DOCSLIB.ORG

The Case of MINUSMA

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Case of MINUSMA Prioritization and Sequencing of Peacekeeping Mandates: The Case of MINUSMA JUNE 2020 Introduction The UN Security Council is expected to renew the mandate of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) in June 2020. While Malian stakeholders have recently taken steps to implement provisions of the 2015 Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation in Mali, the country’s fragile social contract and deteriorating security conditions place pressure on national and international actors alike. On May 20, 2020, the International Following significant changes to MINUSMA’s 2019 mandate (UN Security Peace Institute (IPI), the Stimson Council Resolution 2480), including the addition of a second strategic Center, and Security Council Report priority, the upcoming mandate renewal negotiations offer council members organized a virtual workshop to the opportunity to take stock of progress on the UN’s stabilization efforts in discuss the mandate and political Mali and refine its strategic engagement with the country. strategy of the United Nations Multidimen sional Integrated Stabili - In this context, the International Peace Institute (IPI), the Stimson Center, zation Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). and Security Council Report organized a virtual workshop on May 20, 2020, These discussions are part of a to discuss MINUSMA’s mandate and political strategy. This workshop series of workshops that examine provided a forum for member states, UN stakeholders, and outside experts to how the activities included in peace share their assessments of the situation in Mali. The discussion was intended operations’ mandates can be better to help the Security Council make more informed decisions with respect to the prioritized, sequenced, and strategic orientation, prioritization, and sequencing of the mission’s mandate grounded in political strategy. This and actions on the ground. was the fourth consecutive year in The workshop’s discussions focused on recent developments in Mali and on which these partners convened the mission’s current mandate. They highlighted opportunities and challenges discussions in support of the for consolidating political reforms and implementing key provisions of the mandate negotiations on MINUSMA. peace agreement. The discussions also underscored the centrality of This meeting note was drafted MINUSMA’s support to the protection of civilians and the pursuit of a collaboratively by IPI, the Stimson stronger, Malian-led approach to promoting human rights and accountability Center, and Security Council Report. and strengthening state institutions. Participants reflected on MINUSMA’s It summarizes the main points raised stabilization role in a landscape filled with national and international actors in the discussion under the Chatham and discussed how it may take additional time for the UN to see gains from House rule of non-attribution and the shifts in the mission’s 2019 mandate. does not necessarily represent the views of all participants. The project Participants largely agreed that MINUSMA’s current mandate remains is funded with the support of the relevant but pointed to various pressing issues that should be resolved over government of Canada. the next mandate cycle to maximize the mission’s effectiveness. The mandate could better refine MINUSMA’s role in supporting the G5 Sahel Joint Force. Additionally, MINUSMA requires the budget and resources necessary to become more agile, as recommended in the secretary-general’s force adapta- 2 MEETING NOTE tion plan.1 Participants also proposed reinforcing importance of successfully completing the election existing provisions of the text to better contex - process. The new National Assembly is now tualize the UN’s engagement in the country over expected to play an important role in shaping the coming year, including by strengthening Mali’s constitutional reform agenda and in MINUSMA’s role as a political guarantor, pursuing a more consensual approach to reinforcing provisions on the protection of implementing the peace agreement. civilians, and focusing more on the mission’s support to human rights and accountability. While Recent efforts to boost women’s participation in the COVID-19 pandemic has forced MINUSMA Mali’s political processes represent another to adapt to new operational complexities, partici- tangible area of progress. The newly constituted pants did not feel that the Security Council needed National Assembly has forty female members, up to adjust the mission’s strategic orientation in from the fourteen who sat in the previous response. Assembly. This also brings Mali’s government closer in line with the 2015 law that mandated that women comprise at least 30 percent of the Conflict Analysis country’s legislative body. The successful convening in January 2020 of an inclusive, high- MINUSMA has spent much of the past year level workshop on ensuring the “full, effective adapting its engagements to align with the revised participation of women in the mechanisms 2 strategic priorities set forward in Resolution 2480. established by the agreement to support and The mission’s dual strategic priorities—supporting monitor its implementation” also led to the the implementation of the peace agreement and the appointment of six women to the monitoring stabilization of Mali’s center region—are at the committee (Comité de suivi de l’accord), in line core of its political engagement and support to with a Security Council benchmark.3 protection. These efforts are unfolding in an operationally complex environment that remains While these tangible results are positive, Malian one of the most dangerous facing a UN peace- women’s participation in peace and reconciliation keeping operation. processes remains limited, despite the govern- ment’s endorsement of international conventions Mali’s Political Situation such as UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000). For instance, women are currently excluded Mali’s peace agreement, signed in 2015, continues from transitional authorities in the northern to be regarded as the most comprehensive political regions such as Ménaka. Some participants framework for long-term stabilization. Although therefore called for a more concerted focus on many provisions of the agreement have not been gender inclusion in the implementation of the implemented, some major milestones have been peace agreement at the local level, with support achieved since the beginning of 2020. Participants from MINUSMA. highlighted that Mali’s Inclusive National Dialogue, a consultative, multi-stakeholder process Participants cautioned that the country’s social that concluded in December 2019, provided an contract remains fragile. One individual impetus to the implementation of key provisions of emphasized that low voter turnout for the elections the agreement, starting with the holding of parlia- and multi-city protests against the Malian mentary elections in March and April 2020. Constitutional Court’s confirmation of the election results may have an impact on the legitimacy of the Despite threats to the parliamentary elections new Assembly. Underlying social pressures and (underscored by the kidnapping of opposition grievances remain, which participants linked to political leader Soumaïla Cissé) and very low voter demonstrations across various sectors of Malian turnout, workshop participants affirmed the society over the past year. Some participants 1 UN Security Council, “Situation in Mali: Report of the Secretary-General,” UN Doc. S/2019/983, December 30, 2019, paras. 60–61. 2 UN Security Council Resolution 2480 (June 28, 2019), UN Doc. S/RES/2480. 3 Ibid., para. 4. Prioritization and Sequencing of Peacekeeping Mandates: The Case of MINUSMA 3 encouraged the Malian authorities to work toward counterinsurgency doctrine of the Malian Armed national unity and build confidence within civil Forces is needed, with the measure of success society. They underscored that maintaining switching from the number of insurgents killed to relative political stability will be necessary to the number of civilians protected. Finally, one undertake difficult political reforms, including the participant noted that most international support constitutional reforms foreseen by the peace for security sector reform in Mali had focused on agreement and the recommendations of the training and equipping the armed forces rather Inclusive National Dialogue. than developing the capacity of the Malian govern- ment to oversee them. State Authority and Legitimacy Security Conditions The Malian government remains unable to guarantee the security of the population Over the past year, security conditions across Mali throughout the country. Participants underscored have deteriorated due to increased cross-border that the lack of effective, inclusive, and accountable attacks across the region, alongside an upsurge in state institutions, and particularly of a security intercommunal violence. At the local level, presence, is a persistent challenge that exacerbates intercommunal violence spurred by competition threats to civilians, with one participant citing the between militias and self-defense groups persists, army’s departure from Ogossagou as a cause of the causing many casualties. In February 2020, the repeat attacks in the town in February 2020. The village of Ogossagou was attacked, eleven months vacuum left by the state has been filled by self- after a previous massacre of more than 160 people defense militias that are often aligned with ethnic that had prompted the UN
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Question for Written Answer
    Question for written answer E-003714/2021 to the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Rule 138 Dominique Bilde (ID) Subject: European Union strategy in the context of the end of Operation Barkhane The European Union heads up three civilian and military missions in support of G5 Sahel countries: EUTM Mali, a military mission launched in 2013, and the civilian missions EUCAP Sahel Niger and EUCAP Sahel Mali. Their respective mandates run until 18 May 2024 with a budget of EUR 133.7 million1, 30 September 2022 with a budget of EUR 73.7 million2, and 31 January 2023 with a budget of EUR 89.1 million3. At an inter-state level, however, very few Member States have provided military support for France’s Operation Barkhane. The EU Takuba special task force, in particular, is only supported by nine Member States456. 1. On 9 July 20217, the French President announced the closure of bases as part of the planned end to Operation Barkhane, which the Takuba task force is due to take over from. How does the Vice-President / High Representative plan to encourage Member States to join in with the French military effort, and particularly the Takuba task force? 2. Is the Vice-President / High Representative going to extend and / or strengthen the mandates of the aforementioned operations? 3. What type of equipment will the European Union provide for the G5 Sahel armies? 1 https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2020/03/23/eutm-mali-council-extends-training- mission-with-broadened-mandate-and-increased-budget/ 2 https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX%3A32020D1254 3 https://agenceurope.eu/en/bulletin/article/12633/19 4 ‘Imaginée en 2018, Takuba devra prendre la relève de Barkhane’, article of 13 July 2021, Le Figaro.
    [Show full text]
  • Svenskt Deltagande I Militär Insats För Stärkt Säkerhet I Mali
    Regeringens proposition 2019/20:86 Svenskt deltagande i militär insats för stärkt Prop. säkerhet i Mali 2019/20:86 Regeringen överlämnar denna proposition till riksdagen. Stockholm den 12 mars 2020 Stefan Löfven Ann Linde (Utrikesdepartementet) Propositionens huvudsakliga innehåll I propositionen föreslås att riksdagen medger att regeringen ställer en svensk väpnad styrka bestående av högst 250 personer till förfogande till och med den 31 december 2021 för att på malisk inbjudan delta i insatsen Task Force Takuba i Mali och att styrkan även ska kunna verka på Nigers territorium inom ramen för deltagandet i insatsen, förutsatt att en inbjudan från Niger finns. Den totala styrkan beräknas under normala omständigheter bestå av högst 150 personer. Om behov uppstår ska styrkan tillfälligt kunna förstärkas med högst 100 personer. Det svenska förbandet ska framför allt kunna understödja, undsätta och förstärka pågående insatser inom Task Force Takuba. Det svenska bidraget ska också kunna bidra till att genomföra Task Force Takubas mandat i övrigt inom befintliga resurser och förmågor. I propositionen redogör regeringen för • situationen och säkerhetsläget i Mali och insatsområdet • Sveriges och det internationella samfundets engagemang i Mali • insatsens folkrättsliga grund • sina resonemang kring målet med det svenska deltagandet i insatsen • sina överväganden inför ett svenskt deltagande i insatsen. Avslutningsvis redogörs för bidragets ekonomiska konsekvenser. 1 Prop. 2019/20:86 Innehållsförteckning 1 Förslag till riksdagsbeslut ................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Italy and the Sahel a New National Projection Towards a Greater Mediterranean
    ISPI POLICY BRIEF May 2021 ITALY AND THE SAHEL A NEW NATIONAL PROJECTION TOWARDS A GREATER MEDITERRANEAN Camillo Casola, Edoardo Baldaro POLICY BRIEF 31 May 2021 ITALIAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL STUDIES This Report is realized with the support of the Policy Planning Unit of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation pursuant to art. 23-bis of Presidential Decree 18/1967. The opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation and ISPI. Camillo Casola is resident research fellow at ISPI Africa Programme and associate research fellow at the Center for the Study of Contemporary Africa (CeSAC). He earned a PhD in International Studies at the Università degli Studi di Napoli L’Orientale. His main research interests are related to politics, institutions, conflicts and security in sub-Saharan Africa, with a focus on West Africa and the Sahel. Before joining ISPI he worked at the Directora- te-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO). Edoardo Baldaro is Gerda Henkel postdoctoral research fellow at the Sant'Anna School of Advanced Studies - Institute of Law, Politics and Development, and associate fellow at the REPI (Recherches et Études en Politique Internationale) of the Université Libre de Bruxelles. His main areas of interest include critical security studies, African security, EU foreign policy and international interventions. He published in various academic journals, including, Security Dialogue, Small Wars & Insurgencies, Nationalities Papers and The International Spectator.* Photo credits: Daniel Tiveau/CIFOR ITALY IN THE SAHEL: A NEW NATIONAL PROJECTION TOWARDS A GREATER MEDITERRANEAN 2 POLICY BRIEF 31 May 2021 ITALIAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL STUDIES The Sahel is the theatre for one of the most significant new developments in Italian foreign 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Joint Press Statement Task Force Takuba
    Joint Press Statement Task Force Takuba: Launching Ministerial Meeting Today, the Ministers of Defence and representatives from Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, France, Germany, Mali, Niger, The Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Sweden and the United Kingdom participated to the launching of the Task Force Takuba. Due to the epidemic of Covid-19, the meeting was held remotely. Ms Florence Parly introduced the political conclusions of the Pau Summit. She underlined the strong commitment of the G5 Joint Force partners, and detailed the French strategy in the Sahel region. The French Minister for the Armed forces also focused on the engagement of the European countries in the region and seized the opportunity to thank the present nations for their valuable support. General Lecointre, French Chief of Defence Staff, completed the French overview on the Sahel security situation with an update on operation Barkhane. General Ibrahima Dhirou Dembélé, Minister of Defence and Veterans of the Republic of Mali, and Mr Issoufou Katambé, Minister of Defence of the Republic of Niger, shared their analysis of the local security situation. They both highlighted the necessity and urgency to fight against organized armed groups conducting terrorist actions in the Liptako-Gourma region, and in particular, the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (IS-GS) and the Group for the Support Islam and the Muslim (GSIM).They reaffirm the necessity to disarm all the fighters linked to the Signatory Armed Groups (SAG). Considering the security situation in Mali and more broadly in the Sahel, Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, France, Germany, The Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Sweden and the United Kingdom agreed on setting up a task force, at the request of the Malian President, His excellency Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, and Nigerien President, His Excellency Mahamadou Issoufou, to assist the Malian Armed Forces in countering terrorist groups and to complement the current efforts made by operation Barkhane and the G5 Sahel Joint Force.
    [Show full text]
  • The G5 Sahel and the European Union the Challenges of Security Cooperation with a Regional Grouping
    BRIEFING The G5 Sahel and the European Union The challenges of security cooperation with a regional grouping SUMMARY The August 2020 coup in Mali recalls the coup the country witnessed in 2012 and highlights the growing instability and insecurity the Sahel region has been facing for a decade now. The combined effect of population growth, poverty, climate change, unsustainable land tenure and marginalisation of peripheral populations has been fuelling community-based tensions and anger towards governments in the region. Weak state power and porous borders have enabled the proliferation of jihadist and other armed groups and the intensification of violence. In 2014, as a collective answer to the growing security threat, Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger created the G5 Sahel, an intergovernmental cooperation framework seeking to coordinate the security and development policies of its member states. In 2017, the G5 Sahel Joint Force was launched with the aim of fighting terrorism and organised crime in the region. In addition to its own security and development strategy in the region, the EU has developed close links with the G5 Sahel in support of its work towards sustainable peace and development, including regular political dialogues and three CSDP missions to train and advise the G5 Sahel national armies and Joint Force. The recent coup in Mali has led to the suspension of some forms of cooperation between the EU and the G5 Sahel. However, while efforts to find common ground for action and to build a lasting partnership with unstable countries remains a challenge, the EU is not ready to leave this strategic field to other players.
    [Show full text]
  • The French Army As a European Leader
    Food for thought 04-2021 The French Army as a European leader The Sahel’s securitisation and stabilisation Written by AN EXPERTISE FORUM CONTRIBUTING TO EUROPEAN CONTRIBUTING TO FORUM AN EXPERTISE SINCE 1953 ARMIES INTEROPERABILITY Enzo Falsanisi European Army Interoperability Center This paper was drawn up by Enzo Falsanisi under the supervision and guidance of Mr Mario Blokken, Director of the Permanent Secretariat. This Food for Thought paper is a document that gives an initial reflection on the theme. The content is not reflecting the positions of the member states but consists of elements that can initiate and feed the discussions and analyses in the domain of the theme. All our studies are available on www.finabel.org TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 3 European armies as supporters of of the Sahel stabilisation 5 France: an unavoidable partner in the Sahel 5 The European Union as a regional stabiliser 8 MINUSMA and Europe’s strategical implication 10 10 Deterioration of Sahelian security and challenges to securitisation 11 Large-scale guerrilla environment 11 Exactions against civilians 13 Public denunciation of foreign intervention 14 Greater multilateralism and cooperation: The Coalition for the Sahel 16 The dawn of a newsecurity framework 16 The coalition’s four pillars 17 The Coalition for The Sahel: a game-changer for the region and stakeholders? 22 From French-led cooperation to a European joint force: the case of Task Force Takuba 24 Post-intervention strategy 24 Setting up Task Force Takuba 25 Geo-strategic implications for European defence 26 Concluding remarks 27 Bibliography 29 2 INTRODUCTION The Sahel is a region located to the south of from the central authorities to provide public the Sahara Desert stretching from the Atlantic goods and services have further marginalised Ocean in Mauritania to the shores of the Red rural communities that are more likely to fall Sea in Sudan and Eritrea.
    [Show full text]
  • New EU Strategic Priorities for the Sahel Addressing Regional Challenges Through Better Governance
    BRIEFING New EU strategic priorities for the Sahel Addressing regional challenges through better governance SUMMARY Recent events have shown that the Sahel region remains highly politically unstable. The military takeover of the Chadian government following President Idriss Déby's sudden death in April 2021 and the repercussions of the August 2020 and May 2021 military coups in Mali are worrying signs of weak democratic governance structures. Burkina Faso's transitional democracy has also been severely destabilised by the activities of extremist groups and internal conflicts. This political fragility and the lack of government legitimacy have made the responses to the Sahel's security and humanitarian issues all the more challenging. The continued threat posed by terrorist armed groups and rising intercommunal violence over land and resources have led to both internal and cross- border displacements in Sahel countries. Meanwhile, the inadequacy of governance mechanisms for managing this displacement, compounded by environmental degradation, resource scarcity and population growth, has created a severe humanitarian crisis. Since 2011, the European Union (EU) strategy for the Sahel has focused on both security and development to address these numerous and interconnected challenges. However, EU efforts have remained dominated by a military approach to tackle rising terrorist activity, achieving concrete results but ultimately falling short of long-term regional stability. The new EU integrated strategy in the Sahel aims to strengthen action
    [Show full text]
  • S/Res/2584 (2021)
    United Nations S/RES/2584 (2021) Security Council Distr.: General 29 June 2021 Resolution 2584 (2021) Adopted by the Security Council at its 8809th meeting, on 29 June 2021 The Security Council, Recalling all its previous resolutions, statements of its President and press statements on the situation in Mali, Reaffirming its strong commitment to the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Mali, emphasizing that the Malian authorities have primary responsibility for the provision of stability, security and protection of civilians throughout the territory of Mali, urging the Malian authorities to uphold their efforts to meet their obligations in that regard, and expressing great concern at the violent and unilateral actions taken by non-State actors hampering the return of State authority and basic social services, Reaffirming the basic principles of peacekeeping, including consent of the parties, impartiality and non-use of force, except in self-defence and defence of the mandate, recognizing that the mandate of each peacekeeping mission is specific to the need and situation of the country concerned, and recalling its Presidential Statement of 14 May 2018 (S/PRST/2018/10), Expressing grave concern about the continued deterioration of the political, security and humanitarian situation in Mali, including through the persistence of a high level of attacks by terrorist groups in the North and in the Centre, and the continuation of intercommunal violence in the Centre, which led to human rights violations and abuses and violations of
    [Show full text]
  • G5 Sahel Police
    The G7 Research Group at the Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy at Trinity College in the University of Toronto presents the 2019 G7 Biarritz Summit Second Interim Compliance Report 27 August 2019 — 3 June 2020 Prepared by Meagan Byrd and the G7 Research Group 21 June 2020 www.g7.utoronto.ca [email protected] @g7_rg “We have meanwhile set up a process and there are also independent institutions monitoring which objectives of our G7 meetings we actually achieve. When it comes to these goals we have a compliance rate of about 80%, according to the University of Toronto. Germany, with its 87%, comes off pretty well. That means that next year too, under the Japanese G7 presidency, we are going to check where we stand in comparison to what we have discussed with each other now. So a lot of what we have resolved to do here together is something that we are going to have to work very hard at over the next few months. But I think that it has become apparent that we, as the G7, want to assume responsibility far beyond the prosperity in our own countries. That’s why today’s outreach meetings, that is the meetings with our guests, were also of great importance.” Chancellor Angela Merkel, Schloss Elmau, 8 June 2015 G7 summits are a moment for people to judge whether aspirational intent is met by concrete commitments. The G7 Research Group provides a report card on the implementation of G7 and G20 commitments. It is a good moment for the public to interact with leaders and say, you took a leadership position on these issues — a year later, or three years later, what have you accomplished? Achim Steiner, Administrator, United Nations Development Programme, in G7 Canada: The 2018 Charlevoix Summit G7 Research Group: 2019 G7 Biarritz Summit Second Interim Compliance Report Contents Introduction .........................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Stabilising the Sahel: the Role of International Military Operations
    Title: Stabilising the Sahel: The Role of International Military Operations Author: Stoicescu, Kalev Publication date: July 2020 Category: Analysis Cover page photo: Boys play on the roof of the entance to a football stadium in Gao, February 2013. Reuters/Joe Penney/Scanpix. Maps and infographics: Ministère des Armées (France), reproduced with kind permission Keywords: Mali, G5 Sahel, Operation Barkhane, counter terrorism Disclaimer: The views and opinions contained in this analysis are those of its author only and do not necessarily represent the positions of the International Centre for Defence and Security or any other organisation. ISSN 2228-2076 ©International Centre for Defence and Security 63/4 Narva Rd., 10152 Tallinn, Estonia [email protected], www.icds.ee I am very grateful to the civilian and military experts in Estonia, France and Sweden who agreed to be interviewed for this analysis. Thank you for your time and insights. AQIM Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb EUTM Mali European Union Training Mission in Mali G5 Sahel Group of Five (Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger) ISR Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance JNIM Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimeen MAF Malian Armed Forces MINUSMA Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali SOF Special Operations Forces TFT Task Force Takuba The governments of the region have themselves also made joint efforts aimed at enhancing stability and eradicating terrorism, mainly in Mali. But the security situation remains precarious and there is a pressing need to continue, and indeed to strengthen, anti- terrorist operations and other efforts. This analysis examines what has been achieved through EU, UN and coalition military operations in the Sahel, and considers whether international organisations and coalitions of nations might expand their operations there.
    [Show full text]
  • Mali: Extremism and Terrorism
    Mali: Extremism and Terrorism On June 10, 2021, France announced that it would end Operation Barkhane, France’s seven-year anti-terror mission in Burkina Faso, Mali, Chad, Niger, and Mauritania. According to French President Emmanuel Macron, the mission will allegedly be replaced by a more international effort that would focus on supporting and cooperating with armies in the region that ask for assistance. Central to the new effort will be the Takuba Task Force—the European military task force led by France which advises, assists, and accompanies Malian Armed forces in the Sahel. The details will be finalized by the end of June following consultations with the United States, other European countries deployed in the region, and the five Sahel countries under Operation Barkhane’s purview. France’s withdrawal comes at a critical juncture, as militants regularly attack Mali’s army is poorly equipped and underfunded to adequately repel attacks. (Sources: CNN, Reuters, France 24) On August 18, 2020, Malian soldiers ambushed Bamako, the West African country’s capital, and arrested President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita. The mutineers call themselves the National Committee for the Salvation of the People (CNSP), and their spokesman, Colonel Ismael Wague, claims the group seeks to organize a general election that will provide Mali with stronger institutions. Keita later issued a brief address announcing his resignation and the dissolution of parliament. Keita was released on August 27, 2020, and on October 6, 2020, the CNSP appointed retired Colonel Bah Ndaw as interim president, and Moctar Ouane—a civilian—as prime minister. The transition government is expected to lead to an election in 18 months.
    [Show full text]
  • Unraveling the Sahel: State, Politics and Armed Violence
    ISPI DOSSIER March 2021 UNRAVELING THE SAHEL: STATE, POLITICS AND ARMED VIOLENCE edited by Camillo Casola UNRAVELLING THE SAHEL: STATE, POLITICS AND ARMED VIOLENCE March 2021 ITALIAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL STUDIES he security crisis in the Central Sahel region is increasingly worsening. The year 2020 was the deadliest since the crisis broke out in 2012, when al-Qa’ida-linked armed groups Ttook control of northern Mali. The number of attacks attributed to jihadi groups and self- defence militias peaked, and so did the number of casualties. Violent extremism intersects community-based conflicts and inter-ethnic tensions in rural areas, while widespread violence and human rights violations by national security forces against civilians, as well as state abuses and governance failures, contribute to fuelling local insurgencies. A strong international presence is in the region: France is the main external actor, and Operation Barkhane’s military engagement has been recently confirmed by President Emmanuel Macron. Despite French resistance, an option for political dialogue with the jihadi insurgents is more and more taking hold on the ground. What are the main features of the ongoing Sahel crisis? What is the role of the European Union? And what could be a possible way out of instability? * Camillo Casola is an associate research fellow at ISPI Africa programme. His research interests are mainly focused on West Africa and Sahel. This project is realized with the contribution of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation pursuant to art. 23-bis of Presidential Decree 18/1967. The opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation and ISPI.
    [Show full text]