Using Corrupt Practices As Foreign Policy Tools

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Using Corrupt Practices As Foreign Policy Tools CORRUPTION AS STATECRAFT Using Corrupt Practices as Foreign Policy Tools Transparency International (TI) is the world’s leading non-governmental anti-corruption organisation, addressing corruption and corruption risk in its many forms through a network of more than 100 national chapters worldwide. Transparency International Defence and Security (TI-DS) works to reduce corruption in defence and security worldwide. Author: Dr Karolina MacLachlan Research provided by: Nikolai Topalov Dominic Galea Transparency International Anti-Corruption Center, Armenia Transparency International Bosnia & Herzegovina Editors: Katherine Dixon, Leah Wawro, Deirdre Mahony With thanks for feedback and assistance to: Transparency International EU N-OST Public Eye This report was funded by Open Society European Policy Institute as well as UK aid from the UK government. © 2019 Transparency International. All rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in parts is permitted, providing that full credit is given to Transparency International and provided that any such reproduction, in whole or in parts, is not sold or incorporated in works that are sold. Written permission must be sought from Transparency International if any such reproduction would adapt or modify the original content. Published July 2019. Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this report. All information was believed to be correct as of February 2019. Nevertheless, Transparency International cannot accept responsibility for the consequences of its use for other purposes or in other contexts. Transparency International UK’s registered charity number is 1112842. CORRUPTION AS STATECRAFT: Using Corrupt Practices as Foreign Policy Tools D Corruption as Statecraft: Using Corrupt Practices as Foreign Policy Tools Transparency International Defence & Security E CONTENTS Corruption and Foreign Policy: The Big Picture 1 Exporting Corruption 3 The case of Ukraine 3 The case of Armenia 6 The case of Republika Srpska (RS) 7 Looking further afield 7 What Makes States Vulnerable? 9 Corruption and strategic dependence 9 Secrecy and anonymity 9 Vulnerability at the Heart of Europe 11 Countering Corruption as a Foreign Policy Tool: State of Play 13 Tackling strategic dependence 13 Closing the legal loopholes and limiting the activity of professional enablers 14 What Next? How to Protect Against Corruption as a 16 Tool of Statescraft Understand the systemic nature of the threat and design reforms to match 16 Consider the balance of support and conditionality 16 Appreciate and address the areas of strategic dependence enabling corruption 17 Keep up the momentum: tackling legal and professional enablers 17 Strengthen resilience, build integrity 17 Help others build resilient institutions 18 Endnotes 19 1 Corruption as Statecraft: Using Corrupt Practices as Foreign Policy Tools CORRUPTION AND FOREIGN POLICY: THE BIG PICTURE Corruption is frequently described as a ‘cancer’: a for example, apparently utilised corrupt schemes in the malign force which undermines societal development energy sector, strengthening and eventually leveraging and security, but one that is amorphous and devoid of corrupt networks in Ukraine to help achieve foreign policy deliberate intent. In many contexts, this is an accurate goals. depiction; in others, it does not tell the whole story. This is especially the case where corruption is used, consciously and intentionally, as an instrument of statecraft, to help …Russia over the last decade or so has achieve foreign policy goals. used another foreign policy weapon. It uses corruption as a tool of coercion to Corruption can enable elites in one country to hold whole political classes in other countries to ransom, exert keep Ukraine vulnerable and dependent. illegitimate influence over another state, sow insecurity So pursue those reforms to root out and instability, and undermine government institutions. corruption. It’s not just about good This kind of corruption is not aimed at economic benefit: rather, it often relies on a willingness to forgo economic governance. It’s about self-preservation. gains in favour of influence, favourable political outcomes, It’s about your very national security.2 and an ability to spread political norms and practices. Joe Biden, Former US Vice President ‘Corruption with intent’ is difficult to diagnose, analyse and Kiyv, January 2017 prove, especially as it can be intertwined with complex, opaque corruption and criminal networks, both in the state employing corruption and in the target state. In states The use of corruption as a foreign policy tool robs where governing elites have extensive links to organised countries of opportunities to pursue development, crime, criminal networks can be harnessed by the state democratic reforms, and security. It repurposes state to exercise influence, thereby turning corruption into a institutions into networks that extract resources and divert weapon. This is the case especially where the distinction public wealth into private pockets. It can be used to between public and private is blurred. strengthen authoritarian governments and weaken those which promote democratic norms, from electoral reforms The ‘Azerbaijani Laundromat’, a money-laundering to robust human rights provisions. scheme that transferred a total of $2.9 billion USD from Azerbaijani companies and government departments When corrupt practices are intertwined with trade in a through four UK-based shell companies, financed both crucial resource such as energy, disentangling the relevant private enrichment and foreign policy schemes aimed networks and enabling factors is extremely challenging. at improving the country’s international reputation.1 Even a robust anti-corruption effort will only have limited Azerbaijani officials appear to have used funds passed effects if the underlying strategic dependence of the through the ‘Laundromat’ to bribe members of the weaker state is not addressed. Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in order to water down official criticism of Azerbaijan’s human These schemes also pose significant problems in mature rights record. At the same time, top officials used it as a democracies. The links between corruption and insecurity slush fund to pay for luxury goods and services. Individual have been recognised in the US, with calls for Congress corruption and state-sponsored schemes both benefitted to take action to block financial flows which can not from the fund, and corrupt practices accompanied the only undermine allies, but also influence the US political use of legal services such as lobbying and PR activities to system.3 The Australian national security apparatus is also achieve the aims of both individuals and the state. sufficiently concerned – especially after the cross-party donations by China-born businessman Huang Xiangmo, An additional challenge is that in their most dangerous and linked to attempts to influence the main parties’ stance durable form, ‘corruption with intent’ schemes are built on on the South China Sea - to have introduced significant political and economic dependence, usually in key sectors. legislative changes to defend against foreign interference.4 Russia’s attempts to shape the domestic and foreign policy decisions of Ukraine over the last two decades, Yet much more effort is needed to safeguard democratic Transparency International Defence & Security 2 institutions. In the EU, some financial institutions, PR and networks in states on both sides of the issue, and to real estate companies use legal loopholes and act as minimise the strategic dependence that can underpin professional enablers that facilitate corrupt transactions these schemes. and can, in turn, further the interests of malign actors.5 The ‘Azerbaijani Laundromat’ case suggests that major • ‘Corruption with intent’ needs to be approached as financial institutions had failed to follow up on suspicions a systemic issue: a problem based not merely on of money laundering or to comply with beneficial the actions of individuals, but facilitated by intricate, ownership regulations, allowing large amounts of money often transnational, networks and professional to flow through financial systems with no record of who institutions, which requires a systemic approach in controlled it or who benefitted. order to challenge it. Authoritarian, kleptocratic elites from across the globe • The use of corruption as a foreign policy tool is use these financial channels – the scale of which was frequently underpinned by strategic dependence: revealed in the Panama Papers – not only to hide and a pressure point, such as energy exports, crucial legitimise wealth, but also to export their way of doing infrastructure investments or debt, which makes it business. Unless countered, practices ranging from difficult for individuals to counteract a corrupt system the illegal (bribery and tax evasion) to the unethical and which means that anti-corruption reforms are, in (such as tax avoidance through offshore banking) will and of themselves, frequently insufficient. weaken institutions and laws across multiple states in which corrupt networks operate.6 Ultimately, the use • Countries seeking to counteract these schemes of corruption to undermine national and international will also need to look closer to home, identifying institutions, such as the Council of Europe, threatens the their own corrupt networks and vulnerabilities democratic norms upon which many societies, especially and insulating their
Recommended publications
  • Open Letter to New York State Senators
    New York State Senate Capitol Building Empire State Plaza, Albany New York, 12224 September 12, 2018 Dear Senators, This letter is in response to a passing of New York State Senate Resolution J4960, commemorating the 4th Annual New York Immortal Regiment March organized by the Russian Youth of America on May 5, 2018. We, the undersigned, American citizens and residents are profoundly concerned by Resolution J4960 passed on May 8, 2018 by the New York State Senate, that commemorates the 4th Annual New York Immortal Regiment March and the Russian Youth of America that organizes this event in New York City. We have all reasons to think that the Immortal Regiment March in the U.S. is backed by the Russian government via financial and informational support. Moreover, it serves as an instrument of the Kremlin’s “soft power” - economic and cultural influence to promote Putin’s agenda in the United States. While the Immortal Regiment March began as a nonpolitical private grassroots initiative in Russia in 2011, it was soon hijacked by the Russian government to serve official propaganda efforts that praises Russian military victories. The aggressiveness and ideological orientation of the marches manifest themselves through effective visual symbols, most recognizably the St. George ribbon. This ribbon has recently became a symbol of Russian backed troops in Eastern Ukraine. As well as pro-Kremlin organizations, such as AntiMaidan, NOD and SERB that attack pro-democracy activists in Russia. Thereafter, the Immortal Regiment March was effectively transplanted abroad via organizations like the Russian Youth of America, and gained popularity in many parts of the U.S., including cities in N.Y.
    [Show full text]
  • What Future for Ukraine?
    OÂRODEK STUDIÓW WSCHODNICH Centre for Eastern Studies Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? What Future for Ukraine? Anna Górska Warszawa, czerwiec 2005 / Warsaw, June 2005 © Copyright by OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich © Copyright by Centre for Eastern Studies Redaktor serii / Series editor Anna ¸abuszewska Opracowanie graficzne / Graphic design Dorota Nowacka T∏umaczenie / Translation Izabela Zygmunt Wydawca / Publisher OÊrodek Studiów Wschodnich Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a Warszawa / Warsaw, Poland tel./phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 fax: +48 /22/ 525 80 40 Spis treÊci / Contents Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? / 5 I. Trudny okres przejmowania w∏adzy / 6 II. Paƒstwo demokratyczne / 9 III. Paƒstwo prawa / 11 IV. Gospodarka rynkowa / 14 V. Czy Zachód mo˝e wspomóc Ukrain´ / 16 Za∏àcznik I / 18 Za∏àcznik II / 24 What Future for Ukraine? / 27 I. Difficult Period of the Transfer of Power / 28 II. A Democratic State / 31 III. A State of Law / 34 IV. Market Economy / 37 V. Can the West help Ukraine / 38 Appendix No 1 / 41 Appendix No 2 / 47 Dokàd zmierzasz, Ukraino? Min´∏o sto dni od inauguracji prezydenta Ukrainy Wiktora Juszczenki i po- wo∏ania nowego rzàdu z Julià Tymoszenko na czele, co tradycyjnie sk∏a- nia do pierwszych podsumowaƒ i oceny polityki nowych w∏adz. W przy- padku Ukrainy jest to szczególnie interesujàce. Zmiana w∏adzy nastàpi∏a w du˝ej mierze w wyniku antysystemowego protestu spo∏ecznego, okre- Êlanego jako pomaraƒczowa rewolucja1. W zasadzie Majdan nie formu- ∏owa∏ pozytywnych hase∏ programowych, a jedynie wyraziÊcie okreÊla∏, czego spo∏eczeƒstwo ju˝ nie akceptuje – samowoli w∏adzy, korupcji, bie- dy, k∏amstwa w najwy˝szych gabinetach i mediach, przedmiotowego traktowania spo∏eczeƒstwa, o którym w∏adza przypomina sobie jedynie w kampaniach wyborczych, ale i tak nie respektuje woli wyborców.
    [Show full text]
  • Natural-Gas Trade Between Russia, Turkmenistan, and Ukraine
    Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Reports Editorial Board Birgit N. Schlyter (Editor-in-chief) Merrick Tabor (Associate editor) Mirja Juntunen (Associate editor) Johan Fresk (Assistant) International Advisory Board Prof. Ishtiaq Ahmed (Stockholm University, Sweden) Dr. Bayram Balcı (Inst. français d’étude sur l’Asie centrale, Uzbekistan) Dr. Ooi Kee Beng (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore) Datuk Prof. Dr. Shamsul A.B. (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia) The Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Group A plethora of state- and nation-building programmes are being developed in present- day Asia, where governments have to consider the regionality of old ethno-cultural identities. While the cohesive power of traditions must be put into use within a particular nation, that same power challenges its national boundaries. To soften this contradiction, economic and/or political regionalism, in contrast to isolationism and globalism, becomes a solution, suggesting new and exciting routes to modernity. In studies conducted by the Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Group at Stockholm University, sociolinguistic and culture-relativistic perspectives are applied with the support of epistemological considerations from the field of political science. Department of Oriental Languages Stockholm University SE-106 91 Stockholm E-mail: [email protected] ISSN 1651-0666 ISBN 978-91-976907-2-0 Asian Cultures and Modernity Research Report No. 15 Natural-Gas Trade between Russia, Turkmenistan, and Ukraine Agreements and Disputes by Michael Fredholm Department of South and Central Asian Studies Stockholm University Editorial Note The author has written extensively on the history, defence and security policies, and energy sector developments of Eurasia. He also heads the business research company Team Ippeki.
    [Show full text]
  • Contacts in Ukraine
    IT WAS ALL [FRUMAN’S] CONTACTS IN UKRAINE During his media blitz, Lev Parnas has focused mostly on the people he needs to implicate to better his own outcome: President Trump, Rudy Giuliani, Victoria Toensing, and Joe DiGenova, along with Bill Barr who — Parnas seems to be suggesting — is protecting the others in the SDNY investigation, if not Barr himself. There’s been virtually no mention of his primary alleged co-conspirator, Igor Fruman. Indeed, in the first of two Maddow broadcasts, Fruman’s name only appears twice, when Maddow raised it. But Parnas made a single very provocative mention of Fruman in his otherwise unremarkable Anderson Cooper interview that aired last night. In discussing who he was speaking to in Ukraine, he suggested those people were all Fruman’s contacts. COOPER: You’ve been described — the position you ended up with Giuliani, you’ve described as a fixer for Giuliani in his efforts to dig up dirt on the Bidens. Is that accurate? PARNAS: I don’t know what you call a fixer. I mean, I was — COOPER: Arrange meetings, conduct meetings — PARNAS: Yes. I mean, that’s exactly what I did. I mean, I was the middleman between two worlds. Here I was, I had a partner in Igor Fruman that grew up in Ukraine, had extensive business there. And because of his businesses, he knew all kinds of people that were, you know, politicians — COOPER: He had — he had the contacts. PARNAS: It was all his contacts. I didn’t have any contacts in Ukraine. I don’t have any contacts in Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • 2016 Program Angv5.Pdf
    ��������� ������������������� ��������������������� ������������������� �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� �������������������������������������������������������������� �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� ��������������������������������������� Table of contents ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ ������������������������������������������� ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� ������������������ 3 Table of contents Table of contents 4 5 Table of contents Table of contents 6 7 Table of contents Table of contents 8 9 Conference rooms location 1 0 Pijalnia Building A �� �������� �������� ���������������� ������������ �������������������� �������������� ��������������������������� �������� ������������������������� ��������� ���������������������������� ������������� ������� �������� �� ����������� �������� �������� �������� ������������������������� ������������ ����������������� ��������� �������� �������� ����������������������� ��������������� �������� �������� �������� �������� ���������������� ������������ �������������������� �������������� ��������������������������� ������������ ������� ������� ����� ����� ��������� Building����������� B ������������ Nowy Dom Zdrojowy �������������������������� ������������� �������
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly 2006, No.31
    www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE:• Film distributors note success of “Cars” in Ukrainian — page 3. • Ukrainian studies at the University of Kansas — page 9. • Tennis and more tennis at Soyuzivka — page 13. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXIV No. 31 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 30, 2006 $1/$2 in Ukraine BillionaireHE PinchukKRAINIAN promotes EEKLY T U As political crisisW continues in Ukraine, Ukraine’s membership in EU by Zenon Zawada from enormous gains as a result of such Yushchenkoby Zenon Zawada conveness akeroundtable of Ukraine by signing meeting a government Kyiv Press Bureau reforms and closer ties to Europe. Kyiv Press Bureau manifesto. Interpipe Corp. is among the world’s “We should unite around ensuring YALTA, Ukraine – To learn that largest pipe producers, having secured 4 KYIV – With his country mired in a national sovereignty, integrity of our bor- Viktor Pinchuk is among Ukraine’s percent of the world’s seamless pipe mar- political crisis, President Viktor ders and territory, embodiment of eco- biggest advocates for European Union ket, 10 percent of the global market in Yushchenko invited the leaders of nomic transformation, guaranteeing all (EU) membership may come as a sur- railway wheels and 11 percent of the Ukraine’s five parliamentary factions to democratic rights and freedoms that were prise, considering he worked against the manganese ferroalloys market, according find a way out during a roundtable meet- achieved,” he stated. Orange Revolution. to company information. ing held on July 27 at the Presidential Verkhovna Rada Chairman and Yet, for the past three years, the bil- While he sells the majority of his Secretariat.
    [Show full text]
  • OEF 107 November 2016.Indd
    NOVEMBER 2016: Issue 107 forum A QUARTERLY JOURNAL FOR DEBATING ENERGY ISSUES AND POLICIES It is well known that Russia is heavily not be practically possible, meaning CONTENTS dependent on its energy sector, from that oil and gas companies could face both an economic and a political a stealth increase in their overall tax Russian energy issues in a volatile perspective. As a result, the fall in the burden. environment oil price over the past two years and the Tatiana Mitrova then discusses one Russia’s macroeconomic problems and dramatic changes taking place in the of the key factors underpinning the the risks to the oil and gas sector global gas market are having signifi cant survival of Russia’s hydrocarbon Christopher Granville 4 consequences for both the Kremlin and industry in 2016, namely the devaluation Russia’s domestic energy companies. Cost dynamics in the Russian energy sector of the ruble and its impact on cost Tatiana Mitrova 7 However, instead of reviewing the competitiveness. The Russian increased risks for Russia from the The Rosneftization of the Russian oil sector government’s decision not to protect change in global energy markets, this Nina Poussenkova 9 the domestic currency as the oil price edition of the Oxford Energy Forum collapsed has signifi cantly enhanced Securing the future: the implications of discusses how Russia has started the position of exporting industries, India’s expanding role in the Russian oil to adapt its policies and commercial reducing their costs in US$ terms, sector strategies in a number of different areas. Vitaly Yermakov 12 but Mitrova argues that this benefi t Some of the new strategies appear very has limited further upside and could positive, while others carry inherent Ukraine’s dramatic gas import diversifi cation risks, but all show how the world’s indeed be reversed if the oil price Simon Pirani 15 largest producer of hydrocarbons is recovers.
    [Show full text]
  • ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
    overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������
    [Show full text]
  • A CITIZEN's GUIDE to NATIONAL OIL COMPANIES Part a Technical Report
    A CITIZEN’S GUIDE TO NATIONAL OIL COMPANIES Part A Technical Report October 2008 Copyright © 2008 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 and The Center for Energy Economics/Bureau of Economic Geology Jackson School of Geosciences, The University of Texas at Austin 1801 Allen Parkway Houston, TX 77019 All rights reserved. This paper is an informal document intended to provide input for the selection of a sample of representative national oil companies to be analyzed within the context of the Study on National Oil Companies and Value Creation launched in March 2008 by the Oil, Gas, and Mining Policy Division of The World Bank. The manuscript of this paper has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate to formally edited texts. Some sources cited in this paper may be informal documents that are not readily available. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. This report may not be resold, reprinted, or redistributed for compensation of any kind without prior written permission. For free downloads of this paper or to make inquiries, please contact: Oil, Gas, and Mining Policy Division Center for Energy Economics The World Bank Bureau of Economic Geology 2121 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Jackson School of Geosciences Washington DC, 20433 The University of Texas at Austin Telephone: 202-473-6990 Telephone: +1 281-313-9753 Fax: 202-522 0395 Fax: +1 281-340-3482 Email: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.worldbank.org/noc.
    [Show full text]
  • Draft Version
    DRAFT VERSION Table of Contents Recent Trends and Patterns in FCPA Enforcement Enforcement Actions and Strategies 1 Statistics 1 Geography & Industries 10 Types of Settlements 12 Elements of Settlements 14 Case Developments 16 Perennial Statutory Issues 18 Jurisdiction 18 Foreign Officials 19 Public International Organizations 19 Parent-Subsidiary Liability 20 Anything of Value 21 Compliance Guidance 23 FCPA Pilot Program 23 Yates Memo – One Year Later 24 Finding the Right Amount of Voluntary Disclosure 25 Effective Internal Controls and Declinations 25 Confidentiality Clauses in Termination Agreements and Other Restrictions on Whistleblowers 25 Slow Compliance Program Rollouts 26 Unusual Developments 27 Trump’s Impact on FCPA Enforcement 27 Biomet DPA Breach 28 DOJ Returns $1.5 Million in Forfeited Proceeds 29 Limits on SEC’s Pursuit of Disgorgement and Declaratory Relief: SEC v. Graham 29 Disclosure of Compliance Monitor Reports: 100Reporters LLC v. DOJ & United States v. HSBC Bank United States, NA 30 Private Litigation 31 i Table of Contents Recent Trends and Patterns in FCPA Enforcement Enforcement in the United Kingdom 32 U.K. Government Creating New “Failure to Prevent” Offences 32 SFO Update – Second UK DPA Approved 32 SFO Admits One-Third Discounts on DPA Penalties Insufficient to Incentivize Self-Reporting and Offers Practical Guidance on DPAs 33 SFO – Continuing Uncertainty Over Approach to Internal Investigations 34 SFO – Former Sweett Group Executive Convicted for Destroying Evidence 35 Conclusion 36 ii Recent Trends and Patterns in FCPA Enforcement The 2016 FCPA enforcement year has left us no shortage of topics to discuss. By nearly any measure, 2016 has been a banner year for FCPA enforcement.
    [Show full text]
  • Overview of the Ukrainian Oil and Gas and Shale Gas Market Opportunities
    1/25 Overview of the Ukrainian Oil & Gas and Shale Gas Market Opportunities by Lyubomyr Goncharuk Adviser to the Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources of Ukraine Canada - Ukraine Oil & Gas Opportunities Workshop, Kyiv, February 25-26, 2013 2/25 CONTENTS 1. Reserves & Resources 2. Production & Consumption 3. Opportunities Canada - Ukraine Oil & Gas Opportunities Workshop, Kyiv, February 25-26, 2013 3/25 1. Reserves & Resources Canada - Ukraine Oil & Gas Opportunities Workshop, Kyiv, February 25-26, 2013 4/25 Canada - Ukraine Four oil and gas provinces are recognized Oil & Gas Opportunities in the country, including 11 oil-gas Workshop, Kyiv basins and 35 prospective areas. February 25-26, 2013 Hydrocarbon deposits are being exploited for oil, gas, and condensate in the following regions: Oil & Gas 1/2 • A – the Eastern Region (Dniprovsko- Donetska Depression and northwestern Crystalline basement slopes portion of Donbas); Voronezhska Volyno- Podilska Dniprovsko-Donetska Depression A Plate • B – the Western Region (Volyno- B Kyiv Anticline Lvivskiy Podilska Plate, Fore-Carpathians, Trough Fore-Carpathian Trough Folded Carpathians Folded Carpathians, and Trans- Donbas Transcarpathians UKRAINIAN SHIELD Carpathians); • C – the Southern Region 200 km Fore-Crimean Depression (Prychornomorya, Crimea, and the Azov Sea Fore- exclusive marine economic zone of the Dobrugean C Scythian Trough Plate Black Sea and Azov Sea offshore). Black Sea Mountain Crimea 5/25 Canada - Ukraine In 2011, production amounted to 2.4 million Oil & Gas Opportunities tons of oil, 0.9 million tons of condensate, Workshop, Kyiv and 20.6 billion cubic meters of natural gas. February 25-26, 2013 The State Inventory includes 187 oil deposits Oil & Gas 2/2 (121 in production), 202 condensate deposits (142 in production), and 380 natural Crystalline basement slopes gas deposits (224 in production).
    [Show full text]
  • Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff
    Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff Journal of Democracy, Volume 29, Number 1, January 2018, pp. 76-85 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0006 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/683637 Access provided by your local institution (13 Mar 2018 16:12 GMT) PRE created by BK on 11/20/17. The Rise of Kleptocracy POWER AND PLUNDER IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA Miriam Lanskoy and Dylan Myles-Primakoff Miriam Lanskoy is senior director for Russia and Eurasia at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). She is the author, with Ilyas Akhmadov, of The Chechen Struggle: Independence Won and Lost (2010). Dylan Myles-Primakoff is senior program officer for Russia and Eurasia at the NED. Since Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999, the quest to restore the might of the Russian state at home and abroad has been a hallmark of his rule. Yet another such hallmark has been rampant looting by the country’s leaders. Thus Russia has figured prominently in recent schol- arly discussions about kleptocracies—regimes distinguished by a will- ingness to prioritize defending their leaders’ mechanisms of personal enrichment over other goals of statecraft. In a kleptocracy, then, cor- ruption plays an outsized role in determining policy. But how have the state-building and great-power ambitions of the new Russian elite coex- isted with its scramble for self-enrichment? Putin’s Russia offers a vivid illustration of how kleptocratic plunder can become not only an end in itself, but also a tool for both consolidating domestic political control and projecting power abroad.
    [Show full text]