Federal Cyprus in the Context of Regional Security Cyprus 2017
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NATO Expansion: Benefits and Consequences
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2001 NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences Jeffrey William Christiansen The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Christiansen, Jeffrey William, "NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences" (2001). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 8802. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/8802 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ■rr - Maween and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of M ontana Permission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. **Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Yes, I grant permission X No, I do not grant permission ________ Author's Signature; Date:__ ^ ^ 0 / Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author's explicit consent. MSThe»i9\M«r«f»eld Library Permission Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NATO EXPANSION: BENEFITS AND CONSEQUENCES by Jeffrey William Christiansen B.A. University of Montana, 2000 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana 2001 Approved by: hairpers Dean, Graduate School 7 - 24- 0 ^ Date Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking?
CYPRUS CENTRE 2/2007 REPORT 2/2007 Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking? Shrinking? Cypriot Population Turkish Is the The demography of north Cyprus is one of the most contested issues related to the island’s division. In particular, the number of indigenous Turkish Cypriots and Turkish immigrants living in the north has long been a source of dispute, not only among the island’s diplomats and politicians but also among researchers and activists. Until recently, the political use of demog- raphy has hindered comprehensive study of the ethno-demographic make-up of the north, while at the same time making a thorough demographic study all the more imperative. The present report addresses this situation by providing an analysis of the results of the 2006 census of north Cyprus, comparing these fi gures with the results of the previous census. The report focuses mainly on identifying the percentage of the population of north Cyprus who are of Turkish-mainland origin and also possess Turkish Cypriot citizenship – an important factor given claims that such citizens play an signifi cant role in elections in the north. In addi- tion, the report examines the arrival dates of Turkish nationals in order to analyze patterns of migration. This, in turn, is indicative of the numbers of naturalized Turkish Cypriot citizens who have arrived in Cyprus as part of an offi cial policy. The report also presents estimates for Turkish Cypriot emigration to third countries, based on immigration and census fi gures from the two main host countries: the United Kingdom and Australia. Following analysis of these latter fi gures and the results of the 2006 census, it is argued that claims of massive emigration by Turkish Cypriots to third countries are largely misleading. -
Nato and Eu: Towards a Constructive Relationship?
between the two organisations on the ground. The question that has to be asked, therefore, is if it is really the case that the establishment of a constructive relationship between NATO and the COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY EU is in effect being held hostage to the long-standing disagreements about Cyprus. NATO and EU: Two planets in the same city Towards a Constructive Relationship? Trine Flockhart Senior Researcher, DIIS The relationship between NATO and the EU has never been a close one as the two organisa- tions have historically tended to focus on different agendas and different policy areas, roughly divided between a focus on economic and development issues and a focus on military and security issues. However, after a rather unconstructive and competitive relationship during most of the 1990s, the first decade of the 21st century has witnessed convergence between the two organisations. Through the successful establishment of the European Security and he security challenges of the 21st century are likely to be both multifaceted, highly complex Defence Policy (ESDP) in 1999, the EU has taken on a much greater role as a security actor, and of an increasingly interdependent and global nature. The international community whereas NATO’s experience in the Balkans and Afghanistan has clearly revealed that military T is therefore faced with problems that cannot easily fit into traditional boxes and which solutions alone cannot bring peace and prosperity to post-conflict societies. require a so-called comprehensive approach, with emphasis on cooperation between different international actors and between different agencies across the traditional divides that separate Convergence between the two organisations in policy areas has been accompanied by geo- civilian and military approaches. -
Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: the Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean
Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States © 2021 IAI in the Eastern Mediterranean by Adel Abdel Ghafar ABSTRACT The role played by countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the Eastern Mediterranean is becoming increasingly ISSN 2610-9603 | ISBN 978-88-9368-177-3 important. This calls for an assessment of their evolving relationship with countries in the region, as well as their involvement in the Libyan conflict. Increased involvement by Gulf actors may inflame existing regional rivalries and geopolitical tensions. The interests of GCC countries in the Eastern Mediterranean are first analysed in the broader context of regional rivalries. Special attention is then devoted to Egypt, Libya, Lebanon, Greece and Cyprus, while considering the role of other key regional actors such as Turkey and Israel. Recommendations on why and how the new US administration should intervene to decrease regional tensions are provided. Gulf countries | Eastern Mediterranean | Turkish foreign policy | Egypt | keywords Libya | Lebanon | Greece | Cyprus | Israel IAI PAPERS 21 | 06 - FEBRUARY 2021 21 | 06 - FEBRUARY IAI PAPERS Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomics: The Growing Role of Gulf States in the Eastern Mediterranean © 2021 IAI by Adel Abdel Ghafar* Introduction In August 2020, United Arab Emirates (UAE) Minister of State Anwar Gargash tweeted: “the signing of the maritime boundary demarcation agreement between Egypt and Greece is a victory for international law over the law of the jungle”.1 This thinly veiled insult, directed at Turkey, was the latest salvo in the growing competition in the Eastern Mediterranean. -
ICC-01/18 Date: 16 March 2020 PRE
ICC-01/18-111 17-03-2020 1/10 NM PT Original: English No.: ICC-01/18 Date: 16 March 2020 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Péter Kovács, Presiding Judge Judge Marc Perrin de Brichambaut Judge Reine Adélaïde Sophie Alapini-Gansou SITUATION IN THE STATE OF PALESTINE Public Amicus Curiae Submission of Observations Pursuant to Rule 103 Source: Intellectum Scientific Society (hereinafter Intellectum) No. ICC-01/18 1/10 ICC-01/18-111 17-03-2020 2/10 NM PT Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Fatou Bensouda, Prosecutor James Stewart, Deputy Prosecutor Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants (Participation/Reparation) The Office of Public Counsel for The Office of Public Counsel for the Victims Defence Paolina Massidda States’ Representatives Amici Curiae The competent authorities of the ▪ Professor John Quigley State of Palestine ▪ Guernica 37 International Justice The competent authorities of the Chambers State of Israel ▪ The European Centre for Law and Justice ▪ Professor Hatem Bazian ▪ The Touro Institute on Human Rights and the Holocaust ▪ The Czech Republic ▪ The Israel Bar Association ▪ Professor Richard Falk ▪ The Organization of Islamic Cooperation ▪ The Lawfare Project, the Institute for NGO Research, Palestinian Media Watch, & the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs ▪ MyAQSA ▪ Professor Eyal Benvenisti ▪ The Federal Republic of Germany ▪ Australia No. ICC-01/18 2/10 ICC-01/18-111 17-03-2020 3/10 NM PT ▪ UK Lawyers for Israel, B’nai B’rith UK, the International Legal Forum, the Jerusalem Initiative and the Simon Wiesenthal Centre ▪ The Palestinian Bar Association ▪ Prof. -
Automatic Exchange of Information: Status of Commitments
As of 27 September 2021 AUTOMATIC EXCHANGE OF INFORMATION (AEOI): STATUS OF COMMITMENTS1 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES IN 2017 (49) Anguilla, Argentina, Belgium, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Bulgaria, Cayman Islands, Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus2, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Gibraltar, Greece, Guernsey, Hungary, Iceland, India, Ireland, Isle of Man, Italy, Jersey, Korea, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Mexico, Montserrat, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Seychelles, Slovak Republic, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Turks and Caicos Islands, United Kingdom JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2018 (51) Andorra, Antigua and Barbuda, Aruba, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan3, The Bahamas, Bahrain, Barbados, Belize, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Canada, Chile, China, Cook Islands, Costa Rica, Curacao, Dominica4, Greenland, Grenada, Hong Kong (China), Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Lebanon, Macau (China), Malaysia, Marshall Islands, Mauritius, Monaco, Nauru, New Zealand, Niue4, Pakistan3, Panama, Qatar, Russia, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Sint Maarten4, Switzerland, Trinidad and Tobago4, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Uruguay, Vanuatu JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2019 (2) Ghana3, Kuwait5 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2020 (3) Nigeria3, Oman5, Peru3 JURISDICTIONS UNDERTAKING FIRST EXCHANGES BY 2021 (3) Albania3, 7, Ecuador3, Kazakhstan6 -
The Internalisation of Border Conflicts, Strategic Action and The
University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap This paper is made available online in accordance with publisher policies. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item and our policy information available from the repository home page for further information. To see the final version of this paper please visit the publisher’s website. Access to the published version may require a subscription. Author(s): George Christou Article Title: The European Union, borders and conflict transformation: The Case of Cyprus Year of publication: 2010 Link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1177/0010836709347213 Publisher statement: None The European Union, Borders and Conflict Transformation: The Case of Cyprus Abstract Much of the existing literature on the European Union (EU), conflict transformation and border dynamics, has been premised on the assumption that the nature of the border determines EU intervention and the consequences that flow from this in terms of EU impact. This article aims to transcend this literature through assessing how domestic interpretations influence EU border transformation in conflict situations, taking Cyprus as a case study. Moreover, its objective is to fuse the literature on EU bordering impact and perceptions of the EU’s normative projection in conflict resolution. Pursuing this line of enquiry is an attempt to depart from the notion of borders being constructed solely by unidirectional EU logics of engagement or bordering practices to a conceptualisation of the border as co-constituted space, where the interpretations of the EU’s normative projections by conflict parties, and the strategies that they pursue, can determine the relative openness of the EU border. -
Reunification of Cyprus: the Op Ssibility of Peace in the Wake of Past Failure Benjamin M
Cornell International Law Journal Volume 34 Article 5 Issue 2 2001 Reunification of Cyprus: The oP ssibility of Peace in the Wake of Past Failure Benjamin M. Meier Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Meier, Benjamin M. (2001) "Reunification of Cyprus: The osP sibility of Peace in the Wake of Past Failure," Cornell International Law Journal: Vol. 34: Iss. 2, Article 5. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol34/iss2/5 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell International Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Reunification of Cyprus: The Possibility of Peace in the Wake of Past Failure Benjamin M. Meier* Introduction ..................................................... 455 I. Background .............................................. 457 A. Establishment of the Republic of Cyprus ............... 457 B. Failure of the Republic ................................ 460 C. Turkish Invasion of Cyprus ............................ 463 1. The Invasion ...................................... 463 2. Justificationsfor the Invasion ....................... 464 D. Attempts at Reunification ............................. 465 II. Current State of the Republic of Cyprus ................... 468 III. Possibilities for Peace .................................... -
NATO Enlargement & Open Door
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Fact Sheet July 2016 NATO Enlargement & Open Door NATO’s “open door policy” is based on Article 10 of the Alliance’s founding document, the North Atlantic Treaty (1949). The Treaty states that NATO membership is open to any “European state in a position to further the principles of this Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North Atlantic area”. It states that any decision on enlargement must be made “by unanimous agreement”. NATO enlargement has helped increase stability and prosperity in Europe. It is aimed at promoting stability and cooperation, and at building a Europe united in peace, democracy and common values. Free choice NATO respects the right of every country to choose its own security arrangements. Each sovereign country has the right to choose for itself whether it joins any treaty or alliance. This fundamental principle is enshrined in international agreements, including the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris for a New Europe. NATO membership is not imposed on countries. Article 13 of the Washington Treaty specifically gives Allies the right to leave should they wish to. Process of Accession European countries that wish to join NATO are initially invited to begin an Intensified Dialogue with the Alliance about their aspirations and related reforms. Aspirants may then be invited to join the Membership Action Plan, a programme which helps nations prepare for possible future membership. Participation does not guarantee membership, but is a key preparation mechanism. To join the Alliance, nations are expected to respect the values of the North Atlantic Treaty, and to meet certain political, economic and military criteria, set out in the Alliance’s 1995 Study on Enlargement. -
The Turkey-Armenia-Azerbaijan Triangle: the Unexpected Outcomes of the Zurich Protocols Zaur SHIRIYEV* & Celia DAVIES** Abstract Key Words
The Turkey-Armenia-Azerbaijan Triangle: The Unexpected Outcomes of the Zurich Protocols Zaur SHIRIYEV* & Celia DAVIES** Abstract Key Words This paper analyses the domestic and regional Zurich Protocols, Turkish-Armenian impact of the Turkish-Armenian normalisation rapprochement/normalisation, Russo- process from the Azerbaijani perspective, with Georgian War, Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, a focus on the changing dynamic of Ankara- Azerbaijani-Turkish relations. Baku relations. This line of enquiry is informed by international contexts, notably the 2008 Russian-Georgian war and the respective roles Introduction of the US and Russia. The first section reviews the changed regional dynamic following two regional crises: the August War and the Turkish- Between 2008 and 2009, Azerbaijan’s Armenian rapprochement. The second section foreign policy was thrown into a state analyses domestic reaction in Azerbaijan among of crisis. The Russo-Georgian War in political parties, the media, and the public. The third section will consider the normalisation August 2008 followed by the attempted process, from its inception through to its Turkish-Armenian rapprochement suspension. The authors find that the crisis in process (initiated in September 2008) Turkish-Azerbaijani relations has resulted in an intensification of the strategic partnership, unsettled geopolitical perspectives across concluding that the abortive normalisation the Caucasus and the wider region, process in many ways stabilised the pre-2008 throwing traditionally perceived axes status quo in terms of the geopolitical dynamics of the region. of threats and alliances into question. Before the dust had settled on the first conflict, another was already brewing, * Zaur Shiriyev is a foreign policy analyst based destabilising many of Azerbaijan’s in Azerbaijan, a columnist for Today’s Zaman, basic foreign policy assumptions. -
GAO-01-734 NATO: U.S. Assistance to the Partnership for Peace
United States General Accounting Office GAO Report to Congressional Committees July 2001 NATO U.S. Assistance to the Partnership for Peace GAO-01-734 Contents Letter 1 Results in Brief 2 Background 3 NATO Has Expanded Four Times Since Its Inception 6 Warsaw Initiative Funds Support Five Key Programs and Target Aspirant Countries 8 Warsaw Initiative and PfP Programs Have Had Important Results and Benefits 12 Scope and Methodology 19 Agency Comments and Our Evaluation 21 Appendix I Other Warsaw Initiative Interoperability Programs 22 Appendix II Other U.S. Security Assistance Provided to Partner Countries, 1994 Through 2000 25 Appendix III Comments From the Department of State 26 Tables Table1: Major Warsaw Initiative Program Categories by Cost, Fiscal Years 1994 Through 2000 (millions of dollars) 9 Table 2: Regional Peacekeeping Units Formed With Assistance From Warsaw Initiative Programs 15 Figures Figure 1: Membership in NATO, EU, MAP and PfP 5 Figure 2: Accessions to NATO by Date, 1949 Through 1999, MAP Countries and Other PfP Members 7 Figure 3: Distribution of $590 Million in U.S. Warsaw Initiative Funds by Region, 1994 Through 2000 11 Figure 4: Partner Troops as a Percentage of All Troops in NATO-led Peacekeeping Forces in the Balkans, 1996 Through 1999 13 Figure 5: Effectiveness of Selected Defense- and State-Funded Warsaw Initiative Programs in 12 Central and Eastern Page i GAO-01-734 Partnership for Peace European Partner States, as a Percentage of Total Cost of Programs Assessed, 1994 Through 2000 17 Figure 6: Effectiveness of Defense-Funded Warsaw Initiative Programs in Nine New Independent States, as a Percentage of the Total Cost of Programs Assessed, 1994 Through 2000 18 Page ii GAO-01-734 Partnership for Peace United States General Accounting Office Washington, DC 20548 July 20, 2001 The Honorable Joseph R. -
Eu-Nato Cooperation
November 2018 #EUDefence EU-NATO COOPERATION In the current strategic environment, with unprecedented challenges emanating from the South and the East, cooperation between the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) is essential. The security of EU and NATO are inter-connected: not only are 22 EU Member States also NATO Allies; together, they can also mobilise a broad range of tools and make the most efficient use of resources to address those challenges and enhance the security of their citizens. EU-NATO cooperation constitutes an integral pillar of the EU’s work aimed at strengthening European security and defence, as part of the implementation of the EU Global Strategy. It also contributes to Trans-Atlantic burden sharing. A stronger EU and a stronger NATO are mutually reinforcing. A NEW ERA OF INTERACTION On 8 July 2016, the President of the European Council and the President of the European Commission, together with the Secretary General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization signed a Joint Declaration in Warsaw with a view to giving new impetus and new substance to the EU-NATO strategic partnership. It outlined seven concrete areas where cooperation between the two organisations should be enhanced: 1. countering hybrid threats; 2. operational cooperation including at sea and on migration; 3. cyber security and defence; 4. defence capabilities; 5. defence industry and research; 6. exercises; 7. supporting Eastern and Southern partners’ capacity-building efforts.. Photo: Donald Tusk, Jens Stoltenberg and Jean-Claude Juncker (from left to right) On the basis of the mandate by the Joint Declaration, common sets of proposals were endorsed by the EU and NATO Councils in December 2016 and 2017.