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Dynamics of Interorganizational Collaboration DYNAMICS OF INTERORGANIZATIONAL COLLABORATION: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS DURING KOREA‘S TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND THE COMMITTEE ON GRADUATE STUDIES OF STANFORD UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Jung-eun Lee March 2010 © 2010 by Jung-eun Lee. All Rights Reserved. Re-distributed by Stanford University under license with the author. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial 3.0 United States License. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/us/ This dissertation is online at: http://purl.stanford.edu/vx731hw1935 ii I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Gi-Wook Shin, Primary Adviser I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Douglas McAdam, Co-Adviser I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Susan Olzak Approved for the Stanford University Committee on Graduate Studies. Patricia J. Gumport, Vice Provost Graduate Education This signature page was generated electronically upon submission of this dissertation in electronic format. An original signed hard copy of the signature page is on file in University Archives. iii Abstract This dissertation investigates the conditions under which alliances form between social movement organizations (SMOs). Although the positive role of cross-movement alliances has been highlighted during democratic transitions around the globe, the factors that increase alliances have not been clarified. I address this issue by examining the changing political and organizational environments in the Korean case. After an introductory chapter, Chapters 2 through 4 compare single, intra- movement, and inter-movement protests, with a particular focus on why collaborative protests (i.e., intra- and inter-movement protests) exhibit different patterns from single protests. My main argument is that both the external political environment represented by reform, repression, and elites‘ division and the internal organizational environment such as organizational structure and culture affect the likelihood of collaboration between SMOs. In Chapter 2, I show that single protests prevailed in both a relatively free political atmosphere (January - May 1980) and an extremely repressive context (May 1980 - 1983). The political freedom in early 1980 led to a larger protest wave than in the repressive period, but both periods seldom saw collaborative protests. In the former period, a lack of organizational capacity hampered collaborative protests. In the latter period, while underground activism based on an isolated network structure protected movements from repression, it hindered interorganizational collaboration and accelerated the radicalization of movements. Nonetheless, I argue in Chapter 3 that the onset of liberalization within an authoritarian regime revitalized the creation of above-ground SMOs, which increased collaborative protests between multiple SMOs. The reduction of authoritarian rule (1984 - 1987) provided more political opportunities for SMOs to protest. SMOs also sought alliances with opposition elites. These links tended to be temporary, but they increased the movements‘ public legitimacy and supplied material resources. Based on an increase of coalitions and organizational diversity, SMOs formed centralized networks that coordinated large-scale protests. SMOs enjoyed temporary ideological integration when radicals adopted mass-oriented strategies and agreed to seek a broad consensus around the goal of a direct presidential election. iv Chapter 4 discusses the complexities of post-transitional changes (1987 - 1991). Institutionalization of movements by elites‘ increasing cooptation caused conflicts within coalitions, and the state blended reforms with repression as it retained authoritarian legacies. Despite these structural constraints, collaboration continued between SMOs. SMOs became realigned around the goal of reunification, which sustained the level of pre-transition protests but now based their appeal on nationalism. Formal coalitions and high organizational diversity contributed to this trend. However, the weakening of inter- movement coalitions coupled with increasing autonomy of other coalitions decentralized movement leadership. Furthermore, the end of the Cold War precipitated ideological differentiation among Korean activists and spurred the rise of new moderate movements. Chapter 5 deepens my analysis by further investigating the difference between single/intra-movement and inter-movement protests in terms of goal structure, and evaluating the role of organizational environments in protest types. Statistical results show that, reform and repression are more likely to affect inter-movement protests than single or intra-movement protests, while the division of elites fails to have an effect. Coalitions and organizational diversity positively affect all types of protests. The establishment of a strong alliance structure broadly empowers movements by providing a locus of organizational interactions and supports. My findings illustrate the particular sensitivity of inter-movement protests to broad reform-repression dynamics as well as the importance of forging coalitions and diversifying SMOs in the progress of the democracy movement. This dissertation contributes to theorizing the intersection of social movements and democratization by uncovering the time-variant trajectories of alliance formation in pre- and post-democratic transition periods. Adding to the importance of political environment, I stress the role of organizational environment in terms of organizational structure and culture. My focus on interorganizational collaboration in a transitional society improves the understanding of the longitudinal dynamics of protests in periods of contentious politics. v Acknowledgements First of all, I thank Gi-Wook Shin, my academic advisor and mentor, who guided me through the sociological training at Stanford. His profound insights and inspirations helped me grow in the field. He helped me overcome various obstacles in my academic progress and generously supported me. I also thank Doug McAdam, who never lost a smile on his face and encouraged my work at every opportunity. His detailed suggestions and thorough critique shaped my work to a considerable degree. In addition, I want to pay gratitude to Susan Olzak for her intelligent comments and questions, which sharpened my ideas and improved the quality of my work. Her sense of humor and warm encouragements gave me strength and energy. In the larger academic community, I thank Andy Walder, who taught me how to bring people and their minds into my analysis. His advice helped me combine my background as a student of history with sociological disciplines. Yumi Moon has been also helpful for the progress of my dissertation, encouraging me to think deeply about the potential implications and contributions of my work in Korean scholarship. I also thank Henning Hillmann, Paolo Parigi, and Sarah A. Soule, who have provided comments and suggestions at the Political Sociology, Social Movements and Collective Action Workshop. I want to express my gratefulness to the late Kie-chung Pang, my academic advisor in the master‘s program at Yonsei University, who showed me a model of a dedicated scholar. His vast knowledge of Korean history inspired me to contemplate the questions of Korea‘s past, present, and future. I give thanks to my family, relatives, friends and colleagues. I especially thank my mother, whose intelligence, Christian spirit, and wholeheartedness I greatly admire. Additionally, I will cherish the memories of the writing sessions with Hiroko Terasawa, who has been, and will be, a precious lifetime friend of mine. I had my daughter, Charlotte Yoonji, during my graduate years. I want to thank her for teaching me the joy of becoming a parent. Finally, I dedicate this work to my beloved husband, Jinkuk Choi. Since I first met him, he has been always supportive, patient, and full of love. Even when I lost confidence in myself, he never did. I thank him for being my better half, more than literally. vi Table of Contents CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................... 1 1-1: The Puzzle: Social Movements during Democratization ........................................ 1 1-2: Different Phases of Protests: From Authoritarianism to Democratization .............. 2 1-3: Theoretical Frameworks: Dynamics of Interorganizational Collaboration ............. 4 1-3-(1): Theories of Coalition: Costs and Benefits of Alliance Formation ................ 6 1-3-(2): Introducing a Comparative Approach: Differentiating Types of Protests..... 8 1-3-(3): Exploring the Mechanisms of Interorganizational Collaboration during Protests ...................................................................................................................... 11 1-3-(4): Macro-Level Processes: Reform, Repression, and Elites‘ Division............ 16 1-3-(5): Meso-Level Processes: Organizational Structure and Culture .................... 21 1-3-(6): Arguments: the Impacts of the Macro- and Meso-Level Factors
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