E-000910/2020/Rev.1 to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Rule 138 Dominique Bilde (ID)

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E-000910/2020/Rev.1 to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Rule 138 Dominique Bilde (ID)

Question for written answer E-000910/2020/rev.1 to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Rule 138 Dominique Bilde (ID) Subject: Operation Barkhane against Islamist terrorism in the Sahel, and European support According to Jeune Afrique, on 23 July 2019, General Hanena Ould Sidi, who had commanded the Group of Five Sahel Joint Force for barely one year, has left his post, a move which Mohamed Ould Abdelaziz, then President of Mauritania, intended as a way of ‘protesting about the lack of funding which in his opinion was afflicting the force’ 1 . France has been militarily involved in the Sahel since 2013, deploying some 4 000 men (2017) 2 . The G5 Sahel was established in January 2014 around Burkina Faso, Mali, Mauritania, Niger and Chad 3 . However, the international aid pledged, particularly at the Brussels conference of February 2018, has largely failed to materialise, as the military contributions made by Member States have proven insufficient. Le Figaro has reported, for example, that: ‘only Estonia [...] has announced a doubling of its contingent. [...] Denmark has stepped up its support with the arrival of two Merlin helicopters’. Germany, for its part, has apparently refused to join the European ‘Takuba’ Task Force 4 . 1. How does the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative explain Germany’s refusal to participate in the Takuba Task Force? 2. How does Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative envisage compensating for a possible UK withdrawal from the Sahel as a result of Brexit? 1 https://www.jeuneafrique.com/mag/809555/politique/financement-du-g5-sahel-pourquoi-aziz-a-ecourte-la- mission-du-patron-de-la-force-conjointe/ 2 https://www.letemps.ch/monde/loperation-barkhane-un-bouclier-fragile-sahel 3 https://www.defense.gouv.fr/operations/barkhane/dossier-de-reference/operation-barkhane 4 https://www.lefigaro.fr/international/florence-parly-au-sahel-pour-batir-une-coalition-internationale-20200119 PE648.815v02-00.

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Question for Written Answer
Question for written answer E-003714/2021 to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Rule 138 Dominique Bilde (ID) Subject: European Union strategy in the context of the end of Operation Barkhane The European Union heads up three civilian and military missions in support of G5 Sahel countries: EUTM Mali, a military mission launched in 2013, and the civilian missions EUCAP Sahel Niger and EUCAP Sahel Mali. Their respective mandates run until 18 May 2024 with a budget of EUR 133.7 million1, 30 September 2022 with a budget of EUR 73.7 million2, and 31 January 2023 with a budget of EUR 89.1 million3. At an inter-state level, however, very few Member States have provided military support for France’s Operation Barkhane. The EU Takuba special task force, in particular, is only supported by nine Member States456. 1. On 9 July 20217, the French President announced the closure of bases as part of the planned end to Operation Barkhane, which the Takuba task force is due to take over from. How does the Vice-President / High Representative plan to encourage Member States to join in with the French military effort, and particularly the Takuba task force? 2. Is the Vice-President / High Representative going to extend and / or strengthen the mandates of the aforementioned operations? 3. What type of equipment will the European Union provide for the G5 Sahel armies? 1 https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2020/03/23/eutm-mali-council-extends-training- mission-with-broadened-mandate-and-increased-budget/ 2 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX%3A32020D1254 3 https://agenceurope.eu/en/bulletin/article/12633/19 4 ‘Imaginée en 2018, Takuba devra prendre la relève de Barkhane’, article of 13 July 2021, Le Figaro.
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Regeringens proposition 2019/20:86 Svenskt deltagande i militär insats för stärkt Prop. säkerhet i Mali 2019/20:86 Regeringen överlämnar denna proposition till riksdagen. Stockholm den 12 mars 2020 Stefan Löfven Ann Linde (Utrikesdepartementet) Propositionens huvudsakliga innehåll I propositionen föreslås att riksdagen medger att regeringen ställer en svensk väpnad styrka bestående av högst 250 personer till förfogande till och med den 31 december 2021 för att på malisk inbjudan delta i insatsen Task Force Takuba i Mali och att styrkan även ska kunna verka på Nigers territorium inom ramen för deltagandet i insatsen, förutsatt att en inbjudan från Niger finns. Den totala styrkan beräknas under normala omständigheter bestå av högst 150 personer. Om behov uppstår ska styrkan tillfälligt kunna förstärkas med högst 100 personer. Det svenska förbandet ska framför allt kunna understödja, undsätta och förstärka pågående insatser inom Task Force Takuba. Det svenska bidraget ska också kunna bidra till att genomföra Task Force Takubas mandat i övrigt inom befintliga resurser och förmågor. I propositionen redogör regeringen för • situationen och säkerhetsläget i Mali och insatsområdet • Sveriges och det internationella samfundets engagemang i Mali • insatsens folkrättsliga grund • sina resonemang kring målet med det svenska deltagandet i insatsen • sina överväganden inför ett svenskt deltagande i insatsen. Avslutningsvis redogörs för bidragets ekonomiska konsekvenser. 1 Prop. 2019/20:86 Innehållsförteckning 1 Förslag till riksdagsbeslut ................................................................
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Italy and the Sahel a New National Projection Towards a Greater Mediterranean
ISPI POLICY BRIEF May 2021 ITALY AND THE SAHEL A NEW NATIONAL PROJECTION TOWARDS A GREATER MEDITERRANEAN Camillo Casola, Edoardo Baldaro POLICY BRIEF 31 May 2021 ITALIAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL STUDIES This Report is realized with the support of the Policy Planning Unit of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation pursuant to art. 23-bis of Presidential Decree 18/1967. The opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation and ISPI. Camillo Casola is resident research fellow at ISPI Africa Programme and associate research fellow at the Center for the Study of Contemporary Africa (CeSAC). He earned a PhD in International Studies at the Università degli Studi di Napoli L’Orientale. His main research interests are related to politics, institutions, conflicts and security in sub-Saharan Africa, with a focus on West Africa and the Sahel. Before joining ISPI he worked at the Directora- te-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO). Edoardo Baldaro is Gerda Henkel postdoctoral research fellow at the Sant'Anna School of Advanced Studies - Institute of Law, Politics and Development, and associate fellow at the REPI (Recherches et Études en Politique Internationale) of the Université Libre de Bruxelles. His main areas of interest include critical security studies, African security, EU foreign policy and international interventions. He published in various academic journals, including, Security Dialogue, Small Wars & Insurgencies, Nationalities Papers and The International Spectator.* Photo credits: Daniel Tiveau/CIFOR ITALY IN THE SAHEL: A NEW NATIONAL PROJECTION TOWARDS A GREATER MEDITERRANEAN 2 POLICY BRIEF 31 May 2021 ITALIAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL STUDIES The Sahel is the theatre for one of the most significant new developments in Italian foreign 1.
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Joint Press Statement Task Force Takuba
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The G5 Sahel and the European Union the Challenges of Security Cooperation with a Regional Grouping
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New EU Strategic Priorities for the Sahel Addressing Regional Challenges Through Better Governance
BRIEFING New EU strategic priorities for the Sahel Addressing regional challenges through better governance SUMMARY Recent events have shown that the Sahel region remains highly politically unstable. The military takeover of the Chadian government following President Idriss Déby's sudden death in April 2021 and the repercussions of the August 2020 and May 2021 military coups in Mali are worrying signs of weak democratic governance structures. Burkina Faso's transitional democracy has also been severely destabilised by the activities of extremist groups and internal conflicts. This political fragility and the lack of government legitimacy have made the responses to the Sahel's security and humanitarian issues all the more challenging. The continued threat posed by terrorist armed groups and rising intercommunal violence over land and resources have led to both internal and cross- border displacements in Sahel countries. Meanwhile, the inadequacy of governance mechanisms for managing this displacement, compounded by environmental degradation, resource scarcity and population growth, has created a severe humanitarian crisis. Since 2011, the European Union (EU) strategy for the Sahel has focused on both security and development to address these numerous and interconnected challenges. However, EU efforts have remained dominated by a military approach to tackle rising terrorist activity, achieving concrete results but ultimately falling short of long-term regional stability. The new EU integrated strategy in the Sahel aims to strengthen action
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S/Res/2584 (2021)
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G5 Sahel Police
The G7 Research Group at the Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy at Trinity College in the University of Toronto presents the 2019 G7 Biarritz Summit Second Interim Compliance Report 27 August 2019 — 3 June 2020 Prepared by Meagan Byrd and the G7 Research Group 21 June 2020 www.g7.utoronto.ca [email protected] @g7_rg “We have meanwhile set up a process and there are also independent institutions monitoring which objectives of our G7 meetings we actually achieve. When it comes to these goals we have a compliance rate of about 80%, according to the University of Toronto. Germany, with its 87%, comes off pretty well. That means that next year too, under the Japanese G7 presidency, we are going to check where we stand in comparison to what we have discussed with each other now. So a lot of what we have resolved to do here together is something that we are going to have to work very hard at over the next few months. But I think that it has become apparent that we, as the G7, want to assume responsibility far beyond the prosperity in our own countries. That’s why today’s outreach meetings, that is the meetings with our guests, were also of great importance.” Chancellor Angela Merkel, Schloss Elmau, 8 June 2015 G7 summits are a moment for people to judge whether aspirational intent is met by concrete commitments. The G7 Research Group provides a report card on the implementation of G7 and G20 commitments. It is a good moment for the public to interact with leaders and say, you took a leadership position on these issues — a year later, or three years later, what have you accomplished? Achim Steiner, Administrator, United Nations Development Programme, in G7 Canada: The 2018 Charlevoix Summit G7 Research Group: 2019 G7 Biarritz Summit Second Interim Compliance Report Contents Introduction .........................................................................................................................................................
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Stabilising the Sahel: the Role of International Military Operations
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Mali: Extremism and Terrorism
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Unraveling the Sahel: State, Politics and Armed Violence
ISPI DOSSIER March 2021 UNRAVELING THE SAHEL: STATE, POLITICS AND ARMED VIOLENCE edited by Camillo Casola UNRAVELLING THE SAHEL: STATE, POLITICS AND ARMED VIOLENCE March 2021 ITALIAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL STUDIES he security crisis in the Central Sahel region is increasingly worsening. The year 2020 was the deadliest since the crisis broke out in 2012, when al-Qa’ida-linked armed groups Ttook control of northern Mali. The number of attacks attributed to jihadi groups and self- defence militias peaked, and so did the number of casualties. Violent extremism intersects community-based conflicts and inter-ethnic tensions in rural areas, while widespread violence and human rights violations by national security forces against civilians, as well as state abuses and governance failures, contribute to fuelling local insurgencies. A strong international presence is in the region: France is the main external actor, and Operation Barkhane’s military engagement has been recently confirmed by President Emmanuel Macron. Despite French resistance, an option for political dialogue with the jihadi insurgents is more and more taking hold on the ground. What are the main features of the ongoing Sahel crisis? What is the role of the European Union? And what could be a possible way out of instability? * Camillo Casola is an associate research fellow at ISPI Africa programme. His research interests are mainly focused on West Africa and Sahel. This project is realized with the contribution of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation pursuant to art. 23-bis of Presidential Decree 18/1967. The opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation and ISPI.
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