NATO-Russia Relations: the Background
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NATO Expansion: Benefits and Consequences
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2001 NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences Jeffrey William Christiansen The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Christiansen, Jeffrey William, "NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences" (2001). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 8802. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/8802 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ■rr - Maween and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of M ontana Permission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. **Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Yes, I grant permission X No, I do not grant permission ________ Author's Signature; Date:__ ^ ^ 0 / Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author's explicit consent. MSThe»i9\M«r«f»eld Library Permission Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NATO EXPANSION: BENEFITS AND CONSEQUENCES by Jeffrey William Christiansen B.A. University of Montana, 2000 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana 2001 Approved by: hairpers Dean, Graduate School 7 - 24- 0 ^ Date Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
Nato and Eu: Towards a Constructive Relationship?
between the two organisations on the ground. The question that has to be asked, therefore, is if it is really the case that the establishment of a constructive relationship between NATO and the COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY EU is in effect being held hostage to the long-standing disagreements about Cyprus. NATO and EU: Two planets in the same city Towards a Constructive Relationship? Trine Flockhart Senior Researcher, DIIS The relationship between NATO and the EU has never been a close one as the two organisa- tions have historically tended to focus on different agendas and different policy areas, roughly divided between a focus on economic and development issues and a focus on military and security issues. However, after a rather unconstructive and competitive relationship during most of the 1990s, the first decade of the 21st century has witnessed convergence between the two organisations. Through the successful establishment of the European Security and he security challenges of the 21st century are likely to be both multifaceted, highly complex Defence Policy (ESDP) in 1999, the EU has taken on a much greater role as a security actor, and of an increasingly interdependent and global nature. The international community whereas NATO’s experience in the Balkans and Afghanistan has clearly revealed that military T is therefore faced with problems that cannot easily fit into traditional boxes and which solutions alone cannot bring peace and prosperity to post-conflict societies. require a so-called comprehensive approach, with emphasis on cooperation between different international actors and between different agencies across the traditional divides that separate Convergence between the two organisations in policy areas has been accompanied by geo- civilian and military approaches. -
U.S.-South Korea Relations
U.S.-South Korea Relations Mark E. Manyin, Coordinator Specialist in Asian Affairs Emma Chanlett-Avery Specialist in Asian Affairs Mary Beth D. Nikitin Specialist in Nonproliferation Brock R. Williams Analyst in International Trade and Finance Jonathan R. Corrado Research Associate May 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41481 U.S.-South Korea Relations Summary Overview South Korea (officially the Republic of Korea, or ROK) is one of the United States’ most important strategic and economic partners in Asia. Congressional interest in South Korea is driven by both security and trade interests. Since the early 1950s, the U.S.-ROK Mutual Defense Treaty commits the United States to help South Korea defend itself. Approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK, which is included under the U.S. “nuclear umbrella.” Washington and Seoul cooperate in addressing the challenges posed by North Korea. The two countries’ economies are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States’ seventh-largest trading partner and the United States is South Korea’s second- largest trading partner. Between 2009 and the end of 2016, relations between the two countries arguably reached their most robust state in decades. Political changes in both countries in 2017, however, have generated uncertainty about the state of the relationship. Coordination of North Korea Policy Dealing with North Korea is the dominant strategic concern of the relationship. The Trump Administration appears to have raised North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs to a top U.S. -
The Officer at Work: Leadership
CHAPTER FIVE The Officer at Work: Leadership . before it is an honor, leadership is trust; Before it is a call to glory, Leadership is a call to service; . before all else, forever and always, leadership is a willingness to serve. —Father Edson Wood, OSA, Cadet Catholic Chaplain Invocation at Assumption of Command by BG Curtis Scaparrotti, Commandant of Cadets, U.S. Military Academy August 11, 2004 Leadership—convincing others to collaborate effectively in a common endeavor—is the primary function of all Armed Forces officers. Only a few officers are commanders at any particular moment, but every officer is a leader. Indeed the Army and Marine Corps insist that lead- ership is the common responsibility of every Soldier and Marine.1 The Air Force says “Any Airman can be a leader and can positively influ- ence those around him or her to accomplish the mission.”2 A conse- quence is that almost every officer considers himself or herself good at leadership, but perspectives on method differ depending on individual circumstances and experiences. This chapter discusses leadership from four different but overlapping viewpoints: accomplishing the mission and taking care of the troops; three concepts of leadership; Service approaches; and “tribal wisdom,” views of leadership expressed by senior professionals. 57 Accomplishing the Mission and Taking Care of the Troops Leaders are expected to guide their followers to mission success at least possible cost. Lord Moran, who served as a medical officer on the Western Front in World War I, and was Churchill’s doctor and con- fidant in World War II, defined leadership as “the capacity to frame plans which will succeed and the faculty of persuading others to carry them out in the face of death.”3 Moran was skeptical of a requirement for fine character, the honorable virtues, in a leader, but found that a reputation for achieving success was the essential middle term between the ability to formulate a course of action and persuading others to implement it. -
NATO Enlargement & Open Door
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Fact Sheet July 2016 NATO Enlargement & Open Door NATO’s “open door policy” is based on Article 10 of the Alliance’s founding document, the North Atlantic Treaty (1949). The Treaty states that NATO membership is open to any “European state in a position to further the principles of this Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North Atlantic area”. It states that any decision on enlargement must be made “by unanimous agreement”. NATO enlargement has helped increase stability and prosperity in Europe. It is aimed at promoting stability and cooperation, and at building a Europe united in peace, democracy and common values. Free choice NATO respects the right of every country to choose its own security arrangements. Each sovereign country has the right to choose for itself whether it joins any treaty or alliance. This fundamental principle is enshrined in international agreements, including the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris for a New Europe. NATO membership is not imposed on countries. Article 13 of the Washington Treaty specifically gives Allies the right to leave should they wish to. Process of Accession European countries that wish to join NATO are initially invited to begin an Intensified Dialogue with the Alliance about their aspirations and related reforms. Aspirants may then be invited to join the Membership Action Plan, a programme which helps nations prepare for possible future membership. Participation does not guarantee membership, but is a key preparation mechanism. To join the Alliance, nations are expected to respect the values of the North Atlantic Treaty, and to meet certain political, economic and military criteria, set out in the Alliance’s 1995 Study on Enlargement. -
GAO-01-734 NATO: U.S. Assistance to the Partnership for Peace
United States General Accounting Office GAO Report to Congressional Committees July 2001 NATO U.S. Assistance to the Partnership for Peace GAO-01-734 Contents Letter 1 Results in Brief 2 Background 3 NATO Has Expanded Four Times Since Its Inception 6 Warsaw Initiative Funds Support Five Key Programs and Target Aspirant Countries 8 Warsaw Initiative and PfP Programs Have Had Important Results and Benefits 12 Scope and Methodology 19 Agency Comments and Our Evaluation 21 Appendix I Other Warsaw Initiative Interoperability Programs 22 Appendix II Other U.S. Security Assistance Provided to Partner Countries, 1994 Through 2000 25 Appendix III Comments From the Department of State 26 Tables Table1: Major Warsaw Initiative Program Categories by Cost, Fiscal Years 1994 Through 2000 (millions of dollars) 9 Table 2: Regional Peacekeeping Units Formed With Assistance From Warsaw Initiative Programs 15 Figures Figure 1: Membership in NATO, EU, MAP and PfP 5 Figure 2: Accessions to NATO by Date, 1949 Through 1999, MAP Countries and Other PfP Members 7 Figure 3: Distribution of $590 Million in U.S. Warsaw Initiative Funds by Region, 1994 Through 2000 11 Figure 4: Partner Troops as a Percentage of All Troops in NATO-led Peacekeeping Forces in the Balkans, 1996 Through 1999 13 Figure 5: Effectiveness of Selected Defense- and State-Funded Warsaw Initiative Programs in 12 Central and Eastern Page i GAO-01-734 Partnership for Peace European Partner States, as a Percentage of Total Cost of Programs Assessed, 1994 Through 2000 17 Figure 6: Effectiveness of Defense-Funded Warsaw Initiative Programs in Nine New Independent States, as a Percentage of the Total Cost of Programs Assessed, 1994 Through 2000 18 Page ii GAO-01-734 Partnership for Peace United States General Accounting Office Washington, DC 20548 July 20, 2001 The Honorable Joseph R. -
Eu-Nato Cooperation
November 2018 #EUDefence EU-NATO COOPERATION In the current strategic environment, with unprecedented challenges emanating from the South and the East, cooperation between the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) is essential. The security of EU and NATO are inter-connected: not only are 22 EU Member States also NATO Allies; together, they can also mobilise a broad range of tools and make the most efficient use of resources to address those challenges and enhance the security of their citizens. EU-NATO cooperation constitutes an integral pillar of the EU’s work aimed at strengthening European security and defence, as part of the implementation of the EU Global Strategy. It also contributes to Trans-Atlantic burden sharing. A stronger EU and a stronger NATO are mutually reinforcing. A NEW ERA OF INTERACTION On 8 July 2016, the President of the European Council and the President of the European Commission, together with the Secretary General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization signed a Joint Declaration in Warsaw with a view to giving new impetus and new substance to the EU-NATO strategic partnership. It outlined seven concrete areas where cooperation between the two organisations should be enhanced: 1. countering hybrid threats; 2. operational cooperation including at sea and on migration; 3. cyber security and defence; 4. defence capabilities; 5. defence industry and research; 6. exercises; 7. supporting Eastern and Southern partners’ capacity-building efforts.. Photo: Donald Tusk, Jens Stoltenberg and Jean-Claude Juncker (from left to right) On the basis of the mandate by the Joint Declaration, common sets of proposals were endorsed by the EU and NATO Councils in December 2016 and 2017. -
U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress
U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress Shirley A. Kan Specialist in Asian Security Affairs October 27, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32496 U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress Summary This CRS Report, updated through the 113th Congress, discusses policy issues regarding military- to-military (mil-to-mil) contacts with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and records major contacts and crises since 1993. The United States suspended military contacts with China and imposed sanctions on arms sales in response to the Tiananmen Crackdown in 1989. In 1993, President Clinton reengaged with the top PRC leadership, including China’s military, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Renewed military exchanges with the PLA have not regained the closeness reached in the 1980s, when U.S.-PRC strategic alignment against the Soviet Union included U.S. arms sales to China. Improvements and deteriorations in overall bilateral engagement have affected military contacts, which were close in 1997-1998 and 2000, but marred by the 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait crisis, mistaken NATO bombing of a PRC embassy in 1999, the EP-3 aircraft collision crisis in 2001, and the PLA’s aggressive maritime and air confrontations. Issues for Congress include whether the Administration complies with legislation overseeing dealings with the PLA and pursues contacts with the PLA that advance a prioritized set of U.S. security interests, especially the operational safety of U.S. military personnel. Oversight legislation includes the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for FY1990-FY1991 (P.L. 101-246) and National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for FY2000 (P.L. -
One Flank, One Threat, One Presence
ONE FLANK, ONECenter for EuropeanTHREAT, Policy Analysis ONE PRESENCE A Strategy for NATO’s Eastern Flank LTG (Ret.) Ben Hodges Janusz Bugajski COL (Ret.) Ray Wojcik Carsten Schmiedl 2 May 2020 Center for European Policy Analysis All opinions are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the position or views of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. About CEPA The Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) is a 501(c)(3), non-profit, non-partisan, public policy research institute. Our mission is to promote an economically vibrant, strategically secure, and politically free Europe with close and enduring ties to the United States. Our analytical team consists of the world’s leading experts on Central-East Europe, Russia, and its neighbors. Through cutting- edge research, analysis, and programs we provide fresh insight on energy, security, and defense to government officials and agencies; we help transatlantic businesses navigate changing strategic landscapes; and we build networks of future Atlanticist leaders. © 2020 by the Center for European Policy Analysis, Washington, DC. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the Center for European Policy Analysis, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. Center for European Policy Analysis 1275 Pennsylvania Ave NW, Suite 400 Washington, DC 20004 E-mail: [email protected] www.cepa.org Cover image: Standing NATO Maritime Group Two and Standing NATO Mine Countermeasures Group Two in the Black Sea in 2018. -
Federal Cyprus in the Context of Regional Security Cyprus 2017
Federal Cyprus in the Context of Regional Security Emine Eminel Sülün and Zenonas Tziarras Edited by Ahmet Sözen and Jared L. Ordway June 2017 Abstract The present paper seeks to examine the security aspect of a post-settlement Federal Cyprus. Among other things, the paper assesses the current external security environment of Cyprus in order to identify and prioritize certain security challenges, and analyses four security areas that may pose threats or challenges to the external relations or domestic stability of post-settlement Cyprus. It is argued that a secure and politically stable Federal Cyprus will first and foremost need a reliable political system with functioning decision-making mechanisms in order to pursue a coherent and effective foreign and security policy without crisis-producing deadlocks; the very political system will be its best “guarantor”. Lastly, targeted actions, a number of which are proposed, should be undertaken as soon as possible for the development of a federal security culture – i.e. convergence of communal interests and preferences – which will allow for joint strategic formulation and the development of a common sense of direction in the various policy areas of the federal state. Contents 1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 3 2 Conceptual Framework: National Security, Interests and Foreign Policy .............................................. 4 3 The External Security Context ............................................................................................................ -
United States European Command: Overview and Key Issues
March 12, 2019 United States European Command: Overview and Key Issues History USEUCOM’s Current Geopolitical United States European Command (or EUCOM, Challenges pronounced “YEW-com”) is headquartered in Stuttgart, Events in recent years, particularly since 2014, have tested, Germany, and was established in 1952. Today its area of if not undermined, the strategic assumptions underpinning responsibility comprises 51 countries stretching from EUCOM’s posture. To Europe’s east, Russia annexed Portugal’s Azores Islands to Iceland and Israel. Crimea, began a proxy war in Eastern Ukraine, and is USEUCOM’s commander is currently U.S. Army General modernizing its conventional and nonconventional forces. Curtis Scaparrotti, who is simultaneously NATO’s Supreme Russia also increased its military activities in Europe’s high Allied Commander, Europe (SACEUR). During the Cold north, particularly through reportedly adding nuclear- War, the European theater was a primary focus for U.S. capable missiles to Kaliningrad (a Russian territory on the defense and national security and EUCOM was focused Baltic Sea that is not contiguous with Russia itself), almost exclusively on deterring, and if necessary defeating, enhancing its air patrolling activities close to other states’ the Soviet Union. At the height of the Cold War, there were airspace, and enhancing its naval presence in the Baltic Sea, more than 400,000 U.S. troops stationed in Europe. the Arctic Ocean, and the North Sea. Taken together, these moves have heightened some congressional concerns about The collapse of the Soviet Union led to a withdrawal of the Russian aggression and its implications for NATO bulk of forward-deployed U.S. -
Shifting Alignments: the External Orientation of Cyprus Since Independence
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by LSE Research Online James Ker-Lindsay Shifting alignments: the external orientation of Cyprus since independence Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Ker-Lindsay, James (2010) Shifting alignments: the external orientation of Cyprus since independence. The Cyprus Review, 22 (2). pp. 67-74. ISSN 1015-2881 © 2010 University of Nicosia This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/31293/ Available in LSE Research Online: December 2015 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Shifting Alignments: The External Orientations of Cyprus since Independence JAMES KER-LINDSAY Abstract Just as the domestic political environment in Cyprus has changed dramatically over the past fifty years, so too has its relationship with the wider world. When the island achieved statehood, the European empires were in decline and the Cold War was at its height.