- the 'disease of the age.' In reality peating itself from year to year in dif- they are the bearers of capitulation ferent and progressive forms. And to the liquidators, who are anxious to Lenin was never weary of pointing form a labor party on Stolipin's lines," out this feature to the party as the After the lapse of a new months. most important and characteristic, Lenin wrote as follows in a special cir- and at the same time most danger- cular addressed "to all party organiza- ous feature of Trotskyism. A few tions, groups, and circles": months after writing the characteriza- tion here quoted, Lenin wrote as fol- "Let us merely mention one feature lows on Trotsky: the most characteristic and general "One trifle has been overlooked by one, in the utterances of Trotsky's this poor hero of phraseology: A so- little group: In the question of tac-| cial democrat (in our present termin- tics and of differences of opinion on ology a Communist) is not a revolu- principles within the party, Trotsky's tionist unless he recognizes the harm- arsenal can only supply weapons fulness of anti-revolutionary pseudo- against the left wing of the party. It socialism in a given country at a giv- need not be said that such a policy is en time, that is, unless he is able to grist to the mill of the adherents of recognize that liquidatory and Otso- the 'Golos' (the menshevist newspa- vist aims are harmful in Russia, and per, the Voice) and to all the other unless he knows now to combat sim- various degrees of opportunists." (XI- ilar unsocial democratic tendencies." 2, pp. 335-338.) A few months after this (December, Trotsky continued his policy, and 1911) Lenin wrote: Lenin continued his characterization: "Trotsky calls himself an adherent "The real liquidators conceal them- of the party principles, but on the selves behind their phraseology, and basis of almost total disregard of the make every endeavor to frustrate the Russian party central, which was work being done by the anti-liquidat- called into existence by the over- ors, that is, the Bolshevik! whelming majority of the Russian so- Trotsky, and the Trotskyists and op- cial democratic organization. portunists like him, are more harmful The revolutionary phrase serves to than all the liquidators, for the con- conceal the tendency of liquidators, vinced liquidators state their views and to throw sand into the eyes of openly, and it is easy for the workers the workers. | . . It is not possible to recognize the errors of these views. to discuss essentials with Trotsky, But Trotsky and those similar to him for he has no views. It is only pos- deceive the workers, conceal the evil, sible to contend with convinced liquid- and make it impossible to expose and ators and Otsovists; but we do not remedy it. Everyone who supports care to enter into discussion with a Trotsky's group supports the policy of man who plays at concealing the er- lies and deception of the workers, the rors of either group; we merely ex- policy concealing liqiudatory aims. pose him as a diplomatist of the mean- Full liberty of action for Messrs Pot- est description." (XII-2, pp. 446-448.) ressov & Co. in Russia, and the cloth- It is not difficult to prophesy that ing of their actions in 'revolutionary? these party historical documents here phrases for abroad—this is the essen- quoted will presently be explained tial character of Trotsky's policy." away in the most convenient and (XI-2, pp. 359-360.) Philistine manner, by references to: 53 Anger, heat of the contest, accidental at that time these leaders felt that collisions, etc. I thus consider it Bolshevism, and again especially Len- to be my duty though a disagreeable in, represented some new force des- one—since Comrade Trotsky has now tined to supplant them, and therefore forced the party to occupy itself with the press organs of the Second Inter- the history of the relations between national opened their pages to every Trotskyism and Bolshevism—to fol- slander against the Bolsheviki and low Lenin's utterances, and the char- Bolshevism. But during the whole acterization made by Lenin of the re- period of Lenin's exile, during the lations between the party and Trot- whole period of the revolution and skyism, not only for a single year, counter-revolution, Lenin was never not only with regard to any single given even one single opportunity of question, but systematically during appealing to the workers from the the whole period of fifteen years which tribune of the press organs of the have passed since the party became Second International, and of telling acquainted with Trotskyism. the German, French or Austrian work- If a definite relation has existed be- ers the truth about Bolshevism. tween Trotskyism and our party for In actual fact we were boycotted a number of years, cropping up sys- by the Second International. But on tematically at every turning point of the other hand Lenin's opponents, party history, and not merely becom- Martov, Dan and Trotsky were given ing apparent on one single question every opportunity of expressing their or on one single occasion, then even views, and these were able to spread the more Philistine and sluggish abroad any amount of lies and sland- mentality cannot explain away ers, since they were assured in ad- this circumstance by reference to vance that Lenin would not be per- momentary anger, accidental conflicts, mitted to reply. Trotsky availed him- and the like. Even the most sluggish self of this opportunity to lay the mind must recognize that if Lenin con- "philosophy" of Bolshevism before the tinued for fifteen years to enlighten international labor movement in some- the party on Trotskyism, and his char- thing like the. following form: The acterization proved correct at every Leninist clique of intellectuals who, turning point of party history, wheth- under the leadership of Lenin, a man| er the tide of revolution was rising, who shrank at nothing, were holding falling, or rising again, then it is not the Russian proletarian movement in a case of animosity, of personal opin- their hands in some obscure manner, ion, but it is perfectly obvious that whilst it was only the ignorance and Trotskyism represents a trend of pol-/ backwardness of the Russian prole- icy which reappears systematically, tariat which made it trust the Bolshe- and that the foundation of Bolshe- viki. The most important task was vism as theory and practice of the pro- to rescue the proletariat of Russia letarian Communist revolution can from the power of this clique and its only be laid down by fighting against leader, Lenin. this trend of policy. This is the conception of Bolshe- Comrade Trotsky confined himself vism which Comrade Trotsky forced to defending to the Russian workers upon the International at that time. the standpoint which I have above This is the manner in which he rep- characterized in Lenin's words. The resented the historical victory of the position held by the Bolsheviki in th^ inner party struggle in Russia, the Second International is well known. import of the struggle between the Even at that time the Bolsheviki, es- Bolsheviki and the mensheviki, to the pecially Lenin, were hated by the lead- socialist workers of Europe. With ers of the Second International. Even reference to the articles sent on this, 54 subject to the International by Martov various trends in the Russian revolu- and Trotsky, Lenin wrote the follow- tion, and to label these 'sectarianism,' ing in the year 1911: 'unculture,' etc. (the terms employed "Martov expresses the view of the by Trotsky against the Bolsheviki, menshevists; Trotsky clings to the with the idea of alarming the German mensheviki and hides behind particu- Philistines. L. K.), without according larly sounding and hollow phrases. a single word to the most important For Martov the 'Russian experience' economic interests of the proletariat; meant that the 'Blanquist and anarch- the liberal bourgeoisie, and the demo- ist unculture had won the victory cratic peasantry, is to sink to the over Marxist culture' (read Bolshe- level of the most vulgar journalism." vism over menshevism). Russian so- Comrade Lenin explained the mat- cial democracy had been too zealously ter to Comrade Trotsky: Russian (that is, revolutionary. L. K.) "Martov defends the education of as differentiated from the 'general the peasantry (who are carrying on a European' (that is, parliamentary) revolutionary struggle against aristoc- methods of tactics. We find Trotsky racy) by the liberals (who betrayed representing the same 'historical phil- the peasantry to the aristocracy). osophy.' The 'sectarian spirit, intel- This is nothing else than the substi- lectual individualism, ideological fet- tution of liberalism for Marxism, it is ishism' are placed in the foreground. nothing more nor less than liberalism 'The struggle for influence over the disguised in Marxist phrases. politically immature proletariat'—that The struggle between menshevism and is the core of the matter to him." Bolshevism is indissolubly bound up After describing the views thus pre- with this actuality, for it is here the sented to the German workers by struggle between the support lent to Comrade Trotsky, Lenin continues: the liberals (on the part of the men- "The theory that the struggle be- sheviki) and the overthrowal of the tween Bolshevism and menshevism is hegemony of the liberals over the a struggle for influence over an im- peasantry (by the Bolsheviki). Thus mature proletariat is by no means the attempt to explain away our dia new. We find it in innumerable books, sensions by the influence of the intel pamphlets, and articles published by ligenzia, the immaturity of the prole the liberal press since the year 1905 tariat, etc., is merely a naive ar (if not since 1903). Martov and Trot- childish repetition of liberal fairy sky lay liberal views, trimmed with tales." Marxism before the German comrades. We see that "Trotsky came to Lenin" " 'It is an illusion to believe,' de- by means of telling the international clares Trotsky, 'that Bolshevism and! proletariat liberal fairy tales on Lei: menshevism have struck deep roots inism. in the proletariat.' This is a typical "A chasm lies between our stand- example of the sounding but empty phrases of which our Trotsky is mas- point and Martov's standpoint, and ter. It is not in the 'depths of the this chasm between the views of vari- proletariat' that the differences lie ous 'intellectuals' merely reflects, de- between Bolshevism and menshevism, spite Trotsky's opinions to the con- but in the economic conditions of the trary, the chasm which actually ex- Russian revolution. Martov and Trot- isted in the year 1905, between two sky, by ignoring these conditions, classes, that is, between the revolu- have deprived themselves of the pos- tionary fighting proletariat and the sibility of comprehending the histori- treacherous bourgeoisie." cal import of the internal party con- This is what Comrade Trotsky, ac flict in Russia. . . To talk about cording to Lenin, did not comprehend 55 about Bolshevism. But if he did not Central Committee at their own Bo^ comprehend this, did he comprehend shevist conference (at Prague). They anything about it at all? excluded the . liquidators from the "Trotsky distorts Bolshevism, for party and proclaimed a program of he has never been able to form any revolutionary action. After the blood definite views on the role played by bath on the Lena, a stormy wave of the proletariat in the Russian bour- proletarian movement arose, for the geois revolution." first time since 1905. This move- Comrade Lenin, after characterizing ment appropriated the program and Trotsky's whole representation of Bol- tactics of the Bolsheviki in their en- shevism to the uninformed German tirety. The "Bolshevist epidemic" (to workers as a "refined breach of faith," use the malicious term coined by the closed his characterization with the mensheviki at the time) began to following words: spread, and presently gained the final "In 1903, Trotsky was a menshevist, victory. The awakening labor move- ,he left the mensheviki in 1904, return- ment removed the liquidators system- ed to the mensheviki in 1905, brand- atically from every position which ishing ultra-revolutionary phrases the they had contrived to gain during the previous sorrowful years of counter- while, and again turned his back up- revolution. This was the beginning on the meusheviki in 1906; at the end of the revolutionary attack under tfc of 1906 he defended the election al- slogans of the Bolsheviki, under the liance with the cadets (thus actually leadership of the Bolsheviki—an at- siding with the mensheviki again), tack which led to barricade fighting and in the spring of 1907 he declared in Leningrad as early as the middle of at the London congress that 'the dif- 1914. ference between him and Rosa Lux- What was the attitude adopted by emburg was rather a difference of in- Comrade Trotsky with regard to these dividual shading than of political ten- decisive events? Did this wave of dency.' Trotsky plagarizes today revolutionary uplift, this strengthen- from the ideas of one fraction, tomor- ing of the labor movement, perhaps row from those of the other, and thus induce Comrade Trotsky to abandon he regards himself as a being super- the standpoint of an agent of menshe- ior to both fractions. Theoretically, vism, held by him during the prece Trotsky does not agree with the liquid- ing years of disintegration and decay? ators and Otsovists on any single Did his ultra-left theory of "permanent question, but in actual practice he is revolution" after lying unused for entirely in agreement with the Golos years in his drawer, perhaps aid him and Vperjod group (that is, with the to break the bonds fettering him to supporters of bourgeois influence over counter-revolutionary menshevism ? the proletariat. L. K.). I must de- No. Comrade Trotsky remained clare that Trotsky represents his true to himself and—to the menshe- fraction only, and enjoys a certain vist liquidators. amount of faith exclusively on the He replied to the organizatory de- part of the Otsovists and liquidators.' velopment and establishment of the (Compl. works XI-2, 292, 293, 296, 307 Bolshevist Party by a closer alliance 308.) with the mensheviki in their struggle 1912. against Bolshevism. It was due to The year 1912 was a year of chang- his endeavors that the so-called "Au- es. In January the Bolsheviki broke gust bloc" came into being; this bloc off the last remains- of organizatory was the alliance and organizatory connections with the mensheviki, and mustering of every non-Bolshevist and formed their own purely Bolshevist anti-Bolshevist group and sub-group. 56 "This bloc," writes Lenin, "is com- with their phrases, were blown away posed of lack of principle, hypocrisy, like dust." and empty phrases. . . The basis o_ "It is only the liberal chatterboxes this bloc is evident. The liquidators and the liberal labor politicians," con- receive full liberty to proceed as be tinues Lenin, "who are capable of fore and Comrade Trotsky covers placing the right of combination in them by the revolutionary phrase, 'the center of the revolutionary mobil- which costs him nothing and binds ization.' " him to nothing." (Compl. works, XII- Lenin then compares the policy pur- 1, p. 94, April 1912.) sued by the liquidators and by Com- On the orders of this bloc Comrade rade Trotsky with the revolutionary Trotsky spread abroad even mor^ Bolshevist policy of the Petersburg slanders than before against the Bol- proletariat: shevik leaders of the proletarian ad- "The proletariat of Petersburg," vance then beginning. Comrade Len- writes Lenin, "has grasped that the in characterized Trotsky's writings at new revolutionary struggle is not to that time as "deceiving and mislead- be carried on for the sake of one sin- ing the whole working class." With gle right (the right of combination. regard to an article written by Trot- L. K.), but for the liberty of the whole sky for the German workers, Lenin people. The proletariat of Peters- wrote that it represented "such a burg has grasped that the evil must compilation of unconsidered self-praise be attacked at its center, at its source, and sententious lies that there can be that the whole system of czarist re- no dobut but that the liquidatory com- actionary Russia must be destroyed. mission to write this article was The proletariat of Petersburg has placed in competent hands." (Ibid. p. grasped that it is a piece of ridicul- 93.) ous stupidity to make this demand for the right of combination. . . There But perhaps Comrade Trotsky was is no greater lie than the liberal in- only in agreement with the enemies vention, repeated by the liquidators of the Bolsheviki as far as the Bol- and immediately afterwards by Trot- sheviki organization was concerned, sky, that the 'struggle for the right of perhaps there was still some differ- combination' lay at the root of the ence between him and the mensheviki, tragedy on the Lena, and of the the servants of the liberals, in ques- mighty echoes awakened by this tions referring to the tasks, the aims event all over the country." (Compl. and the tactics of the rising proletar- works, XII-1, pp. 183, 185.) ian movement, in questions referring The difference is very obvious be- to the tasks, aims and tactics of the tween the Bolshevist conception of new revolution? Let us ask Lenin fundamental tasks and that of the again: mensheviki and Comrade Trotsky. But "Trotsky abused the conference in Lenin explains again and again the every key, and assured the good peo- counter-revolutionary trend of Com- ple that 'the struggle for the right of rade Trotsky's conception of these combination' was the basis of the tasks. events on the Lena and their after- Trotsky followed Axelrod. He found effects that 'this demand stands and himself superior to the "uncultured," will continue to stand as central point "barbaric," "sectarian," "Asiatic" Bol- of the revolutionary mobilization of sheviki in that he, Trotsky, is a "Eu- the proletariat.' Scarcely had a week ropean," and fights "beneath the tac- passed away, and these miserable tical flag of European social demo- phrases, ground out of the same ma- cracy." But what is the meaning of this chine which supplies the liquidators confrontation of "Europeanism" and 57 "European tactics" with Bolshevism? the path of the then peaceful Europ It means one thing only: renunciation ean socialists, were proclaimed at jthe of the fulfillment of the immediate time when the new wave of revolu- revolutionary tasks in the Russia of tion following the blood bath on the the czar and the great landowners, Lena demanded an expressly revolu- and all for the sake of the parliament- tionary leadership. It is possible that ary tactics of the European socialists. someone will submit the question: "This famous 'Europeanization,'" "How is it possible that the theory writes Lenin, "is being talked about of 'permanent revolution' did not re- by Dan and Martov, Trotsky and Lev- strain Comrade Trotsky from such itsky, and by the other liquidators, in urn-evolutionary tactics? How could every po'ssible key. It is one of the he, the representative of this ultra- main rivets securing their opportun- left theory, lend his support to such ism. Their opportunism lies in the anti-revolutionary tactics, side by side fact that the moment which they with the mensheviki, during the ob- choose for imparting a 'European,' viously revolutionary situation from parliamentary propagandist character 1912 to 1914?" to the party is precisely the moment But anyone putting this question when the party is not faced by Europ- would only prove that he has not yet ean tasks, but by an immediate strug- comprehended Lenin's characteriza- gle on the spot. Their idea is thus tion of Trotskyism: "Right politics to avoid the task of revolution, and to disguised in left phraseology." substitute revolutionary tactics by par- "Examine the standpoint of the liamentary tactics." liquidators," Lenin continued to ex- The little word "Europeanism," on plain to the naive in the year of 1913. the lips of the liquidators and Trotsky "The essential character of their during the period between 1910 and liquidatory standpoint is artifically 1914, further supplemented by the lit- disguised beneath Trotsky's revolu- tle word "barbarism" (of the Bolshe- tionary phrases. The naive and en- viki), served to conceal the renun- tirely inexperienced are still often de- ciation of the revolutionary tasks and ceived by this disguise. . . But the revolutionary tactics of the proletar- slightest closer examination imme- iat of Russia. Let us read what Lenin diately disperses this self deception." wrote in reply to such a "European" 1914. article from Comrade Trotsky's pen: Then came the year 1914. The rev- "This is the daydream of an oppor- olutionary movement in the proletar- tunist intellectual who, in the midst iat made rapid strides forward, the of the difficult and non-European con- waves of the tempest of revolution ditions facing the labor movement in rose higher and higher. Trotsky's Russia (Lenin wrote this article for viewpoint remained unchanged in the the legal Svesda, and therefore em- questions of the principles of revolu- ployed legal terms; here we should tion and the tactics of the proletarian read: under the conditions imposed by movement. Let us read what Lenin the revolutionary tasks facing the la- wrote about him in the year 1914: bor movement in Russia. L. K.) has "Comrade Trotsky has never yet worked out an excellent European possessed a definite opinion on any plan, and because he has done this, single earnest Marxian question; he boasts of his 'Europeanism' to the has always; crept into the breach whole world." (Compl. works., XII-1, made by this or that difference, and pp. 222, 223, July 1924.) has oscillated from one side to an- These tactics, actually implying ap- other." (Compl. works, XII-2., pp. probation of the transition of the 536, 537.) party f-rom the path of revolution to "The liquidators have their own 58 viewpoint—a liberal and not a Marx- "The old participators in Russia's ian one. Everyone familiar with the Marxist movement know Trotsky's fig- writings of Dan, Martov, Potressov ure very well; there is no need to say and Co. knows this viewpoint. But anything about him to them. But the Trotsky has no viewpoint, never has younger generation of workers does had one; he has merely transitions not know him, for he represents a and flittings from the liberals to the certain type. At the time of the old Marxists and back again, fragments Iskra (1901-1903), people of this type of words and sounding phrases, swing oscillated between the economists and here and there. . . In reality, Trot- the Iskra group. . . sky's resounding, confused and empty "When we speak of the liquidators, phrases, so misleading to the untrain- we so designate a certain ideological ed worker, serve solely for the defense tendency rooted .in menshevism and of the liquidators; Trotsky accom- economism. . . a tendency closely plishes this by preserving silence on bound up with the policy and ideology the question of illegality (that is, of of a certain class, the liberal bour- the revolutionary organization and geoisie. policy of the working class. L. K.), "These people 'explain' that they by endeavoring to convince us that a are above the fractions, but the sole labor policy does not exist amongst basis for this assertion is that they us at all (that is, no endeavor on the take their ideas from one fraction to- part of the mensheviki to subordinate day, from another tomorrow. the labor movement to the cadets, etc. "Trotsky was an open adherent of L. K.) Comrade Trotsky addresses a the Iskra from 1901 till 1903, and Rjas- special and lengthy sermon to the anov named the role played by Trot- seven deputies, headed by Tscheidse, sky at the Party Congress in 1903 that instructing them as to the cleverest of a 'Lenin's cudgel.' By the end of methods of carrying out the policy 1903, Trotsky was an open menshe- of rejection of illegality and of the vist, he had deserted from the Iskra party." (Lenin, XII.-2, pp. 410 to 413.) to the economists. He proclaimed that 'a deep chasm yawned between Then came the tempestuous months the old and the new Iskra.' In the of the year of 1914. The labor move- years 1904-05 he left the mensheviki ment advanced from political and eco- and maintained an irresolute attitude; nomic strikes to armed demonstra- at one time he co-operated with Mar- tions, only interrupted by the mobiliz- tinow (an economist), at another time ation of the army. In July the work- he dished up his left 'permanent revo- ers of Petersburg were already at the lution' again. In 1906-07 he approach- barricades. It was necessary to strike ed the Bolsheviki, and in the spring a balance, it was necessary to show of 1907 he declared himself in full to the working class the political cur- agreement with Rosa Luxemburg. rents and tendencies emerging from "During the epoch of the decline he illegality and from the influence of the turned to the right again after lengthy refugees from abroad, in order that 'anti-fractional' vacillations, and in they might carry on their movement August 1912, he joined the bloc of the further. Lenin wrote a comprehen- liquidators. Now he leaves tnem sive article and had it published in again, but in all essentials he repeats May, 1914, in the Bolshevist periodi- cal, Prosweschtschenje (Enlighten- their ideas. ment). Here he drew the balance of "Such types are characteristic of the ten years of struggle between Bol- the crumbling away of the historical shevism and Trotskyism, the struggle formations of yesterday, when the which we have followed in its vari- mass labor movement in Russia was ous stages: not fully awakened. 59 "The younger generation of workers role he had been exposed for ten must learn to recognize this type of years by Comrade Lenin? person, who, without concerning him- Since the time when Comrade Trot- self about party decisions or ... sky entered our party, serving it well, about the experiences won in the pres- and thereby adding many glorious ent labor movement in Russia, simply pages to the history of his own life step forward with the most unheard and to the history of the party, we of claims." (XII-2, p. 462.) have not considered it possible to en- Lenin deemed it necessary to say ter into this question. But when he this to the younger generation of takes it upon himself to falsify the workers on the eve of a fresh advance history and the ideas of Bolshevism, of the revolutionary movement in the when he attempts to appropriate to working class; he here drew the bal- himself the ideology of the party, ance of the ten years' struggle carried when he endeavors to supplant Lenin- on by Bolshevism not only against ism by Trotskyism in the ideology of menshevism, but also against Trot- the Russian and international prole- skyism. tariat, then he himself forces us to It is comprehensible to everyone put this question. that when a characterization of this Did the war actually separate Trot- kind is repeated from year to year, sky from the opportunists? Did the and not merely with reference to this "inferior diplomacy" cease in the face or that error, but with reference to of these great events? Not at all. the whole course pursued by Comrade Just as Comrade Trotsky contrived Trotsky, it is not done for any super- to combine an arch-revolutionary ficial reason. Comrade Lenin saw in "left" phrase with co-operation with Trotsky the embodiment of a current, the mensheviki in 1905, in the same of a political tendency, harmful to manner he managed to combine his Bolshevism. For this reason, and for internationalism during the war with this reason only, Lenin considered it the support of opportunism. necessary to warn the party against Trotskyism. 1915 The War Period. As early as the summer of 1915, Then came the war, rightly desig- Lenin wrote as follows: nated by Lenin as an event of world "In a reactionary war, the revolu- historical importance in the life of tionary class is bound to desire the humanity, and as the greatest test of defeat of its government. This is an international socialism, rendering ap- axiom, contested only by the con- parent the impassable chasm between scious adherents or unskilled assist- opportunism and revolutionary Com- ants of social democracy. . . Trot- munism. The moment came when sky belongs to these last. everyone had to show his colors. The "Trotsky, who as usual does not moment came when all vacillation had agree in principle with the social dem- to cease once and for all, and when ocrats on any single question, coin- a definite end had to be put to whatj cides with them in every question in Lenin termed inferior diplomacy, the actual practice. . . diplomacy of having one foot in each "Martov and Trotsky are anxious to camp. combine the platonic defense in in- But did this really come about? ternationalism with the unconditional Did the war induce Comrade Trotsky demand for unity with the Nasha Sar- to break once and for all with oppor- ja (Our Dawn), with the organization tunism and support of the right, and committee (central committee of the to renounce the role of defender and mensheviki), or with Ihe Tscheidze disguise for the mensheviki, in which fraction." 60 At the end of 1915, Lenin wrote: the opportunists (social chauvinists) "In reality, Trotsky is supporting are co-operating with the imperial the liberal politicians of Russia, who, bourgeoisie for the creation of an by their disavowal of the role played imperialist Europe supported on the by the peasantry, really mean that shoulders of Asia and Africa. they do not wish to raise the peasant- One of the conclusions which we' ry to revolution." have drawn from this is the neces- Again: sity of separation from social chau- "Trotsky, and the company of for- vinism." eign flunkeys of opportunism, are do- 1917. ing their utmost to patch up the dif- On Feb. 17, 1917. (February, 1917!) ferences, and to save the opportunism "The name of Trotsky signifies: of Nascha Sarja group by the defense Left phraseology and bloc with the and praise of the Tscheidze fraction." right against the aim of the left!" 1916. Six weeks after the February revo- lution, on March 7, 1917, Lenin wrote: At the beginning of 1916: "In my opinion, the matter of the "The powerless diplomatists, and greatest importance at the present such preachers of compromise as juncture is not foolish attempts at a Kautsky in Germany, Longuet in 'coming to an understanding,' on the France, and Martov in Russia, are lines projected by Trotsky & Co., with most harmful to the labor movement, the social patriots or with the even for they defend the fiction of unity more dangerous elements of the or- and thus prevent the real and matur- ganization committee type (menshe- ed alliance of the opposition of all viki), but to continue the work of our countries, the founding of the Third party in a logical international spirit." International." There is one important point which In March, 1916: must not be omitted here: During "And Trotsky? He is entirely in the whole of this period Comrade favor of the right of self determina- Trotsky was a decided adversary of tion, but for him this is merely an the "Zimmerwald Left," whose leader empty phrase, since he does not de- was Lenin, and which formed the mand separation of the nation op- germ of the Third International. The pressed by the 'fatherland' of the so- Third International was not born only cialists in any given case. He pre- of the struggle against Scheidemann, serves silence on the hypocrisy of Vandervelde, and their like, it origin- Kautsky and his followers." atetd and grew in strength at the In October 1916, just twelve months same time in the struggle against the before our October: Zimmerwald "center," against Kaut- "However good the intentions of sky and Trotsky. The practical policy Martov and Trotsky may be subject- of this center was as follows: No ively, they are none the less aiding final rupture with the Second Interna- Russian social imperialism by their tional, no founding of the Third Inter- complaisance." national, the aims striven for by Len- In December, 1916: in as head of the Zimmerwald left. "As early as the year 1902, Hobson Lenin never altered his character- recognized not only the significance ization and opinion of the line taken of the 'United States of Europe' (Kaut- by Comrade Trotsky, either at the sky's disciple, Trotsky, may take cog- time when the tide of revolution was nisance of this), but also the signifi- at its highest, or at the time of its cance of a fact which the sanctimoni- lowest ebb. ous followers of Kautsky in every No Leninist taking the name seri- country are anxious to conceal: 'that ously can admit even the thought that 61 Comrade Lenin, in thus systematically rade Trotsky is a master of elegant revealing Comrade Trotsky's stand- phraseology. But the matter in ques- point for so many years in succession tion is unfortunately much too serious was influenced by any individual mo- in character to be settled by a well tives. In his systematic and impas- turned sentence. sioned fight against Trotskyism, Com- In the first place this phrase is not rade Lenin was solely influenced by strictly accurate, and in the second the fact that he saw in Trotskyism place it is calculated to carry away a certain current hostile to the ideol- the reader by its beauty and to con- ogy and the organization of the Bol- ceal Comrade Trotsky's real thoughts. shevist Party; a current which in act- This elegant phrase is a piece of hyp- ual practice served the ends of men- ocricy. shevism. Is it then really true that the whole As Comrade Lenin would say, it is history of Trotsky's attitude as we comparatively easy to combat menshe- have followed it here from 1903 till vism, for its open and consisent anti- 1917, can be characterized by these proletarian character, obviously liber- words of his: "I came to Lenin fight- al in essentials, is at once comprehend ing"? Trotsky is apparently extreme- ed by only slightly experienced work- ly satisfied with the history of his re- ers and is thus rejected by the work- lations to Bolshevism; at least he ers. It is more needful to combat the wrote in his book: "The New Course," concealed forms of menshevism, those which appeared a few months ago: forms which clothe opportunist policy "I do not consider that the road by in left revolutionary phraseology, the which I reached Lenin is any less form which adapts menshevism to the suitable or certain than other roads." •revolutionary feeling of the masses. For Trotsky this is very reassuring. Those who fight against us with open But is it possible for the party, with- visor are not our sole enemies, we out deceiving itself, to regard the road have another foe in that group which upon which Trotsky reached our party disguises the efforts of open enemies as suitable or certain? If this road by means of revolutionary phrases, really was a "road to Lenin," then and furthers the cause of the enemies every one time menshevik and social of the party by exploiting the confid- revolutionist, of whom there are not ence felt in these phrases. a few in our party, can make use of Trotsky's words and declare: "In re- Lenin merely formulated the rela- ality I was not a menshevik or social tions to Trotskyism, characteristic revolutionist, I was merely making my for the whole Bolshevist Party, altho way, fighting, to Bolshevism." Comrade Trotsky succeeded at times, One thing at least is evident: the in especially difficult moments in the party cannot recommend anybody to life of the party, in drawing some few take Trotsky's road to Bolshevism. Bolsheviki over to him, if only for a The comrades who have come over brief period, by means of his phrases to us from other parties have gener- and inferior diplomacy. ally declared that they have been mis- II. Comrade Trotsky Enters the taken, that they have had a different Party. conception of the interests of the working class and had thought to The above described relations be- serve these interests in a different tween Bolshevism and Trotskyism manner, but that they are now con- were characterized by Comrade Trot- vinced that they have been on the sky himself in the words: "I came to wrong road. The party did not de- Lenin fighting." This phrase not only mand any such avowal from Comrade evidences a desire to win approbation, Trotsky, and was quite right in not but it is very well expressed. Com- doing so. Comrade Trotsky stood the 62 test, and stood it excellently. But Slovo; Martov, however, resigned his this does not by any means signify post later on account of the remorse- that the party can permit Comrade less criticism exercised by Comrade Trotsky to designate his fifteen years Lenin, and of the increase of revolu- of fighting against Bolshevism and tionary Communist elements among Lenin as a suitable and sure path to the editors. After the paper had Leninism. I maintain that Trotsky finally passed into the hands of the sees the road by which he approached left wing of the editorial staff, that Lenin from an entirely opposite stand- is, into Trotsky's hands, these three point to ours; that he does not be- points of dispute remained: the ques- lieve Bolshevism to have proved right tion of defeatism, the question of civil and Trotskyism wrong. war or peace, and the question of the Trotsky came to the party with the character of the impending Russian conviction, not that he was going to revolution. learn anything from Bolshevism, tmt Lenin stood for the defeat of the na- that he was going to reach the party tional bourgeoisie, he impressed upon from Trotskyism, and substitute Len- the workers the necessity of the de- inism by Trotskyism. In Trotsky's feat of their "own" bourgeoisie— book, "War and Revolution," we read: Trotsky was opposed to this! "There were three points in which Lenin stood for civil war—Trotsky the newspaper, Nasche Slovo (Trot- opposed it! sky's organ. L. K.) had not yet ar- Lenin stood for the democratic dic- rived at an agreement with the Social tatorship of the proletariat and peas- Democrat (organ of the C. C. of the antry—Trotsky opposed it! Here, as Bolsheviki, conducted by Lenin and Lenin pointed out, he caused great Zinoviev. L. K.) even after the form- confusion with his left phrase on er had finally passed into the hands "permanent revolution." In this last of the left wing of the editorial staff. point Trotsky gave the impression of These points referred to defeatism, to being more left than Lenin. He was the struggle for peace, and to the not content with the mere dictator- character of the approaching Russian ship of the proletariat and peasantry, revolutions, Nasche Slovo rejected de- but demanded permanent revolution. featism (which Lenin had held from Here we have merely a further ex- the beginning of the war to be the ample of what Lenin impressed upon fundamental principle of really revo- us for so many years with regard to lutionary internationalism. L. K.) Trotsky: a right policy with regard The Social Democrat rejected the slo- to daily questions of actual practice, gan of the struggle for peace. . . but skilfully disguised in the phrase- and opposed it by the slogan of civil ology of the left. war (rejectetd by Trotsky. L. K.) A fourth difference must however Nasche Slovo finally supported the be added to these three, one not men- view that it must be made the task tioned by Comrade Trotsky: the dif- of our party to conquer power in the ference in the question of the Second name of the socialist revolution. The and Third Internationals. Lenin, at Social Democrat maintained the stand- the head of the Zimmerwald left, stood point of the democratic dictatorship for immediate rupture with the Sec- of the proletariat and peasantry." ond International and with Kautsky, A few lines before Trotsky informs and for the founding of the Third In- us that the "differences" existing be- ternational. Trotsky, and the pro- tween the Social Democrat and the Kautsky center were against this. Nasche Slovo, considerable at first, But only a few months after the ex- had diminished. . . Not only Trotsky, istence of these differences had been but Martov, was at one time a mem- definitely ascertained, Trotsky joined ber of the editorial staff of the Nasche th'e Bolshevist Party. 63 "The March revolution," he writes, an empty abstraction, and writes that "has wiped out all these differences." the Bolsheviki "arrive at the idea of a Truly? All of them? And how? bourgeois-democratic self-limitation Trotsky does not say. Yet the party of the proletariat possessing state has a right to put this question, since power." Comrade Trotsky has obliged us to He continues: "Whilst the anti- occupy ourselves with his history. revolutionary features of menshevism Are we to understand the declaration are already visible to their full ex- that the revolution has erased all tent, the anti-revolutionary features of differences in such manner that we Bolshevism (I underline these words may assume Comrade Trotsky to have on account of their importance. L. K.) become convinced of his having been threaten to appear as mighty danger mistaken on all these important only in case of a revolutionary vic- points? That he has adopted the tory." viewpoint of the Bolsheviki? Com- Comrade Trotsky, who caused this rade Martinov, one of the best of the phrase on the dangers of the anti-rev^ menshevist theoreticians, declared olutionary features of Bolshevism to candidly: "I have served the working be republished and confirmed in the class for thirty years in the way which year 1922, adds the following: I held to be the best. Today I see "As is already well known, this did that I have been in the wrong. His- not happen, for Bolshevism, under tory confirms the correctness of Len- Comrade Lenin's leadership, changed in's standpoint with regard to the its ideological equipment in this most Russian revolution, and I join Lenin." important question in the spring of But Comrade Trotsky has given the 1917, that is, before the conquest of party no such answer. power." (Trotsky, "1905," Russian edition, p. 285.) Trotsky on Himself and Leninism Trotsky's idea is now clear. The Trotsky, in his book, "1905" (pp. standpoint held by Lenin and by the 4-5) writes as follows: Bolshevist Party on the character of "In the period between January 9, the revolution, as developed between and the strike in October, 1905, I 1904 and the spring of 1917, had not formed those views of the character only been wrong, but even counter- of the revolutionary development in revolutionary with respect to the so- Russia which have received the desig- cialist revolution. Lenin and the Bol- nation of 'permanent revolution' . . . sheviki were thus obliged to "change Despite the interval of twelve years, their equipment" in the spring of 1917, this estimate has been fully con- before the conquest of power, for the firmed." (This was written in the purpose of accomplishing the conquest year 1922! L. K.) of power. That is, they found them- But during the whole of these selves obliged to substitute the coun- years this theory was opposed by an- ter-revolutionary equipment of Bolshe- other theory, Lenin's theory, express- vism by the really revolutionary ed in the formula: "Revolutionary, equipment which Trotsky had kept democratic dictatorship of the prole- ready on hand for twelve years. It is tariat and peasantry." Trotsky's conviction that Lenin came "This idea," so wrote Comrade Trot- over to Trotsky after first building sky in 1918, and wrote it again in up the party for fifteen years on "anti- 1922 without the slightest reservation, revolutionary" ideas." "this idea has been repeated unwear- Trotsky has proved to be in the ingly by Lenin since 1904. But that right during the whole course of his does not make it correct." intellectual conflicts with Bolshevism In this book ("1905"), Trotsky de- and with Lenin up to the year 1917— scribes Lenin's fundamental idea as that is the import of all Trotsky's 64 latest books ("1905" and "1917.") willingly admit that he has committed But if this is so, then we must state certain organizatory errors in the it openly. If Bolshevism contains an- past. What does such an acknowl- ti-revolutionary features, if we have edgment cost, when it serves as a to change our equipment before a de- cloak for the unpunished assertion cisive battle, then what right have we that Bolshevism, Leninism, contains) to teach uncorrected Bolshevism to anti-revolutionary features? Paris is our proletariat and to the proletariats worth a mass! If one can appropriate of all countires? Why do we not say the role of intellectual and theoretical anywhere, not in one single textbook leader of Bolshevism and the October read by the proletariat of our country revolution, it is worth while to admit and of the whole world: Comrades, to even considerable errors in the we teach you Bolshevism, but do not past. forget that Bolshevism contains anti- Trotsky, in his "Lessons of Octo- revolutionary features, and as soon as ber," actually does make such a con- the fight begins, then you will not be fession to the party. "I have acknowl- able to manage with the equipment edged my real and great organizatory of Bolshevism, but will have to re- mistakes," he writes. But was the place it by another, the equipment of fifteen years' conflict between Lenin Trotskyism. and the Bolsheviki on the one side, We must either teach Bolshevism, and Trotskyism on the other, concern- Leninism, as it is, without correction, ed with organizatory questions? This as the real theory of proletarian revo- is nonsense, an endeavor to distract lution, or, if there is anyone who be- from the point. The conflict was lieves that this theory is not the true directly concerned with the funda- theory of proletarian revolution, but mental questions of the revolution, that it has to be supplemented by with the mutual relations of the dif- Trotskyism in order to become such, ferent classes during the revolution, then he must state openly and with the question of "permanent revo- straightforwardly what alterations he lution," or Comrade Lenin's theory, thinks should be made. Is there real- and this is the question of the role ly something anti-revolutionary in the played by the peasantry in the revolu- teachings of Bolshevism on the revo- tion, the question of the paths lead- lution? Then the works issued by ing to socialism in an agrarian coun- Lenin before the spring of 1917 must try, the question of the methods and not be made the scientific authority conditions for the realization of the on proletarian struggle and proletar- proletarian dictatorship in a country ian strategy against the bourgeoisie. in which the peasant population pre- Or we must at least say: But the art ponderates. This is no contention on of realizing proletarian revolution is abstract formulas. The theory of per- not to be learned from Lenin's works manent revplution is based upon a up to 1917, but from Trotsky's works, complete underestimation of the role since 1905. played by the peasantry; it replies to The October revolution was either one question only; it tells how power accomplished beneath the banner of uncorrected Leninism, or it was ac- cannot be seized or maintained under complished beneath the banner of these conditions. Trotskyism and its correction of Len- Trotsky's viewpoint, summed up inism. Here we are at a parting of from a study of the "Lessons of Octo- the ways. ber," may be expressed as follows: It was to be expected that Comrade "On the eve of the events of 1905, Len- Trotsky, in order to grant a certain in imparted a peculiar character to amount of satisfaction to the party the Russian revolution by the form- which he has thus benefitted, should ula: Democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry. But, as we have a justification of th§ Bolshe- later developments showed, this form- vist theory and an indication of the ula had only significance for one errors of individual Bolsheviki, but in stage on the way." This is followed the second case, if we are told that by a literary dissertation to the effect Lenin's nearest disciples accepted his that this stage was a stage on the way formula and landed in a bog thru ap- to Trotsky's formula. And this is the plying it literally, then we see—en- actual intellectual kernel of all Trot- lightened as we already are by Trot- sky's latest writings. Trotsky shuffles sky's assertion as to the anti-revolu- his Trotskyism beneath Leninism with tionary features of Leninism, and by the whole of the literary art and talent his statement that Trotsky's theory, peculiar to him. This last book of his and not Lenin's has been "completely is not written for the whole party, but confirmed"—then we see that the for the younger generation now grow- blows struck are not directed against ing up, for the youth who within a Kamenev and Zinoviev alone, but thru year or two will have to determine the them at Lenin's main formula. destiny of the party. The aim of Trotsky's latest book, Lenin in April, 1917. "1917," is to take revenge for the Is it true that Bolshevism, in order twelve years in which Lenin exposed to solve the problems of the revolu- Trotsky's wretched policy, to prove tion, was obliged to withdraw from its that the revolution confirms his (Trot- past? Is it true that the theory of sky's) theory, and to poison the minds the revolutionary democratic dictator- of the future leaders of the party, now ship of the proletariat and peasantry studying in the Communist universi- proved inadequate? What were the ties, workers' faculties, colleges, etc., actual facts, and how were these re- by this shuffling of Trotskyism into garded by Lenin? Leninism. We cannot permit this aim What really happened—as seen by to be realized. Lenin as well as by us—was that the In this book ("1917), Trotsky in- Bolshevist idea of the "revolutionary veighs against Zinoviev, Kamenev, Ry- democratic dictatorship of the prole- kov and others. I shall deal further tariat and peasantry" was fully and with this, and with my own errors, completely realized in the Russian rev- but am of the opinion that the re- olution, and, after its realization, be- proaches made in this book are not gan to develop into the Bolshevist idea intended for us only. The names of of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Kamenev and Zinoviev are given, but I here take the opportunity of refer- Lenin is meant. The question of the ring to one of the works in which Len- fate of Bolshevism may be put in the in laid down his principles at that following form: Lenin had an excel- time: "Letters on Tactics," in which lent theory, but the disciples of Lenin he comments on and explains to the did not know how to apply it, they party his famous theses of April 4. did not recognize the needs of the Lenin writes: concrete situation. The formula was "The revolutionary democratic dic- right, but it has been badly carried tatorship of the proletariat and peas- out by this or that Bolshevik. It is antry has already been realized in the possible to put the question in this Russian revolution. . . The workers' manner, but it can also be stated as and soldiers' Soviets are the revolu- follows: If we draw all the logical tionary democratic dictatorship of the conclusions from the Leninist form- proletariat and peasantry as realized ula, we are bound to land in a bog. in actual life. We are still in the The formula itself is wrong, and this minority; we recognize the necessity wrong formula has been employed Of gaining the majority (in these or- logically, correctly. In the first case gans of the dictatorship)." (Compl. 66 works, Rusian edition, vol. XIV-1, p. deserted the bourgeoisie, seize the 29.) land and power in spite of the bour- If our theory has been realized, we eoisre, then we shall have a new stage must stride forward. How? In such in the bourgeois democratic revolution manner that we gather together the and one which will occupy us greatly." proletarian elements of town and This is much more complicated than country against the petty-bourgeois Trotsky's theory, straight as the line elements, on the basis of the realized in which the crow flies. For Trotsky, dictatorship of the proletariat and peas- with his slogan of: "Off with the antry. This means the mustering and czar and on with the labor govern- organization of the proletarian ele- ment," the matter was much simple. ments on the basis of this dictator- He simply ignored the whole peas- ship, in order to proceed from the rev- antry and the conditions prerequisite olutionary democratic dictatorship of to the realization of the dictatorship the proletariat and peasantry to the of tne proletariat in a capitalistically dictatorship of the proletariat, to the backward agrarian country. purely socialist revolution. For this The greatness of Lenin lies in the reason, Lenin invariably adapted his fact that he began to carry out the tactics to the development of the mass dictatorship of the proletariat under movement in the peasantry, and he the given conditions of a given agrar- studied the "peculiarity" of the realiz- ian country, and actually did carry ation of the dictatorship of the prole- this out by means of constantly keep- tariat and the peasantry, which con- ing in sight those real elements upon sisted of the fact that the latter, at v,-hose foundation this dictatorship can the given stage of the revolution (April not only be proclaimed, but built up. 1917), retained their confidence in the As a matter of fact, even in April bourgeois government in the form of it was not possible to judge whether "defense of native country." After there might not be a moment in the describing the views of the Bolsheviki Russian revolution in which the peas- contending against him (I was one of antry would leave the social revolu- these), and after a sharp attack upon tionary and menshevist Soviets in the us, Lenin writes: lurch and turn against the provisional "A Marxist must never quit the firm government, before it could attain to ground of analysis of class relations. the dictatorship of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie is in Bower. And is Lenin, as real politician and mass the mass of the peasantry not another leader, knowing that we pursued the bourgeoisie belonging to another strat- policy of the proletariat under the um, of another description and char- peculiar conditions of an agrarian acter? Does it follow that this strat- country, arranged his tactics for both um may not seize power by the 'con- possibilities. summation of bourgeois democratic Lenin would not have been Lenin, revolution? Why should this not be that is, he would not have been the possible? Old Bolsheviki frequently practical leader of millions in class judge in this manner." war, if he had really taken over Trot- I replied, "This is perfectly possible sky's equipment, for Trotsky's theory . . . it is quite possible that the would have inevitably led to the peasantry seizes the whole of the land breakdown of the proletariat and of and at the same time the whole pow- the peasantry as well. In its pure er. . ." form, the line taken by Trotsky is sim- Lenin continues: "If the peasantry ply the ignoring of the peasantry, the ceases to support the government in ignoring of that transition stage dur- the social revolutionary and menshe- ing which the peasantry still places its vist Soviets, if the peasantry, having confidence in the ruling bourgeoisie at 67 P!*"

first, is disappointed and turns against passed from one phase to another. the bourgeoisie, but still does not join He feared most that progress would the proletariat; this transitional stage be hindered by the party's falling into which ends by theproletariat taking the rut of Trotsky's abstract theory, over the leadership of the peasantry and again he accuses it of wanting to in the form of peasant's risings, real- spring over the peasants' movement izing the dictatorship, and endeavor- before this was in our hands. ing to bring about an alliance between There was no need for Lenin to workers and peasants in various change his equipment. The old Lenin- changing forms. ist theory, the old Leninist, Bolshe- Lenin, in the same pamphlet in vist conception of the character of the which he wrote against the old Bolshe- Russian revolution, and of the rela- viki, states: tions between proletariat and peas- "In my theses I have secured my- antry, were seen by Lenin to have self against any leaps over agrarian proved fully correct. And now we had or petty bourgeois movements which to advance further on the same lines. have not yet been overcome, against But the greatest care must be taken, any playing with 'seizure of power' in the advance, not to fall into Trot- by the labor government. . . 'Trot- sky's mistaken footsteps. Twelve skyism' 'down with the czar,' 'up with years before 1917 Lenin had prophe- the labor government'—is wrong. The sied that, after the revolutionary dem- petty bourgeoisie (that is, the peas- ocratic dictatorship of the proletariat antry. L. K.), exists, and cannot be and peasantry had been realized, we ignored." should have to advance to the dicta- Is this not the literal repetition, in torship of the proletariat, and must the heat of revolution, of all that Len- create conditions under which the in had long warned the party against? peasantry co-operate with the prole- In 1910, Lenin had already said that: tariat, without simply ignoring the "Trotsky's fundamental error. . . is peasantry as Trotsky proposes. Bol- the lack of the smallest thought about shevism does not need to borrow the question of the transition from weapons from the arsenal of Trotsky- this (the bourgeois) revolution to a ism. socialist revolution." At the same time, there were some Bolsheviki who did not advance so Trotsky's "original" theory takes rapidly from, stage to stage required from the Bolsheviki the demand for by the tremendous acceleration of the decisive revolutionary struggle on the revolution caused by the enormous part of the proletariat and the demand pressure of the war. But this does not for the seizure of political power, from in the least signify that Bolshevism the mensheviki it takes the "denial" was on the wrong track, that it lead of the role played by thhe peasant- into a bog instead of to victory or ry. . . Trotsky did not, however, re- that it had to be altered during the flect that when the proletariat induces revolution. And this is just what the non-proletarian masses of the Trotsky is trying to prove. peasantry to confiscate the land of the Trotsky has never grasped the es- landowners and to overthrow the mon- sentials of the Leninist theory on the archy, the national bourgeois revolu- relations between the working class tion" in Russia is achieved and that this becomes a revolutionary demo- and the peasantry in the Russian revo- cratic dictatorship of the proletariat lution. Even after October he did not and peasantry. grasp it, and he did not grasp it when Lenin criticized severely those com- our party successfully maneuvered for rades (including me) who" had not ob- the realization of the dictatorship of served that the revolution had already the proletariat without separation 68 from the peasantry. His own theory, the suplementation of the Sovet gov- which in his opinion has proved en- ernment by the left S. R., the designa- tirely right, has prevented him from tion of the government created by the grasping the Bolshevist position. If October revolution as "Workers' and Trotsky's theory had proved correct, Peasants' government," all proposals this would signify that the Soviet «%^J^^Srs^T** power would long since have ceased proletariat and peasantry into a sys- to exist. This theory of "permanent tem whoge actual esgence wag already revolution," which does not trouble the dictatorship of the proletariat? about the peasantry or provide any It is possible to omit some of these solution for the question of the al- facts of the October revolution; but liance between the proletariat and the then we do not arrive at any scien- peasantry, renders the labor govern- tific analysis of Lenin's policy. And ment in Russia absolutely dependent what about the transition from the upon the immediate proletarian revo- war communism to the nlw economic lution in the West. According to the P0"^' tro™ tne committees for the theory the proletariat after having ^—fn*Ve™fum^arm^? taken over power, is plunged into the HQW c&n ^ fee t ^ harm most hopeless contradictions. Its with that theory of permanent revo- power is limited by objective social iuti0n which has proved so "perfectly difficulties: correct" ? "Their solution is prevented by the In 1916 Lenin wrote that life was al- economic backwardness of the coun- ready a decade ahead of Trotsky's try. Within the confines of a national magnificant theory. Now we can add revolution there is no means of es- another eight years. Does the circum- cape from this contradiction." (Trot- stance tnat life has Passed Trotsky's sky, "1905," Russian edition, p. 286.) theory by for eighteen years justify Trotsky in claiming to be able to cor- Under such conditions a delay or rect Leninism by Trotskyism? postponement of the proletarian world Since life has passed Trotsky's revolution would have inevitably caus- theory by, Trotsky attempts in his ed the immediate collapse of the work- books to not only correct Leninism, ers' dictatorship in Russia. Thus the but life as well, and to prove by every adherents of the "permanent revolu- art of which he is master that life fol- tion" are bound to pass through stages lows Trotsky after all. of despair and profoundest pessimism Jt 1S incumbent on the party to show to attempts at overcoming the econ- Precisely the contrary, and to prove omic backwardness of the country by to not onlv Trotsky but every new force, with the aid of military com- member the necessity of "Bolsheviz- mands. ing Trotsky." How far has the party Real' Bolshevist policy, as pursued succeeded in this? by Lenin from February to October, has nothing in common with either jjj this policy or this psychology. How did matters really stand in Tro*sk*Jn lhe P*rty' °"r tEfrors- October and immediately afterwards? °ctober Accordl"9 to Trotsky Seen from the standpoint of Marxism, We must differentiate between two from the standpoint of the analysis of aspects of Trotsky's activity. The one the class forces of the revolution, was aspect in Comrade Trotsky as he ear- not the acceptance of the social revo- ried out the instructions of the party lutionary decree on landed property, strictly and accurately, leaning with 69 the other members of the party on executed the task alloted to him. His the totality of common political exper- participation in the direction of the ience in the party and on the whole general policy of the party was less party mass organization, and carrying than before. But' now the revolution out this or that task or command of reached a fresh turning point. The the party. At this time Comrade Trot- relations between the classes shifted, sky's deeds were splendid, and added The party anticipated, in the form of a many brilliant pages to his own his- discussion on trade unions, the ques- tory and that of the party. But since tion submitted a few weeks later at Comrade Trotsky has come forward Kronstadt; the question of the tran- as individualist, believing that he and sition from war communism to the not the party is in the right in the fun- new economic policy. What was Com- damental questions of revolution, and rade Lenin seeking for at that time? that Leninism must be improved by He was seeking new forms for an al- Trotskyism, we are obliged to see that liance between the proletariat and the other aspect of Comrade Trotsky peasantry, new forms for, leading the which shows him to be no Bolshevik, working masses by means of gaining Four Attempts Made by Comrade tneir convinced adherence rather than Trotsky at Improving the Party b? force- To wnat did comrade Trot- m, , , „ . sky look for salvation at that time? He The party remembers four occasions J, t- f upon which Comrade Trotsky has communism. This was again and tried to instruct the party and to underestimate of the force upon it his own Trotskyist de- *t the liabmty to be carried viations. The first occasion was a few £w fe *external s by methods of months after Comrade Trotsky en- «„-,>„'» and "administration from tered the party. It was at the time a^eS» administration trom of Brest Litovsk. The party is ade- And Comrade Trotskv's further at- quately and accurately informed as to tempts_even during comrade Lenin's Comrade Trotsky s attitude at that li£etime_tne question of the "plan" time. He underestimated the role according to nis peculiar conception, played by the peasantry, and covered his «formula» on the "dictatorship this over by revolutionary phrase- of industry('> were not these again at- ology. This was theroad to the defeat temps to force petty bourgeois elemen- of the proletariat and the revolution, tarity upon us from above with bonds If we recollect the evidence brought of iron, did they not once more show at this time against Comrade Trotsky that lack of comprehension of those by Comrade Lenin, we see that Com- concrete conditions under which it is rade Lenin brought no other evidence alone possible to realize a dictator- than the substantiation with which he ship in an agrarian country with un- had rejected Comrade Trotsky's gen- dermined industries at a time when eral attitude during the course of the the international revolution is retar- preceding decade. ded? Comrade Lenin reproached him with Beneath Comrade Trotsky's effective two political sins: Lack of comprehen- formula we can here easily distin- sion for the relations between prole- guish the feelings inevitably involved tariat and peasantry, and liability to by his original theory: On the one be carried away by apparently left, hand despair, pessimism, disbelief, apparently" revolutionary phrases, and on the other hand exaggerated These two errors, typical of Comrade hopes in the methods of supreme ad- Trotsky whilst outside of our party, ministration (a term of Lenin's), in were repeated by him within it. the competent subjection of economic Then came the civil war, the epoch difficulties from above, of war communism. Comrade Trotsky The last discussion is still fresh in 70 our memories. It gave the party a ed to induce the party to deviate to graphic survey of the totality of Com- the path of Trotskyism by means of rade Trotsky's errors, as dealt with the discussion of this or that practical above. But it also showed with spe- question. But after four attempts— cial clearness another error, another Brest, trade unions, discussion on the feature of Trotskyism, and one far economic plan, and the last discussion from being new. This is the attempt —had shown that he cannot persuade to undermine and weaken the main the Bolsheviki Party to deviate from frame work of the dictatorship, the its path, after he had learned from party. The same object was aimed at the party at the XIII party conference by the discrediting of the "cadres" of that we, the Leninists, do not require the party, by the resurrected menshev- our theory to be corrected by Trotsky- ist conception of the party as a col- ism, then he brought forward this lection of "groups and currents," and last trump. the essentially liquidatory undermin- He is of course not the first to do ing of the authority of the leading in- this. These errors have been exploit- stitutions ("they are leading the ed often enough already by our ene- country to destruction.") And has it mies, but both errors and exploitation not been under Comrade Trotsky's were simply buried beneath the thun-' banner that the idea of greater free- ders of the proletarian revolution. dom from party influence for extra- At the time neither the errors them- party organizations has flourished? selves nor their being made use of Has not at all this, taken together, by hostile quarters resulted in any led to a weakening of the dictatorship practical consequences. It is only of the proletariat, and has it not all since then that these errors have been been based upon an underestimation raked up again maliciously by those of the conditions under which we—in who had deserted communism: Levi, an agrarian country—have to realize Frossard, Balabanova. Levi and Fros- the dictatorship? Is it not a petty- sard are now being followed by Trot- bourgeois deviation? sky. So long as the party is perfectly Vacillations were unallowable. Lenin sound and everything goes well, Com- armed himself against them with all rade Trotsky quietly performs every the power and passion of a leader who task which falls to him; but as soon sees that his co-workers are liable to the party encounters any obstacle, as carry confusion into their own ranks son as it has to adjust its rudder, by vacillation at decisive moments. He then Comrade Trotsky at once springs exposed every vacillation relentlessly, forward in the role of savior and and in critical and decisive moments teacher of the party, but invariably he did not shrink from the severest points out the wrong way, since he words or propositions. And he was has not absorbed the principles of Bol- right, right to the end, without reser- shevism. vation. But when the moment for calm dis- Our Errors cussion arrived, the moment for the Comrade Trotsky has another trump avoidance of the repetition of similar in his hand against Bolshevism. This errors in other Communist Parties, trump consists of certain errors com- then Lenin characterized these errors mitted by some few Bolsheviki (above very accurately. When Serrati at- all by me and Zinoviev, then those tempted to cloak his withdrawal from of Rykov and Nogin) in October, 1917. communism by these errors of Zinov- The errors of the Bolsheviki are natur- iev and Kamenev, Comrade Lenin ally invariably exploited by our wrote: "Before the October revolution enemies. Comrade Trotsky did not in Russia, and immediately after it, a resort to his trump so long as he hop- number of excellent, communists com- 71 mitted errors which we do not like to character only." There are probably remember now. Why do we not like many here present who took part in to remember them? Because it is the October events, and these will be wrong to call to mind errors which surprised to learn, eight years after have been made perfectly good, unless the October 25, 1917, that the rising there is more special reason for do- on October 25 was merely of a ing so." "supplementary character." What did Special attention must be accorded is supplement? We learn that it "sup- to the manner in which Lenin formul- plemented" the events which had tak- ated our errors: "In the period of en place on October 9. which I speak they vacillated, fearing The main data of the revolution are that the Bolsheviki were isolating familiar to us. But when I mentioned themselves, were rushing too reck- events which occured on October 9, lessly into a rising, were too unwill- many will ask what happened on that ing to meet the advances of a certain date to which the October rising was section of • the 'mensheviki' and 'so- nothing more than a -supplement. On cial revolutionists.' The conflict went October 9, says Comrade Trotsky's so far that the comrades named re- book, a resolution was passed in the signed demonstratively from all re- Petrograd Soviet, on the motion of sponsible positions both in the party Comrade Trotsky, ending with the and in the Soviet work, to the great sentence: "The Petrograd Workers' joy of the enemies of the Soviet revo- and Soldiers' Soviet cannot be respon- lution. The affair culminated in a sible to the army for such strategy very severe criticism in the press, on on the part of the provisional govern- the part of the C. C. of our party, ment, and especially for the removal against the resigning comrades. And of troops from Petrograd." after a few weeks, at latest after a It need not be said that this was an few months, all these comrades re- important resolution; it united the cognized their error and returned to garrison, which did not want to go to their responsible party and Soviet the front, with the Petrograd Soviet, positions." But listen to how Trotsky describes Is this description of Lenin in any and estimates this event of the Octo- way similar to the malicious attempt her 9: "From this moment (October made by Trotsky—ridiculous in its 9) onwards we were actually in a malice—to twist this "right" wing into state of armed insurrection . . . The an actually "menshevist" wing in the issue of the rising of the October 25 Bolshevist Party? But this appears to was already three part pre-deter- be Comrade Trotsky's fate: In order mined at this moment. ... In all to attain his objects he is invariably essentials an armed insurrection had obliged to "overcome" Lenin, Lenin- already been brought about . . . Here ism, and the Leninists. we had a 'quiet' and 'almost legal' _ A . .., . . . . armed insurrection, one which was Trotsky Writes Again about Himself two thirds, if not nine tenths, an ac- and Lenin complished fact . . . From this Were we the only ones, in Trot- moment onwards we had a victorious sky's opinion, who made mistakes at rising in the capital city." the time of the October revolution? Thus it appears that October 25 No, we were not the only ones. This was not more than a slight supplement book contains many sensations. But to the great 9th. But now the question the most sensational sentence in the arises: If the "victorious" insurrec- book is one referring to the October tion was already an accomplished fact revolution. On page 50 of his "Les- to the extent of nine tenths on the sons" Trotsky writes: "The rising on October 9, what are we to think of the 25 October was of supplementary the mental capacity of those who sat 72 in the Bolshevist C. C. and decided In would have had a "very severe effect a heated debate, on October 10, whe- upon Petrograd." ther we should proceed to an insur- Whilst Lenin is engaged in impart- rection or not, and if so, what then? ing such "advice," Trotsky, with his What are we to think of people who on "quiet" but "victorious insurrection" October 15 gathered together as plen- already in his pocket, is executing "an ary session of the C. C. together with extensive maneuver." "We succeed- the functionaries and co-workers from ed" he writes trumphantly "in luring the military organizations, and still our enemies into the trap of Soviet deliberated on the prospects of the legality." Lenin, calculating much insurrection, on the forces of the in- more upon the workers, sailors, and surrection, and on the date of the in- soldiers than upon Comrade Trotsky's surrection. Had it not been all ar- "maneuvers," wrote at this tim "It ranged on the 9th, quietly and legally? is a crime to hesitate, it is a piece of So quietly that neither the party nor childishness and formality to wait for the C. C. heard anything about it. the Soviet Congress, a betrayal of the But this is merely a side issue, revolution." But Trotsky refutes Len- WITat is the party, what is the Petro- in's words with an air of victory at grad Committee, or the C. C. when the close of his description of the Trotsky writes a history of the Octo- roles played by him and by Lenin in ber revolution? In this history nei- October: '.'It is one thing to organ- ther the C. C. nor the party exist at ize an armed insurrection under the all as real living powers, as collective bare slogan of seizure of power by the organizers of the mass movement. And party." Trotsky instructs Lenin: there is not a word to be learned "but it is something very different to from the "Lessons of October" with prepare and realize an insurrection regard to what took place in Mos- under the slogan of the defence of the cow, that not only in Petrograd, but rights of the Soviet congress." in Moscow • and Ivanovo Vosnesensk Here the figures are shifted there was a proletariat which was also from their actual positions: Lenin doing something. And with reference is illegal, unable to make a correct to Lenin the book informs us: "Lenin estimate of the situation, omits to who was not in Petrograd, did not ful- observe that nine tenths of the insur- ly estimate the importance of this rection has already been accomplish- fact . . . Lenin, living Illegally, had ed, advises that the rising be corn- no possibility of estimating the menced in Moscow, although this ob- thorb upheaval," etc. We see that viously condemns the revolution to not one of us really knew anything failure. Trotsky, on the other hand, about the October revolution. We had brings about a "victorious insurrec- thought that it was precisely Lenin tion" by October 9, carries out who led the October revolution, and a definite but cautious maneuver by that the C. C., the party, and the mili- which he "lured the enemy into a tary organizations of the party organ- trap," and "prepares and realizes the ized it. But it appears that they did victory" under a slogan comprehensi- not appear on the scene at all. ble to the broad masses, the slogan of In order to throw even more light "defence of the rights of the Soviet on the part played by Lenin, Trotsky congress." reports as follows: "If the insurrec- What do these "Lessons of October" tion had begun in Moscow (in accord- endeavor to teach us? That in the ance with Lenin's advice, L. K.), be- spring Lenin was obliged to alter his fore the revolution in Petrograd, it attitude, to abandon his old theory, would inevitably have dragged much and that in October Lenin endeavor- more and the issue would have been ed unsuccessfully to lead the insur- very doubtful, and a failure in Moscow rection which Comrade Trotsky was 73 destined to lead to victory. lutionary war, the soldiery will turn We have to choose what we are to away from us. The best of the youth learn and to teach. Either this his- among the soldiers will remain true tory of October, this history of Trot- to us, but the great mass will leave sky's, or of the history as given in the us." The historian may judge in how works of Lenin. far this estimate was justified. But In the question of the Constituent what does Comrade Trot ky do; He Assembly Comrade Trotsky quotes my writes: "Here we see fundamental and Zinoviev's letter of October 11, in arguments in favor of the signing of which we wrote: "The Constituent the Brest Litovsk peace." Assembly will be able to lean upon the Thus it appears that the Brest Lit- Soviets only for aid in its revolution- ovsk peace, signed by the party on ary work. The Constituent Assembly the urging and iron pressure of Len- and the Soviet form the combined type in, against Trotsky, was substantiat- of state institutions towards which ed by "fundamental arguments" sup- we are advancing." plied by us, the "right," the followers Trotsky comments as follows: "It of Hilferding. It is not to be won- is extremely interesting for the char- dered at when our enemies, who have acterization of the whole line adopted a very fine feeling for anything by the right to note that the theory wrong, comment on such books about of 'combined' state institutions unit- Lenin by remarking that it is diffl- ing the Constituent Assembly with cult to distinguish whether they have the Soviets, is one which was repeat- been written by a co-worker or a rival ed one or two years later in Germany of Lenin, by Rudolph Hilferding, an oppon- ...... _ . . . ent of seizure of power by the prole- Leninism Against Trotskyism. tariat." The results may now be summed Zinoviev's and my letter was writ- up. We are the monopoly party in ten on October 11, and I take Lenin's our country. We gather together in article written on October 6. Lenin our ranks every organized worker in writes as follows: "During the transi- the country; but we must not forget tion from old to new combined types for a moment that we are surrounded are possible at times (as the Work- by elements foreign to our class, and ers' Path rightly pointed out a few that these elementary forces do not days ago), for instance Soviet Re- diminish, but will multiply and be- public and Constituent Assembly." come politically more enlightened. What does this imply? It implies They do not possess the form of legal that in the case before us Lenin re- organization. Petty-bourgeois intel- sembled Hilferding. Historical truth ligence will also grow on the soil pro- is of little importance to Trotsky. The vided by the development of industry, alteration of tactics at moments when of the works and factories, and of the situation alters from day to day trade. All these petty-bourgeois ele- is of no interest to him; what inter- ments, finding no open means of ex- ests him is to discredit Bolshevism pression in any social organization, by every possible means. are naturally endeavoring to further A final example, again in two words, their aims thru the medium of our In this same letter of October 1917 party itself. The petty bourgeois el- we wrote: "These masses of the sol- ements, in exercising this pressure diery are not supporting us for the upon our party, naturally seek the sake of the slogan of war, but for the weakest link in the chain, and as slogan of peace... Should we find naturally they find this weakest link ourselves in a position, after seizing where people have entered the party power, in which the international sit- without being assimilated to it, and uation obliges us to resort to a revo- are possessed by a secret conviction, 74 leaving them no peace, that they are not from the standpoint of mere more in the right than the party, and words. that it is mere narrow-mindedness on I am aware that in Moscow, a city the part of the party, mere conserv- particularly receptive for all manner atism, tradition, and adherence to this of rumors, "perfectly reliable" in- or that clique in leading positions, formation is already being spread which prevents the pa ty from learn- abroad to the effect that firstly Com- ing from its real saviors, such as Com- rade Trotsky's book has been pro- rade Trotsky. hibited, and secondly, that Trotsky's It is with great regret that I state exclusion from the party is contem- this, and the whole party will echo plated and Trotsky himself is no long- this regret, but it has to be said: er in Moscow. All this is naturally Comrade Trotsky has become the mere gossip. It has not occurred to channel thru which the elementary anybody to prohibit Comrade Trots- forces of the petty-bourgeois find ky's book; no single member of the their way into our party. The whole C. C. has raised the question of any character of his advances, and his reprisals against Comrade Trotsky, whole historical past, show this to be Reprisals, expulsion, and the like the case. In his contentions against would not enlighten anybody, but the party he has already become a would on the contrary render en- symbol, all over the country, for ev- lightenment more difficult and at the erything directed against our party, same time give opportunities to those This is a fact which it is most im- brewers of confusion who would like portant for Comrade Trotsky to grasp, to sow the seeds of schism in the If he will grasp this and draw the ne- party, and prevent the real funda- cessary conclusions, then everything mentals of Bolshevism being explain- can be made good again. Whether he ed in their differentiation from Trot- wants it or not (and assuredly he skyism; and it is this explanation does not want it) he has become, for which is of fundamental importance all who regard Communism as their at present. greatest enemy, a symbol for emanci- It must be perfectly clear to every pation from the thrall of the Com- conscious member of the party that munist Party. This is the regrettable for us, the Bolsheviki, and for the in- but perfectly inevitable conclusion of ternational proletariat marching for- all who are accustomed to judge po- ward to victory, Leninism is suffici- litical events from the standpoint of ent, and that it is not necessary to actual analysis of class relations, and substitute or improve Leninism by Trotskyism. (Enthusiastic applause).

75

LENINISM OR TROTZKYISM? •M C3 H What is this Russian Communist Party made of that it can != 5 withstand an attack ot cue of its members so influential and person- fj = ally popular as Trotsky without an iota of inner disorganization 3 5 or dilflculty? j H What is the history of the organization that made the Russian = §= revolution, which, beat o££ the capitalist invaders and the counter- |j 5 revolutionists? » 5 What was the background, who were the personalities, what |f == the developaients that built in Russia the one type of organization = H that made the winning and the keeping of the Russian Revolution = 5 possible? 5

| THE HISTORY OF THE RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY | H is the history of the Russian Revolution in a fuller, more real sense f| = than written history has ever been before. = H Gregory Zinoviev. Chairman of the Communist International, H = is the author of this history. He is without doubt the best auali- £ H fled person living to write such a work. ff £ = THE HISTORY OF THF. RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY == By Gregory Zinoviev = = = is now running serially in THE WORKERS MONTHLY, Those s = who wish to read this most important work from the beginning = S can do so by subscribing now. Back numbers containing all previous == H installments of "The History of the Russian Communist Party" = = will be sent free with new yearly subscriptions. = 1 B = Use This Coupon. s | | = The Workers Monthly, = = 1113 W. Washington Blvd., ff | Chicago, 111. i 5 Please find enclosed $2.00 for which please enter my subscrip- ff = tion to The Workers Monthly for 1 year beginning with the 5 S issue, and send me back numbers containing the S H first installment of Zinoviev's history. 5

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THE HISTORY OF THE RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY is the I Her, more real sen than \ Gi- aunist International, I ls the loubt the best quali- fied person livi

THE HISTORY OF THE RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY By Gregory Zinoviev 1 is now running B THE WORKERS MONTHLY, Those = who v, rk from the beginning i itaining all previous \ installm a Communist Party" will bt

Use This Coupon. i i n I The Workers i 1113 V, i ing ton I Chicago, ill. Please find enc; which please enter my subscrip- I I tion i Work for 1 year beginning with the I back numbers containing the i = first installme: i-y.

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