The Battle for Ukraine's Energy Allegiance

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Battle for Ukraine's Energy Allegiance >> POLICY BRIEF ISSN: 1989-2667 Nº 55 - SEPTEMBER 2010 The battle for Ukraine’s energy allegiance Natalia Shapovalova As the main route for Russian gas into Europe, Ukraine is vital to >> both European and Russian energy security. The European Union (EU) seeks to secure gas supplies through Ukraine by integrating its east - HIGHLIGHTS ern neighbour into the European energy market.Russia is seeking to pre - vent EU-led reforms in Ukraine in order to secure stable gas export • Ukraine has taken some steps incomes and continue exerting power over its ‘sphere of privileged inter - to reform its energy sector and est’. Ukraine’s elite does not wish for reform, but maintaining the status integrate in the EU market, but quo is no longer tenable either. Ukraine is increasingly forced to choose reform goes too slowly; the between the energy security guarantees of the EU and Russia. country's energy sector remains ineffective, opaque and corrupt. UKRAINE MOVES CLOSER TO EUROPEAN ENERGY MARKETS... • Russia is looking to take over Ukraine's energy market: Ukraine’s new president Victor Yanukovych is often represented as pro- energy-inefficient Ukraine Russian in contrast with his predecessor Victor Yushchenko and ex- remains one of Gazprom’s prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko. But in terms of relations with the largest client s. EU, his government has managed to fulfil some promises that were not upheld by his ostensibly pro-European predecessors. In July, the • Energy is in the centre of Ukrainian parliament adopted a new law on the Ukrainian gas sector, EU policy and aid to Ukraine, aligning Ukraine with EU requirements and legislation. but the EU's inconsistent external energy policy weakens Transposition of this law was necessary for Ukraine’s membership of the its leverage in the country. European Energy Community. The latter initiative was established between the EU and a number of countries in south-eastern Europe in order to extend the EU’s internal energy market beyond the bloc’s borders. The law harmonises Ukrainian legislation with EU gas market regulations (Directive 2003/55/EC concerning common rules for the internal market in natural gas and Regulation 1775/2005 on conditions for access to the THE BATTLE FOR UKRAINE’S ENERGY ALLEGIANCE 2 >>>>>> natural gas transmission networks) and enables the that came with the 25-year prolongation of the creation of a more competitive gas market. The new Russian Black Sea Fleet’s stationing in the law envisages unbundling of gas exploration, trans - Crimea. portation and supply, and guarantees equal access of operators to gas networks. It is also set to strength - en independence of the national regulatory body in ...BUT RENT-SEEKING REMAINS order to eliminate political influence on the energy market. It remains to be seen whether the law will be imple - mented as fully as it should be. Experts point to a The adoption of this law means that Ukraine risk of hidden monopolisation. Unbundling and will become a member of the European Energy independent regulation of the gas market may exist Community in the next six months to a year, on paper only. This occurred previously with the according to the EU energy commissioner. As national regulator, which was in practice highly part of its membership obligations, by 2018 dependent on the government, even though legis - Ukraine will have to implement other elements lation envisages the opposite. of EU energy policy which regulate the electric - ity market and energy-related environmental Analysts say revenues from the gas price hike are issues. Membership will ensure the competitive - not slated to go towards government investment ness and transparency of Ukraine’s energy mar - into energy saving and infrastructure modernisa - ket, investments in modernisation of tion. The Ukrainian state oil and gas monopoly infrastructure and new technologies and thus Naftogaz is preparing to pay a gas debt worth 3 will reduce consumption and dependency on gas billion dollars – equivalent to 12.1 billion cubic imports. For the EU it will mean stable gas sup - meters, or 20 per cent of Ukraine’s annual gas plies from Russia through Ukraine. consumption – to RosUkrEnergo, a ‘middleman’ jointly owned by Gazprom and Ukrainian oli - Despite this advance, the state has maintained garch Dmyro Firtash. The latter was allegedly one its control over state-owned gas exploration of the main sponsors of Yanukovych’s presidential companies. They will be forced to sell gas to a campaign. RosUkrEnergo was established as an government company at a regulated price. This intermediary selling Russian and Central Asian allows the state to manipulate household energy gas to Ukraine back in 2004, when Yanukovych prices, which will further impede the develop - was prime minister and the current energy minis - ment of the gas exploration market. Further - ter, Yurii Boyko, was a key player at Naftogaz. more, the new law does not prevent foreign Experts say the company was founded to create monopolies, such as Russian Gazprom, from extra revenue for its stakeholders, both within the operating in the Ukrainian market. Ukrainian and Russian ruling elites. RosUkrEner - go’s already advantageous position in the Ukrain - The new Ukrainian government has also ful - ian market strengthened after the Ukraine-Russia filled another requirement set by the EU and ‘gas war’ of 2006. In 2009, Yulia Tymoshenko’s other international organisations such as the government reached a deal with Gazprom to International Monetary Fund (IMF). From remove the company from Ukraine-Russia gas August 2010, gas prices for domestic consumers trade. As part of the agreement, the government have increased by half, and a further hike is fore - gained possession of 11 billion cubic meters of its cast for 2011. In a desperate bid to secure an gas, located in Ukrainian gas storage. When the IMF loan and reduce the budget deficit, the gov - government in Kiev changed, RosUkrEnergo ernment dared to do what its predecessor did sued Naftogaz at the Arbitration Tribunal of the not. Yanukovych raised gas prices despite his Stockholm Chamber of Commerce, winning the April 2010 statement that an increase would not case. be necessary due to the ‘discounted’ gas price POLICY BRIEF - Nº 55 - SEPTEMBER 2010 3 Analysts believe that the government will now pay Instead, Ukraine suggested creating a tripartite out, as it barely attempted to defend Ukraine’s inter - EU-Ukraine-Russia consortium, an idea that was ests in the courtroom. Presumably, under pressure discussed in president Kuchma’s time. The gov - from Gazprom, any evidence pointing to a link ernment indicated it was ready to implement a between RosUkrEnergo and the Russian monopoly joint EU-Ukraine declaration signed by Yulia – or, more accurately, to the latter’s control over the Tymoshenko in March 2009, in which Ukraine former – was discarded from the case, weakening promised to reform the energy sector and the EU Naftogaz’s position. Moreover, a Ukrainian court to participate in modernising Ukraine’s gas tran - approved the Stockholm court ruling, meaning that sit system. The EU has not yet reacted to Ukrainian authorities are obliged to comply. Yanukovych’s consortium proposal. If the claimed gas is returned to RosUkrEnergo, Unlike the EU, Russia does not ask for liberalis - Ukraine will have to purchase more from Russia. An ing reforms. On the contrary, Russia benefits energy advisor for the opposition estimated that from an opaque and uncompetitive gas market in Gazprom would earn over 1 billion dollars as owner Ukraine. However, despite the leanings of the of half of RosUkrEnergo. Moreover, Naftogaz’s government, Ukraine feels insecure about Russian financial situation would decline still further. energy policy. Having lost control of the pipelines, the Ukrainian government will have no bargaining power over establishing prices for RUSSIA: STALLING UKRAINE’S ENERGY imported gas, and will be deprived of this impor - MODERNISATION tant source of rent. This explains why Yanukovych, despite his moves towards Russia’s The gas wars between Ukraine and Russia in 2006 outstretched arms, has not been eager to accept and 2009 led to Russian energy giant Gazprom edg - Putin’s proposal. ing into Ukraine’s Analysts say domestic market. Yanukovych’s soft ‘no’ has not prevented Russia Responding to the new from insisting on a merger between the Russian revenues from Ukrainian govern - and Ukrainian energy sectors. The two countries ment’s Russia-friendly have increased their cooperation vis-à-vis nuclear the gas price hike policy, the Kremlin has energy. Russia has offered Ukraine a 2 billion dol - are not slated to go changed its tactics lar credit to construct two additional reactors on from waging war to the Soviet-built nuclear power plant, which will towards government attempting a peaceful allow Russia to install its own technologies and takeover. In April supply uranium to Ukraine. The Ukrainian gov - investment into 2010, when the ink on ernment is also considering Russian investment in energy saving the gas-for-fleet deal the construction of a factory to produce nuclear had barely dried, Russ - fuel. and infrastructure ian prime minister Vladimir Putin offered Russia will keep looking for other ways gradually modernisation. Ukraine a Gazprom to edge its way into the Ukrainian gas market. It and Naftogaz merger may draw on its experiences in Belarus, where nominally as a means to invest in the modernisation state energy assets were acquired in lieu of Belaru - of Ukraine’s gas transit system. Yanukovych rebutted sian debts to Gazprom. Even though a merger has the proposal with a joke that such a deal would been discounted, Ukraine and Russia have be possible only if the two companies exchanged 50 launched talks on a possible joint venture per cent of their stocks – irrational given Gazprom’s between Naftogaz and Gazprom, to which the size.
Recommended publications
  • Natural-Gas Trade Between Russia, Turkmenistan, and Ukraine
    Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Reports Editorial Board Birgit N. Schlyter (Editor-in-chief) Merrick Tabor (Associate editor) Mirja Juntunen (Associate editor) Johan Fresk (Assistant) International Advisory Board Prof. Ishtiaq Ahmed (Stockholm University, Sweden) Dr. Bayram Balcı (Inst. français d’étude sur l’Asie centrale, Uzbekistan) Dr. Ooi Kee Beng (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore) Datuk Prof. Dr. Shamsul A.B. (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia) The Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Group A plethora of state- and nation-building programmes are being developed in present- day Asia, where governments have to consider the regionality of old ethno-cultural identities. While the cohesive power of traditions must be put into use within a particular nation, that same power challenges its national boundaries. To soften this contradiction, economic and/or political regionalism, in contrast to isolationism and globalism, becomes a solution, suggesting new and exciting routes to modernity. In studies conducted by the Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Group at Stockholm University, sociolinguistic and culture-relativistic perspectives are applied with the support of epistemological considerations from the field of political science. Department of Oriental Languages Stockholm University SE-106 91 Stockholm E-mail: [email protected] ISSN 1651-0666 ISBN 978-91-976907-2-0 Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Report No. 15 Natural-Gas Trade between Russia, Turkmenistan, and Ukraine Agreements and Disputes by Michael Fredholm Department of South and Central Asian Studies Stockholm University Editorial Note The author has written extensively on the history, defence and security policies, and energy sector developments of Eurasia. He also heads the business research company Team Ippeki.
    [Show full text]
  • Draft Version
    DRAFT VERSION Table of Contents Recent Trends and Patterns in FCPA Enforcement Enforcement Actions and Strategies 1 Statistics 1 Geography & Industries 10 Types of Settlements 12 Elements of Settlements 14 Case Developments 16 Perennial Statutory Issues 18 Jurisdiction 18 Foreign Officials 19 Public International Organizations 19 Parent-Subsidiary Liability 20 Anything of Value 21 Compliance Guidance 23 FCPA Pilot Program 23 Yates Memo – One Year Later 24 Finding the Right Amount of Voluntary Disclosure 25 Effective Internal Controls and Declinations 25 Confidentiality Clauses in Termination Agreements and Other Restrictions on Whistleblowers 25 Slow Compliance Program Rollouts 26 Unusual Developments 27 Trump’s Impact on FCPA Enforcement 27 Biomet DPA Breach 28 DOJ Returns $1.5 Million in Forfeited Proceeds 29 Limits on SEC’s Pursuit of Disgorgement and Declaratory Relief: SEC v. Graham 29 Disclosure of Compliance Monitor Reports: 100Reporters LLC v. DOJ & United States v. HSBC Bank United States, NA 30 Private Litigation 31 i Table of Contents Recent Trends and Patterns in FCPA Enforcement Enforcement in the United Kingdom 32 U.K. Government Creating New “Failure to Prevent” Offences 32 SFO Update – Second UK DPA Approved 32 SFO Admits One-Third Discounts on DPA Penalties Insufficient to Incentivize Self-Reporting and Offers Practical Guidance on DPAs 33 SFO – Continuing Uncertainty Over Approach to Internal Investigations 34 SFO – Former Sweett Group Executive Convicted for Destroying Evidence 35 Conclusion 36 ii Recent Trends and Patterns in FCPA Enforcement The 2016 FCPA enforcement year has left us no shortage of topics to discuss. By nearly any measure, 2016 has been a banner year for FCPA enforcement.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pennsylvania State University Schreyer Honors College
    THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF GLOBAL AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLIGARCHIC PLURALISM IN THE 2014 EUROMAIDAN: HOW THE RISE OF OLIGARCHS IN GOVERNMENT SHAPED DEMOCRACY UN UKRAINE SIOBHAN FRANCES LEONARD SPRING 2020 A thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree with honors in Comparative Literature and International Studies with honors in Global and International Studies Reviewed and approved* by the following: JOSEPH WRIGHT PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Thesis Supervisor JONATHAN ABEL PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE LITERATURE AND JAPANESE Honors Adviser * Electronic approvals are on file. ABSTRACT During the 1990s, Ukraine experienced a change in its political system, becoming a nominal liberal democratic with contested multiparty elections in combination with post-Soviet oligarch community. These newly established dimensions impacted two major revolutionary periods in Ukraine, dating from 1992-2004 and 2005-2014, reaching a climax of violent civil unrest during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014. The Ukrainian Revolution, also known as the Euromaidan and Revolution of Dignity, illustrates the stages of modernization in a post-Soviet society. The Euromaidan mobilized a variety of regional and ethno-linguistic groups to demand political and economic reform. Members of oligarch clans, consisting mostly of ethnically Russian economic elites, are often appointed in regional government positions largely in the East, and hold substantial power in Ukrainian politics. My research question poses: “How did oligarchic concentration of economic and media power influence government functions such as public service delivery, and shape corruption patterns preceding the protest uprising in 2014?” In my thesis, I seek to study the impact of oligarch clans as holding centralized power, and how this system may affect Ukrainian national politics as seen under the leadership of former democratically elected, Pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, during the Ukrainian Revolution of 2014.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukrainian Oil and Gas Wars: a History of Corruption, a Future of Doubts
    Ukrainian Oil and Gas Wars: A History of Corruption, a Future of Doubts If anyone knows the ins and outs of Ukraine’s oil and gas industry, it’s Olena Tregub. Tregub, originally from the Ukraine, has spent the past several years working in Washington, DC as an independent political analyst and expert on Ukrainian oil and gas. She has written on topics about the Ukrainian economy for the Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation in the Ukraine, a political action group supporting Ukraine’s EU integration. And when asked for her opinion on the current state of the country’s oil and gas business, she doesn’t mince words. “Traditionally, the industry has been about as transparent as a black box,” she says. “Only a few analysts in the whole country of Ukraine understand the oil and gas business. It’s been so complex and corrupt that it’s considered a state secret.” That may sound like an exaggeration, but to the handful of analysts familiar with the country’s history of government and business corruption, especially among oil and gas barons who have stolen billions from deals with Russia’s Gazprom, “black box” is an apt description. Ever since Ukraine established independence in the early 1990s, the country has struggled for economic viability, losing manufacturing market share and accumulating massive oil and gas debt. Most experts agree that the key to Ukraine’s long-term stability is a combination of energy independence and massive economic and democratic reforms. Ukraine is home to Europe’s third-largest shale gas reserves at 42 trillion cubic feet, according to the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Cutoff of Natural Gas to Ukraine
    Order Code RS22378 February 15, 2006 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Russia’s Cutoff of Natural Gas to Ukraine: Context and Implications Jim Nichol and Steven Woehrel Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Bernard A. Gelb Resources, Science, and Industry Division Summary This report examines issues surrounding Russia’s request for higher prices for natural gas that it exports to Ukraine, which culminated in Russia’s temporary cutoff of supplies to Ukraine in January 2006. Implications for the two countries and for U.S. interests are explored. The report may be updated as events warrant. Related products include CRS Report RL32845, Ukraine’s Orange Revolution and U.S. Policy, by Steven Woehrel; and CRS Issue Brief IB92089, Russia, by Stuart D. Goldman. Background: Russian Energy and Pipelines Russia is a major player in world energy markets. In 2004, its 1,700 trillion cubic feet (tcf) of natural gas reserves were the largest of any country; they are 74% greater than those of Iran, holder of the next largest reserves. Russia also is the world’s largest gas producer, the world’s largest gas exporter, and the second largest oil exporter. Energy exports have been a major driver of Russia’s economic growth in recent years, making the Russian economy vulnerable to energy price fluctuations. The natural gas sector, however, is impaired by ageing fields, near total domination by Gazprom (the state-run gas monopoly), government regulation, and inadequate export pipelines, which are operated by Gazprom. Thus, Russia’s gas production has risen only modestly since the late 1990s.
    [Show full text]
  • UKRAINE AFTER the TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson
    EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS POLICY MEMO UKRAINE AFTER THE TYMOSHENKO VERDICT Andrew Wilson Summary The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko in October 2011 generated many bad headlines. It also placed in doubt the two key agreements with the European Union that Ukraine has been negotiating since 2008: the Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). This memo argues that the EU-Ukraine summit on 19 December should initiate a twin-track approach. The agreements cannot be formally signed, but should be kept alive until Ukraine is ready to implement the conditionality laid out in resolutions by the European Parliament and other bodies. But lecturing Ukraine on human rights at the summit will have little effect. The EU should also move towards sanctions that show its red lines have not been dropped; targeting the individuals most responsible for democratic backsliding and signalling more general vigilance against the Ukrainian elite’s free-flowing travel and financial privileges in the EU. The trial and sentencing of the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko presents a double challenge for the European Union. Its credibility is on the line after the Ukrainian authorities first ignored clear warnings from Brussels and key member states and then failed to deliver on promises of compromise. But the impasse is also testing the EU’s soft power and transformative capacity. Even Ukraine’s friends, who have long recognised its difficulties in transforming itself, would claim that this is at least in part due to the absence of any reform incentive comparable to the membership perspective enjoyed by the accession states of the 1990s.
    [Show full text]
  • UKRAINE's GAS SECTOR June 2007
    UKRAINE’S GAS SECTOR Simon Pirani June 2007 [email protected] The contents of this paper are the author’s sole responsibility. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies or any of its Members. Copyright © 2007 Oxford Institute for Energy Studies (Registered Charity, No. 286084) This publication may be reproduced in part for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder, provided acknowledgement of the source is made. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. ISBN 1-901795-63-2 978-1-901795-63-9 ii CONTENTS Foreword vii Acknowledgements viii 1. Introduction......................................................................................................................................1 2. The wider context.............................................................................................................................3 2.1 Independence and slump (1991–1994) 4 2.2 Early attempts at reform (1994–1999) 6 2.3 The economic recovery under Kuchma (1999–2004) 7 2.4 The Orange revolution and its results (2004–2006) 8 2.5 Ukraine’s energy balance and energy strategy 11 2.6 Energy saving issues 15 3. Gas in Ukraine ...............................................................................................................................17 3.1 Gas in Soviet Ukraine 17 3.2 Cheap gas, expensive debts (1991–1994)
    [Show full text]
  • Leaked Memorandum Warns of Collapse of Ukraine's Economy
    INSIDE: • Electronic Library of Ukraine is launched – page 4. • The Ukrainian Museum presents art by Mychajlo Moroz – page 9. • Travel: Adventures in Iceland and Greenland – page 13. THEPublished U byKRAINIAN the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profitW associationEEKLY Vol. LXXVII No.5 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 2009 $1/$2 in Ukraine Leaked memorandum warns Prime minister and president of collapse of Ukraine’s economy battle over National Bank chair by Zenon Zawada by Zenon Zawada Kyiv Press Bureau Kyiv Press Bureau KYIV – An alarming memorandum KYIV – Igniting a potentially warning of the impending collapse of the dangerous battle for the National Ukrainian economy, allegedly penned by Bank of Ukraine, the Yulia Finance Minister Viktor Pynzenyk, was Tymoshenko Bloc mustered a leaked to the public on January 27. slim parliamentary majority on Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko alleg- January 26 to dismiss National edly forbid distribution of the January 6 Bank of Ukraine Chair memo addressed to the Cabinet of Ministers Volodymyr Stelmakh for alleged and ordered Mr. Pynzenyk to recall it before corruption and destructive mon- it was made public by Ekonomichna Pravda, etary policies. a leading news website, which didn’t dis- Observers and critics alike close its source. said the legislation to dismiss “The country is in danger, the citizens Mr. Stelmakh was absurd – 227 are in danger,” the memo stated, adding, deputies voted to nullify the “There is an exit out of today’s compli- Parliament’s December 2004 cated situation, but there’s almost no time vote approving his candidacy. left. In a month or two, in the absence of Oleksandr Prokopenko/UNIAN “If we’ve come to such non- adequate measures, the situation will gov- sense in our country, then we Zenon Zawada National Bank of Ukraine Chair Volodymyr Finance Minister Viktor Pynzenyk (Continued on page 8) Stelmakh with Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russo-Ukrainian Gas Dispute of January 2009: a Comprehensive Assessment
    The Russo-Ukrainian gas dispute of January 2009: a comprehensive assessment Simon Pirani, Jonathan Stern and Katja Yafimava, Oxford Institute for Energy Studies February 2009 NG 27 The contents of this paper are the author’s sole responsibility. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies or any of its members. Copyright © 2008 Oxford Institute for Energy Studies (Registered Charity, No. 286084) This publication may be reproduced in part for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder, provided acknowledgment of the source is made. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. ISBN 978-1-901795-85-1 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction.............................................................................................................................................................4 1 Background to the crisis ........................................................................................................................................5 2 Russo–Ukrainian gas relations in 2008.................................................................................................................12 3 The Crisis of January 2009: suspension of supplies to Ukraine and Europe............................................................19 4 The resolution of the Commercial Dispute: the 10 year supply and transit contracts
    [Show full text]
  • No. 56: Russia's Energy Relations with Its Caspian Neighbors
    russian analytical russian analytical digest 56/09 digest analysis Natural Gas and Russia–Turkmenistan Relations By Indra Overland, Oslo/Tromso Abstract On 1 January 2009, Russia began paying “market prices” for natural gas from Turkmenistan. Although the exact price to be paid is not known and “market prices” is a fuzzy concept, this development comes after years of intractable price quarrels and represents a clear break with the past. This article examines the inter- national context of this turnaround in energy relations between the two countries, as well as the linkages to the most recent Russian–Ukrainian gas crisis, which, not incidentally, also started on 1 January 2009. The article argues that whereas Turkmenistan has remained closely tied to Russia in the energy sector, its broad- er foreign policy has consistently sought to remove itself from Moscow’s sphere of interest. Thus Russian– Turkmenistan relations combine close cooperation and detachment to a degree that is almost paradoxical. Not-So-Great Game considering, and loudly discussing, alternative pipeline Turkmenistan is Central Asia’s biggest natural gas pro- options that might enable him to bypass Russia’s transit ducer, with an annual output of 72 billion cubic me- monopoly. After Niyazov’s death at the end of 2006 and ters (bcm) in 2007. Due to several factors – its small the rise to power of Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov, five-million population, southern latitude, widespread this tendency has intensified. A map of prospective ex- poverty, authoritarian regime and lack of industrial- port pipelines from Turkmenistan resembles the coun- ization – Turkmenistan can export as much as 75 per- try’s multi-vector foreign policy: the potential pipelines cent of its gas.
    [Show full text]
  • SWP Research Paper 2009/RP 11, September 2009, 41 Pages
    SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Kirsten Westphal Russian Gas, Ukrainian Pipelines, and European Supply Security Lessons of the 2009 Controversies RP 11 September 2009 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2009 This Research Paper reflects solely the author’s views. SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3−4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Hannes Adomeit (English version of SWP-Studie 18/2009) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Recommendations 30 Energy Cooperation with Russia, Ukraine and the Post-Soviet Space Put to the Test 7 Russian-Ukrainian Gas Trade: Transit and 30 EU Instruments and Procedures Structural Problems 30 Energy Cooperation with Ukraine: 7 Russian-Ukrainian Gas Transit and Advanced in Theory, Deficient in Practice? European Energy Policy 30 EU Neighbor Ukraine 7 Controversies over Debts, Prices and Transit Fees 32 The Ukrainian Transit Network and 7 The Gas Controversy of 2009: Origins Storage Problems 8 The Gas Conflict of 2009: Developments 33 EU-Russian Energy Relations: 10 The New Contractual Relationship: Progress on Paper Between Complicated Cooperation and 11 Who Is to Blame? Concealed Competition 12 The Background: The Soviet Legacy of Outdated 33 Phases of the Relationship Infrastructure and Conflicting Interests 34 Structural Problems 12
    [Show full text]
  • Russia, Ukraine and Gas: Six Questions for Gazprom an Open Letter, 8Th January 2009
    Russia, Ukraine and Gas: Six Questions for Gazprom An open letter, 8th January 2009 Mr Alexey Miller Chief Executive OAO Gazprom Dear Mr Miller, Global Witness is a non-profit organisation that works for greater openness in the world's natural resource industries. You may know our April 2006 report: It's a Gas: Funny Business in the Turkmen-Ukraine Gas Trade. We realise that this is a busy time for Gazprom. But we are writing this open letter because the gas dispute between Russia and Ukraine is causing deep concern throughout the European Union. After all, we are in the depths of winter and rather nervous about our gas supplies. We are writing to you in particular because Gazprom is by far the most important player in the gas trade that connects the former Soviet Union with the European Union. We have used this open letter format so as to focus the minds of other concerned parties, including Ukraine, the European Union and international institutions, on the issues that we raise below. Global Witness does not take a view on what price Ukraine should pay Gazprom for gas, or on whether or not the parties to the gas trade have met their contractual obligations. We are more concerned with the third party to the dispute, the intermediary company RosUkrEnergo. As you of course know, RosUkrEnergo buys gas from Gazprom to sell to Ukraine and other countries, and is itself 50 per cent owned by Gazprom. It is now public knowledge that the rest of the shares of RosUkrEnergo are owned by two Ukrainian businessmen, Dmytro Firtash (45 per cent) and Ivan Fursin (five per cent) via their company Centragas Holding AG.1 Our concern, and the reason we are asking you these questions, is that RosUkrEnergo appears to make substantial profits from its central role in the gas trade, which it has occupied for more than four years, but we struggle to understand why its involvement in the trade is necessary.
    [Show full text]