Promoting a More Transparent and Accountable NATO
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Russian Meddling in Elections and Referenda in the Alliance
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY COMMITTEE (STC) RUSSIAN MEDDLING IN ELECTIONS AND REFERENDA IN THE ALLIANCE General Report by Susan DAVIS (United States) General Rapporteur 181 STC 18 E fin | Original: English | 18 November 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 1 II. RUSSIA’S MOTIVATIONS BEHIND MEDDLING IN ELECTIONS AND REFERENDA .......... 1 III. WHAT WE KNOW: RECENT RUSSIAN MEDDLING IN ALLIED COUNTRIES ..................... 4 A. THE UNITED STATES ................................................................................................. 4 B. THE UNITED KINGDOM .............................................................................................. 7 C. FRANCE ....................................................................................................................... 8 D. GERMANY ................................................................................................................... 8 E. SPAIN ........................................................................................................................... 9 F. THE NETHERLANDS ................................................................................................... 9 IV. POLICY RESPONSES AND THE WAY FORWARD ............................................................ 10 A. ELECTION INFRASTRUCTURE ................................................................................ 10 B. INFORMATION SYSTEMS ........................................................................................ -
U.S.-South Korea Relations
U.S.-South Korea Relations Mark E. Manyin, Coordinator Specialist in Asian Affairs Emma Chanlett-Avery Specialist in Asian Affairs Mary Beth D. Nikitin Specialist in Nonproliferation Brock R. Williams Analyst in International Trade and Finance Jonathan R. Corrado Research Associate May 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41481 U.S.-South Korea Relations Summary Overview South Korea (officially the Republic of Korea, or ROK) is one of the United States’ most important strategic and economic partners in Asia. Congressional interest in South Korea is driven by both security and trade interests. Since the early 1950s, the U.S.-ROK Mutual Defense Treaty commits the United States to help South Korea defend itself. Approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK, which is included under the U.S. “nuclear umbrella.” Washington and Seoul cooperate in addressing the challenges posed by North Korea. The two countries’ economies are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States’ seventh-largest trading partner and the United States is South Korea’s second- largest trading partner. Between 2009 and the end of 2016, relations between the two countries arguably reached their most robust state in decades. Political changes in both countries in 2017, however, have generated uncertainty about the state of the relationship. Coordination of North Korea Policy Dealing with North Korea is the dominant strategic concern of the relationship. The Trump Administration appears to have raised North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs to a top U.S. -
Applying a Framework to Assess Deterrence of Gray Zone Aggression for More Information on This Publication, Visit
C O R P O R A T I O N MICHAEL J. MAZARR, JOE CHERAVITCH, JEFFREY W. HORNUNG, STEPHANIE PEZARD What Deters and Why Applying a Framework to Assess Deterrence of Gray Zone Aggression For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR3142 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0397-1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: REUTERS/Kyodo Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report documents research and analysis conducted as part of a project entitled What Deters and Why: North Korea and Russia, sponsored by the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, G-3/5/7, U.S. -
Downloaded from the Trump Twitter
World Leaders a-Twitter: Communication Platforms and Agenda-Building During the 2018 NATO Summit Katja C. Walton International Affairs Program University of Colorado Boulder Defended April 2, 2019 Honors Thesis Defense Committee Dr. Janet Lynn Donavan, Primary Advisor Department of Political Science Dr. Douglas Snyder, Honors Council Representative International Affairs Program Dr. Levente Szentkirályi, Thesis Committee Member Program for Writing and Rhetoric World Leaders a - T w i t t e r | 2 Abstract: Twitter is a thriving microblogging service with growing prominence in the political sphere. In this study, I examine the differences between Twitter communications and verbal communications by three heads of state and government in relation to the most recent NATO Summit in July 2018. Through a three-step analysis, including descriptive statistics, content and tone analysis, and comparative analysis, the study investigates Twitter’s influence on content and tone and its agenda-building capacity for face-to-face summits. After hand-coding over 2,000 tweets and 15 verbal communications, I find that Twitter does not support more negative content and tone among world leaders than verbal communication. Rather, a leader’s tone remains consistent on both communication platforms, suggesting the salience of personality and political strategy as well as the importance of anonymity in online behavioral disinhibition. Findings also demonstrate that, in the case of Burden-Sharing negotiations during the 2018 NATO Summit, U.S. President Trump successfully implemented Twitter as an agenda-building tool to position Burden-Sharing as a prominent Summit topic. Ultimately, I conclude that the rejection of the platform’s legitimacy for diplomatic exchanges and the lack of direct discussion between politicians on Twitter demonstrates that Twitter is not a viable replacement for face-to-face summits. -
The Officer at Work: Leadership
CHAPTER FIVE The Officer at Work: Leadership . before it is an honor, leadership is trust; Before it is a call to glory, Leadership is a call to service; . before all else, forever and always, leadership is a willingness to serve. —Father Edson Wood, OSA, Cadet Catholic Chaplain Invocation at Assumption of Command by BG Curtis Scaparrotti, Commandant of Cadets, U.S. Military Academy August 11, 2004 Leadership—convincing others to collaborate effectively in a common endeavor—is the primary function of all Armed Forces officers. Only a few officers are commanders at any particular moment, but every officer is a leader. Indeed the Army and Marine Corps insist that lead- ership is the common responsibility of every Soldier and Marine.1 The Air Force says “Any Airman can be a leader and can positively influ- ence those around him or her to accomplish the mission.”2 A conse- quence is that almost every officer considers himself or herself good at leadership, but perspectives on method differ depending on individual circumstances and experiences. This chapter discusses leadership from four different but overlapping viewpoints: accomplishing the mission and taking care of the troops; three concepts of leadership; Service approaches; and “tribal wisdom,” views of leadership expressed by senior professionals. 57 Accomplishing the Mission and Taking Care of the Troops Leaders are expected to guide their followers to mission success at least possible cost. Lord Moran, who served as a medical officer on the Western Front in World War I, and was Churchill’s doctor and con- fidant in World War II, defined leadership as “the capacity to frame plans which will succeed and the faculty of persuading others to carry them out in the face of death.”3 Moran was skeptical of a requirement for fine character, the honorable virtues, in a leader, but found that a reputation for achieving success was the essential middle term between the ability to formulate a course of action and persuading others to implement it. -
NATO at Seventy (PDF)
PROJECT ON EUROPE AND THE TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP NATO at Seventy An Alliance in Crisis Ambassador Douglas Lute Ambassador Nicholas Burns REPORT FEBRUARY 2019 Project on Europe and the Transatlantic Relationship Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street Cambridge, MA 02138 www.belfercenter.org/Transatlantic Statements and views expressed in this report are solely those of the authors and do not imply endorsement by Harvard University, the Harvard Kennedy School, or the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. The authors of this report invite liberal use of the information provided in it for educational purposes, requiring only that the reproduced material clearly cite the source. Design and Layout by Andrew Facini Cover photo: A U.S. Marine carries cold weather equipment as he begins to march across the Icelandic terrain in preparation for NATO’s Trident Juncture 2018 exercise, October 19, 2018. (NATO Photo) Copyright 2019, President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America PROJECT ON EUROPE AND THE TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP NATO at Seventy An Alliance in Crisis Ambassador Douglas Lute Ambassador Nicholas Burns REPORT FEBRUARY 2019 About this Report “NATO at Seventy: An Alliance in Crisis” is a report by the Project on Europe and the Transatlantic Relationship at Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. This Project aims to strengthen teaching, research, and policy-making on the relationship between the United States and Europe. This report is timed to coincide with the 70th anniversary of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 2019 as the world’s most successful alliance faces perhaps the most daunting and complex set of challenges in its history. -
NATO-Russia Relations: the Background
North Atlantic Treaty Organization www.nato.int/factsheets Media Backgrounder April 2018 NATO-Russia Relations: The Background The end of the Cold War was a turning point in Europe’s history. From 1991, NATO began to work hard to establish a strategic partnership with Russia. However, in March 2014, Russia illegally annexed Crimea. In response, NATO suspended all practical cooperation with Russia, while keeping political and military channels of communication open. This factsheet sets out the key dates and events in the relationship. 1994: The Partnership for Peace In June 1994, Russia became the first country to join NATO’s Partnership for Peace (PfP), a programme of practical bilateral cooperation between NATO and partner countries. The Brussels Summit Declaration defined the goals of PfP as expanding and intensifying political and military cooperation in Europe, increasing stability, diminishing threats to peace, and building strengthened security relationships. 1997: The NATO-Russia Founding Act On 27 May 1997, NATO leaders and President Boris Yeltsin signed the NATO-Russia Founding Act, expressing their determination to “build together a lasting and inclusive peace in the Euro-Atlantic area on the principles of democracy and cooperative security.” The Act established the goal of cooperation in areas such as peacekeeping, arms control, counter-terrorism, counter-narcotics and theatre missile defence. In the Founding Act, NATO and Russia agreed to base their cooperation on the principles of human rights and civil liberties, refraining from the threat or use of force against each other or any other state. With the Signing of NATO-Russia Founding Act, 27 May 1997 illegal annexation of Crimea, the territory of a sovereign state, Russia violated the Founding Act. -
U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress
U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress Shirley A. Kan Specialist in Asian Security Affairs October 27, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32496 U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress Summary This CRS Report, updated through the 113th Congress, discusses policy issues regarding military- to-military (mil-to-mil) contacts with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and records major contacts and crises since 1993. The United States suspended military contacts with China and imposed sanctions on arms sales in response to the Tiananmen Crackdown in 1989. In 1993, President Clinton reengaged with the top PRC leadership, including China’s military, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Renewed military exchanges with the PLA have not regained the closeness reached in the 1980s, when U.S.-PRC strategic alignment against the Soviet Union included U.S. arms sales to China. Improvements and deteriorations in overall bilateral engagement have affected military contacts, which were close in 1997-1998 and 2000, but marred by the 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait crisis, mistaken NATO bombing of a PRC embassy in 1999, the EP-3 aircraft collision crisis in 2001, and the PLA’s aggressive maritime and air confrontations. Issues for Congress include whether the Administration complies with legislation overseeing dealings with the PLA and pursues contacts with the PLA that advance a prioritized set of U.S. security interests, especially the operational safety of U.S. military personnel. Oversight legislation includes the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for FY1990-FY1991 (P.L. 101-246) and National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for FY2000 (P.L. -
One Flank, One Threat, One Presence
ONE FLANK, ONECenter for EuropeanTHREAT, Policy Analysis ONE PRESENCE A Strategy for NATO’s Eastern Flank LTG (Ret.) Ben Hodges Janusz Bugajski COL (Ret.) Ray Wojcik Carsten Schmiedl 2 May 2020 Center for European Policy Analysis All opinions are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the position or views of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. About CEPA The Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) is a 501(c)(3), non-profit, non-partisan, public policy research institute. Our mission is to promote an economically vibrant, strategically secure, and politically free Europe with close and enduring ties to the United States. Our analytical team consists of the world’s leading experts on Central-East Europe, Russia, and its neighbors. Through cutting- edge research, analysis, and programs we provide fresh insight on energy, security, and defense to government officials and agencies; we help transatlantic businesses navigate changing strategic landscapes; and we build networks of future Atlanticist leaders. © 2020 by the Center for European Policy Analysis, Washington, DC. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the Center for European Policy Analysis, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. Center for European Policy Analysis 1275 Pennsylvania Ave NW, Suite 400 Washington, DC 20004 E-mail: [email protected] www.cepa.org Cover image: Standing NATO Maritime Group Two and Standing NATO Mine Countermeasures Group Two in the Black Sea in 2018. -
Documento Informativo Para As Entidades Da Base Tecnológica E Industrial De Defesa
DOCUMENTO INFORMATIVO PARA AS ENTIDADES DA BASE TECNOLÓGICA E INDUSTRIAL DE DEFESA NOVEMBRO 2018 DOCUMENTO INFORMATIVO PARA AS ENTIDADES DA BASE TECNOLÓGICA E INDUSTRIAL DE DEFESA ÍNDICE I. SOBRE O NATO-INDUSTRY FORUM 2018 ....................................................... 3 II. TEMAS DISCUTIDOS NO NIF18 ....................................................................... 4 II. a) Logistics & Sustainment ........................................................................................ 4 II. b) Enhancing Military “Decision-Making” ...................................................................5 II. c) Disruptive Technologies ........................................................................................ 6 II. d) Autonomy .............................................................................................................. 7 II. e) Innovation and Disruptive Technologies ............................................................... 8 II. f) Trans-Atlantic Policies and Strategies for 21st Century Capabilities ..................... 10 II. g) NATO and Industry – Ready for Novel Challenges ............................................... 12 Página 2 de 14 . DOCUMENTO INFORMATIVO PARA AS ENTIDADES DA BASE TECNOLÓGICA E INDUSTRIAL DE DEFESA I. SOBRE O NATO-INDUSTRY FORUM 2018 O NATO-Industry Forum 2018 (NIF18) decorreu na Alemanha com o alto patrocinio do Secretário-Geral da NATO e coorganizado pelo NATO Allied Command Transformation e o Secretário-Geral Adjunto para o Investimento em Defesa. O NIF18 teve como -
United States European Command: Overview and Key Issues
March 12, 2019 United States European Command: Overview and Key Issues History USEUCOM’s Current Geopolitical United States European Command (or EUCOM, Challenges pronounced “YEW-com”) is headquartered in Stuttgart, Events in recent years, particularly since 2014, have tested, Germany, and was established in 1952. Today its area of if not undermined, the strategic assumptions underpinning responsibility comprises 51 countries stretching from EUCOM’s posture. To Europe’s east, Russia annexed Portugal’s Azores Islands to Iceland and Israel. Crimea, began a proxy war in Eastern Ukraine, and is USEUCOM’s commander is currently U.S. Army General modernizing its conventional and nonconventional forces. Curtis Scaparrotti, who is simultaneously NATO’s Supreme Russia also increased its military activities in Europe’s high Allied Commander, Europe (SACEUR). During the Cold north, particularly through reportedly adding nuclear- War, the European theater was a primary focus for U.S. capable missiles to Kaliningrad (a Russian territory on the defense and national security and EUCOM was focused Baltic Sea that is not contiguous with Russia itself), almost exclusively on deterring, and if necessary defeating, enhancing its air patrolling activities close to other states’ the Soviet Union. At the height of the Cold War, there were airspace, and enhancing its naval presence in the Baltic Sea, more than 400,000 U.S. troops stationed in Europe. the Arctic Ocean, and the North Sea. Taken together, these moves have heightened some congressional concerns about The collapse of the Soviet Union led to a withdrawal of the Russian aggression and its implications for NATO bulk of forward-deployed U.S. -
Western Military Capability in Northern Europe 2020 Part I: Collective Defence
Western Military Capability in Northern Europe 2020 Part I: Collective Defence Eva Hagström Frisell and Krister Pallin (eds) Albin Aronsson, Bengt-Göran Bergstrand, Robert Dalsjö, Johan Engvall, Jakob Gustafsson, Michael Jonsson, Diana Lepp, Viktor Lundquist, Björn Ottosson and Anna Sundberg FOI-R--5012--SE February 2021 Western Military Capability in Northern Europe 2020 Part I: Collective Defence Eva Hagström Frisell and Krister Pallin (eds) Albin Aronsson, Bengt-Göran Bergstrand, Robert Dalsjö, Johan Engvall, Jakob Gustafsson, Michael Jonsson, Diana Lepp, Viktor Lundquist, Björn Ottosson and Anna Sundberg FOI-R--5012--SE Title Western Military Capability in Northern Europe 2020 Part I: Collective Defence Report No. FOI-R--5012--SE Month February Year 2021 Pages 132 ISSN 1650-1942 Customer Ministry of Defence Research Area 8. Security Policy Project No. A 12112 Approved by Malek Finn Khan Division Defence Analysis Cover: Jonathan Nackstrand/AFP. US Marines prepare their M1 Abrams tank before taking part in an exercise to capture an airfield during Trident Juncture 2018, near the town of Oppdal, Norway. This work is protected by the Swedish Act on Copyright in Literary and Artistic Works (1960:729). Citation is permitted in accordance with article 22 in said act. Any form of use that goes beyond what is permitted by Swedish copyright law, requires the written permission of FOI. ii FOI-R--5012--SE Abstract The conclusion of our analysis of Western military capability in Northern Europe in 2017 was that the West had several shortcomings compared to Russia when it came to high-intensity warfighting. Considerable resources and time would be required before the West could change the situation.